Washington  the  Soldier 


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KNOWING 

THAT    ALL   WHO    ASPIRE    AFTER    INTELLIGENT    FREEDOM    SHALL    FIND 

THE     WATCHWORD     OF     WASHINGTON      THE      SOLDIER  — 

"FOB   THE    SAKE    OF    GOD    AND    COUNTRY  "  — 

THEIR     LOFTIEST     INCENTIVE. 


216948 


PREFACE 

TO   THE   SECOND    EDITION. 


SINCE  the  first  appearance  of  this  volume,  during  the 
winter  of  1898-9,  the  author  has  considerately  re 
garded  all  letters  and  literary  comments-  received  by  him, 
as  well  as  other  recent  works  upon  the  life  and  times  of 
Washington.  His  original  purpose  to  treat  his  subject 
judicially,  regardless  of  unverified  tradition,  has  been 
confirmed. 

Washington's  sublime  conception  of  America,  noticed  in 
Chapter  XXXVI.,  foreshadowed  "a  stupendous  fabric  of 
freedom  and  empire,  on  the  broad  basis  of  Independency," 
through  which  the  "  poor  and  oppressed  of  all  races  and 
religions  "  might  find  encouragement  and  solace. 

The  war  with  Spain  has  made  both  a  moral  and  physical 
impress  upon  the  judgment  and  conscience  of  the  entire 
world.  Unqualified  by  a  single  disaster  on  land  or  sea, 
and  never  diverted  from  humane  and  honorable  methods^ 
it  illustrates  the  intelligent  patriotism  and  exhaust-less 
resources  of  our  country,  and  a  nearer  realization  of 
Washington's  prayer  for  America. 

Looking  to  the  general  trend  of  Washington's  military 
career,  it  is  emphasized,  throughout  the  volume,  that  the 
moral,  religious,  and  patriotic  motives  that  energized  his 
life  and  shaped  his  character  were  so  absolutely  inter, 
woven  with  the  fibre  of  his  professional  experiences,  that 


vi  PREFACE   TO   THE   SECOND  EDITION. 

the    soul    of    the    Man    magnified    the    greatness   of    the 
Soldier. 

In  connection  with  Washington's  relations  to  General 
Braddock,  mentioned  in  the  First  Chapter,  it  is  worthy  of 
permanent  record  that  Virginia  would  not  sanction,  nor 
would  Washington  accept  assignment,  except  as  Chief  of 
Staff.  He  was  not  a  simple  Aid-de-Camp,  but  of  recognized 
and  responsible  military  merit. 

HENRY   B.    CARRINGTON. 

HVDE  PARK,  MASS., 

September  21,  1899. 


PREFACE. 


THE  text  of  this  volume,  completed  in  the  spring  of 
1898  and  not  since  modified,  requires  a  different 
Preface  from  that  first  prepared.  The  events  of  another 
war  introduce  applications  of  military  principles  which 
have  special  interest.  This  is  the  more  significant  be 
cause  modern  appliances  have  been  developed  with  start 
ling  rapidity,  while  general  legislation  and  the  organization 
of  troops,  both  regular  and  volunteer,  have  been  very 
similar  to  those  of  the  times  of  Washington,  and  of  later 
American  wars. 

His  letters,  his  orders,  his  trials,  his  experiences ;  the 
diversities  of  judgment  between  civilians  and  military 
men ;  between  military  men  of  natural  aptitudes  and 
those  of  merely  professional  or  accidental  training,  as 
well  as  the  diversities  of  personal  and  local  interest,  indi 
cate  the  value  of  Washington's  example  and  the  charac 
ter  of  his  time.  Hardly  a  single  experience  in  his  career 
has  not  been  realized  by  officers  and  men  in  these  latter 
days. 

A  very  decided  impression,  however,  has  obtained 
among  educated  men,  including  those  of  the  military  pro 
fession,  that  Washington  had  neither  the  troops,  resources, 
and  knowledge,  nor  the  broad  range  of  field  service  which 
have  characterized  modern  warfare,  and  therefore  lacked 
material  elements  which  develop  the  typical  soldier.  But 
more  recent  military  operations  upon  an  extensive  scale, 
especially  those  of  the  Franco-Prussian  War,  and  the 
American  Civil  War  of  1861-1865,  have  supplied  mate 
rial  for  better  appreciation  of  the  principles  that  were 


viii  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

involved  in  the  campaigns  of  the  War  for  American  In 
dependence,  as  compared  with  those  of  Napoleon,  Wel 
lington,  Maryborough,  Frederick,  Hannibal,  and  Caesar. 

With  full  allowance  for  changes  in  army  and  battle 
formation,  tactical  action  and  armament,  as  well  as 
greater  facilities  for  the  transportation  of  troops  and 
army  supplies,  it  remains  true  that  the  relative  effect  of 
all  these  changes  upon  success  in  war  upon  a  grand  scale, 
has  not  been  the  modification  of  those  principles  of  mili 
tary  science  which  have  shaped  battle  action  and  the  gen 
eral  conduct  of  war,  from  the  earliest  period  of  authentic 
military  history.  The  formal  "  Maxims  of  Napoleon " 
were  largely  derived  from  his  careful  study  of  the  cam 
paigns  of  Frederick,  Hannibal,  and  Ctusar ;  and  these, 
with  the  principles  involved,  had  specific  and  sometimes 
literal  illustration  in  the  eventful  operations  of  the  armies 
of  the  Hebrew  Commonwealth.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
those  early  Hebrew  experiences  were  nearly  as  potential 
in  shaping  the  methods  of  modern  generals,  as  their  civil 
code  became  the  formative  factor  in  all  later  civil  codes, 
preeminently  those  of  the  English  Common  Law.  The 
very  best  civil,  police,  and  criminal  regulations  of  modern 
enactment  hold  closely  to  Hebrew  antecedents.  And  in 
military  lines,  the  organization  of  regiments  by  compa 
nies,  and  the  combinations  of  regiments  as  brigades, 
divisions  and  corps,  still  rest  largely  upon  the  same  deci 
mal  basis  ;  and  neither  the  Roman  legion  nor  the  Grecian 
phalanx  improved  upon  that  basis.  Even  the  Hebrew 
militia,  or  reserves,  had  such  well-established  comprehen 
sion  of  the  contingency  of  the  entire  nation  being  called 
to  the  field,  or  subjected  to  draft,  that  as  late  as  the 
advent  of  Christ,  when  he  ordered  the  multitudes  to  be 
seated  upon  the  grass  for  refreshment,  "they  seated 
themselves  in  companies  of  hundreds  and  fifties."  Tlie 
sanitary  and  police  regulations  of  their  camps  have  hdver 


PREFACE.        'ii      'V  ix: 

been  surpassed,  nor  their  provision  for  the  cleanliness, 
health,  and  comfort  of  the  rank  and  file.  From  earliest 
childhood  they  were  instructed  in  their  national  history 
and  its  glorious  achievements,  and  the  whole  people 
rejoiced  in  the  gallant  conduct  of  any. 

Changes  in  arms,  and  especially  in  projectiles,  only 
induced  modified  tactical  formation  and  corresponding 
movements.  The  division  of  armies  into  a  right,  centre, 
and  left,  with  a  well-armed  and  well-trained  reserve,  was 
illustrated  in  their  earliest  battle  record.  The  latest 
modern  formation,  which  makes  of  the  regiment,  by  its 
three  battalion  formation,  a  miniature,  brigade,  is  chiefly 
designed  to  give  greater  individual  value  to  the  soldier, 
and  not  subject  compact  masses  to  the  destructive  sweep 
of  modern  missiles.  It  also  makes  the  force  more  mobile, 
as  well  as  more  comprehensive  of  territory  within  its 
range  of  fire.  All  this,  however,  is  matter  of  detail  and 
not  of  substance,  in  the  scientific  conduct  of  campaigns 
during  a  protracted  and  widely  extended  series  of  opera 
tions  in  the  field. 

Military  science  itself  is  but  the  art  of  employing  force 
to  vindicate,  or  execute,  authority.  To  meet  an  emer 
gency  adequately,  wisely,  and  successfully,  is  the  expres 
sive  logic  of  personal,  municipal,  and  military  action. 
The  brain  power  is  banded  to  various  shaftings,  and  the 
mental  processes  may  differ  by  virtue  of  different  appli 
cations  ;  but  the  prime  activities  are  the  same.  In 
military  studies,  as  in  all  collegiate  or  social  preparation, 
the  soldier,  the  lawyer,  or  the  scientist,  must  be  in  the 
man,  and  not  the  necessary  product  of  a  certificate  oi"  a 
diploma.  The  simplest  possible  definition  of  a  few  terms 
in  military  use  will  elucidate  the  narrative  as  its  events 
develop  the  War  for  American  Independence,  under  the 
direction  of  Washington  as  Gommander-in-Chief.  ,111 

Six  cardinal  principles  are  thus  .stated:  ,'.  >r:  iif;  \J'!  ; 


x  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

I.  STRATEGY.  —  To  secure  those  combinations  which 
will  ensure  the  highest  possible  advantage  in  the  employ 
ment  of  military  force. 

NOTE.  —  The  strategical  principles  which  controlled  the  Revolu 
tionary  campaigns,  as  defined  in  Chapter  X.  had  their  correspond 
ence  in  1861-1865,  when  the  Federal  right  zone,  or  belt  of  war,  was 
beyond  the  Mississippi  River,  and  the  left  zone  between  the  Alle- 
ghany  Mountains  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  The  Confederate  forces, 
with  base  at  Richmond,  commanded  an  interior  line  westward,  so 
that  the  same  troops  could  be  alternatively  used  against  the  Federal 
right,  left,  and  centre,  while  the  latter  must  make  a  long  detour  to 
support  its  advance  southward  from  the  Ohio  River.  Federal  superi 
ority  on  sea  and  river  largely  contributed  to  success.  American 
sea-control  in  1898,  so  suddenly  and  completely  secured,  was 
practically  omnipotent  in  the  war  with  Spain.  The  navy,  was  a 
substantially  equipped  force  at  the  start.  The  army,  had  largely  to 
be  created,  when  instantly  needed,  to  meet  the  naval  advance. 
Legislation  also  favored  the  navy  by  giving  to  the  commander-in- 
chief  the  services  of  eminent  retired  veterans  as  an  advisory  board, 
while  excluding  military  men  of  recent  active  duty  from  similar 
advisory  and  administrative  service. 

II.  GRAND  TACTICS. — To    handle   that   force    in   the 
field. 

NOTE.  —  See  Chapter  XVII.,  where  the  Battle  of  Brandywine, 
through  the  disorder  of  Sullivan's  Division,  unaccustomed  to  act  as 
a  Division,  or  as  a  part  of  a  consolidated  Grand  Division  or  Corps, 
exactly  fulfilled  the  conditions  which  made  the  first  Battle  of  Bull 
Run  disasterous  to  the  American  Federal  Army  in  1861.  Subsequent 
skeleton  drills  below  Arlington  Heights,  were  designed  to  quicken  the 
proficiency  of  fresh  troops,  in  the  alignments,  wheelings,  and  turns, 
so  indispensable  to  concert  in  action  upon  an  extensive  scale.  In 
1898  the  fresh  troops  were  largely  from  militia  organizations  which 
had  been  trained  in  regimental  movements.  School  battalions  and 
the  military  exercises  of  many  benevolent  societies  had  also  been 
conducive  to  readiness  for  tactical  instruction.  The  large  Camps  of 
Instruction  were  also  indispensably  needed.  Here  again,  time  was 
an  exacting  master  of  the  situation. 

III.  LOGISTICS.  —  The  practical  art  of  bringing  armies, 
fully  equipped,  to  the  battlefield. 


PREFACE.  xi 

NOTE. — In  America  where  the  standing  army  has  been  of  only 
nominal  strength,  although  well  officered ;  and  where  militia  are  the 
main  reliance  in  time  of  war ;  and  where  varied  State  systems  rival 
those  of  Washington's  painful  experience,  the  principle  of  Logistics, 
with  its  departments  of  transportation  and  infinite  varieties  of  sup 
ply,  is  vital  to  wholesome  and  economic  success.  The  war  with 
Spain  which  commenced  April  21,  1898,  illustrated  this  principle  to 
an  extent  never  before  realized  in  the  world's  history.  Familiarity 
with  details,  on  so  vast  a  scale  of  physical  and  financial  activity,  was 
impossible,  even  if  every  officer  of  the  regular  army  had  been  as 
signed  to  executive  duty.  The  education  and  versatile  capacity  of 
the  American  citizen  had  to  be  utilized.  Their  experience  fur 
nished  object-lessons  for  all  future  time. 

IV.  ENGINEERING.  — The  application   of  mathematics 
and  mechanics  to  the  maintenance  or  reduction  of  fortified 
places  ;  the  interposition  or  removal  of  artificial  obstruc 
tions  to  the  passage  of  an  army ;  and  the  erection  of  suit 
able  works  for  the  defence  of  territory  or  troops. 

NOTE.  —  The  invention  and  development  of  machinery  and  the 
marvellous  range  of  mechanical  art,  through  chemical,  electrical,  and 
other  superhuman  agencies,  afforded  the  American  Government  an 
immediate  opportunity  to  supplement  its  Engineer  Corps  in  1898, 
with  skilled  auxiliaries.  In  fact,  the  structure  of  American  society 
and  the  trend  of  American  thought  and  enterprise,  invariably  demand 
the  best  results.  What  is  mechanically  necessary,  will  be  invented, 
if  not  at  hand.  That  is  good  engineering. 

V.  MINOR  TACTICS.  —  The  instruction  of  the  soldier, 
individually  and  en  masse,  in  the  details  of  military  drill, 
the  use  of  his  weapon,  and  the  perfection  of  discipline. 

NOTE.  — Washington  never  lost  sight  of  the  set-up  of  the  individ 
ual  soldier,  as  the  best  dependence  in  the  hour  of  battle.  Self-reli 
ance,  obedience  to  orders,  and  confidence  in  success,  were  enjoined 
as  the  conditions  of  success.  His  system  of  competitive  marksman 
ship,  of  rifle  ranges,  and  burden  tests,  was  initiated  early  in  his  career, 
and  was  conspicuously  enjoined  before  Brooklyn,  and  elsewhere, 
during  the  war. 

The  American  soldier  of  1898  became  invincible,  man  for  man, 
because  of  his  intelligent  response  to  individual  discipline  and  drill. 
Failure  in  either,  whether  of  officer  or  soldier,  shaped  character  and 


xii  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

result.  As  with  the  ancient  Hebrew,  citizenship  meant  knowledge 
of  organic  law  and  obedience  to  its  behests.  Every,  individual,  there 
fore,  when  charged  with  the  central  electric  force,  became  a  relay 
battery,  to  conserve,  intensify,  and  distribute  that  force. 

VI.  STATESMANSHIP  ix  WAR.  —  This  is  illustrated 
by  the  suggestion  of  Christ,  that  "a  king  going  to  war 
with  another  king  would  sit  down  first  and  count  the 
cost,  whether  he  would  be  able  with  ten  thousand  to  meet 
him  that  cometh  against  him  with  twenty  thousand." 

NOTE.  —  American  statesmanship  in  1898,  exacted  other  appli 
ances  than  those  of  immediate!}1-  available  physical  force.  The  costly 
and  insufferable  relations  of  the  Spanish  West  Indies  to  the  United 
States,  had  become  pestilential.  No  self-respecting  nation,  else 
where,  would  have  as  long  withheld  the. only  remedy.  Cuba  was 
dying  to  be  free.  Spain,  unwilling,  or  unable,  to  grant  an  honorable 
and  complete  autonomy  to  her  despairing  subjects,  precipitated  war 
with  the  United  States.  The  momentum  of  a  supreme  moral  force  in 
behalf  of  humanity  at  large,  .so  energized  the  entire  American  people 
that  every  ordinary  unpreparedness  failed  to  lessen  the  effectiveness  of 
the  stroke. 

It  was  both  statesmanship  and  strategy,  to  strike  so  suddenly  that 
neither  climatic  changes,  indigenous  diseases,  nor  tropical  cyclones, 
could  gain  opportunity  to  do  their  mischief.  When  these  supposed 
allies  of  Spain  were  brushed  aside,  as  powerless  to  stay  the  advance 
of  American  arms  in  behalf  of  starving  thousands,  and  a  fortunate 
occasion  was  snatched,  just  in  time  for  victory,  it  proved  to  be  such 
an  achievement  as  Washington  would  have  pronounced  a  direct 
manifestation  of  Divine  favor. 

But  the  character  of  Washington  as  a  soldier  is  not  to 
be  determined  by  the  numerical  strength  of  the  armies 
engaged  in  single  battles,  nor  by  the  resources  and  geo 
graphical  conditions  of  later  times.  The  same  general 
principles  have  ever  obtained,  and  ever  will  control 
human  judgment.  Transportation  and  inter-comniunica- 
tion  are  relative  ;  and  the  slow  mails  and  travel  of  Revo 
lutionary  times,  alike  affected  both  armies,  with  no  partial 
benefit  or  injury  to  either.  The  British  had  better  com* 
munication  bv  water,  but  not  bv  land  ;  with  the  disadviin- 


PREFACE.  xni 

tage  of  campaigning  through  an  unknown  and  intricate 
country,  peopled  by  their  enemies,  whenever  not  covered 
by  the  guns  of  their  fleet.  The  American  expedition  to 
Cuba  in  1898  had  not  only  the  support  of  invincible 
fleets,  but  the  native  population  were  to  be  the  auxiliaries, 
as  well  as  the  beneficiaries  of  the  mighty  movement. 

Baron  Jornini,  in  his  elaborate  history  of  the  cam 
paigns  of  Napoleon,  analyzes  that  general's  success  over 
his  more  experienced  opponents,  upon  the  basis  of  his 
observance  or  neglect  of  the  military  principles  already 
outlined.  The  dash  and  vigor  of  his  first  Italian  cam 
paign  were  indeed  characteristic  of  a  young  soldier  im 
patient  of  the  habitually  tardy  deliberations  of  the  old- 
school  movements.  Napoleon  discounted  time  by  action. 
He  benumbed  his  adversary  by  the  suddenness  and  feroc 
ity  of  his  stroke.  But  never,  even  in  that  wonderful 
campaign,  did  Napoleon  strike  more  suddenly  and  effec 
tively,  than  did  Washington  on  Christinas  night,  1776, 
at  Trenton.  And  Napoleon's  following-up  blow  was  not 
more  emphatic,  in  its  results,  than  was  Washington's 
attack  upon  Princeton,  a  week  later,  when  the  British 
army  already  regarded  his  capture  as  a  simple  morn 
ing  privilege.  Such  inspirations  of  military  prescience 
belong  to  every  age ;  and  often  they  shorten  wars  by 
their  determining  value. 

As  a  sound  basis  for  a  right  estimate  of  Washington's 
military  career,  and  to  avoid  tedious  episodes  respecting 
the  acts  and  methods  of  many  generals  who  were  asso 
ciated  with  him  at  the  commencement  of  the  Revolu 
tionary  War,  a  brief  synopsis  of  the  career  of  each  will 
find  early  notice.  The  dramatis personce  of  the  Revolu 
tionary  drama  are  thus  made  the  group  of  which  he  is  to 
be  the  centre  ;  and  his  current  orders,  correspondence, 
and  criticisms  of  their  conduct,  will  furnish  his  valuation 
of  the  character  and  services  of  each.  The  single  fact, 


xiv  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

that  no  general  officer  of  the  first  appointments  actively 
shared  in  the  immediate  siege  of  Yorktown,  adds  in 
terest  to  this  advance  outline  of  their  personal  history. 

For  the  same  purpose,  and  as  a  logical  predicate  for 
his  early  comprehension  of  the  real  issues  involved  in  a 
contest  with  Great  Britain,  an  outline  of  events  which 
preceded  hostilities  is  introduced,  embracing,  however, 
only  those  Colonial  antecedents  which  became  emotional 
factors  in  forming  his  character  and  energizing  his  life  as 
a  soldier. 

The  maps,  which  illustrate  only  the  immediate  cam 
paigns  of  Washington,  or  related  territory  which  required 
his  supervision,  are  reduced  from  those  used  in  "  Battle 
Maps  and  Charts  of  the  American  Revolution."  The 
map  entitled  "  Operations  near  New  York,"  was  the  first 
one  drafted,  at  Tarrytown,  New  York.  In  1847,  it  was 
approved  by  Washington  Irving,  then  completing  his 
Life  of  Washington,  and  his  judgment  determined  the 
plan  of  the  future  work.  All  of  the  maps,  however, 
before  engravure,  had  the  minute  examination  and  ap 
proval  of  Benson  J.  Lossing.  The  present  volume  owes 
its  preparation  to  the  personal  request  of  the  late  Robert 
C.  Winthrop,  of  Massachusetts,  made  shortly  before  his 
decease,  and  is  completed,  with  ever-present  appreciation 
of  his  aid  and  his  friendship. 

HENRY  B.  CARRINGTON. 

HYDE  PARK,  MASS.,  Sept.  1,  1898, 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS 


CHAPTEE   I.  PAGE 

^ 

EARLY  APTITUDES  FOR  SUCCESS      .  1 

CHAPTER   II. 
THE  FERMENT  OF  AMERICAN  LIBERTY    .  10 

CHAPTER  III. 
THE  OUTBREAK  OF  REPRESSED  LIBERTY  20 


CHAPTER  IV. 
ARMED  AMERICA  NEEDS  A  SOLDIER        .  31 


CHAPTER  V. 

WASHINGTON  IN  COMMAND     .  41 

CHAPTER   VI. 
BRITISH  CANADA  ENTERS  THE  FIELD  OF  ACTION     .  50 

CHAPTER  VII. 
HOWE  SUCCEEDS  GATES.  —  CLOSING  SCENES  OF  1775      .         58 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
AMERICA  AGAINST  BRITAIN.  —  BOSTON  TAKEN  68 

CHAPTER  IX. 
SYSTEMATIC  WAR  WITH  BRITAIN  BEGUN  82 


xvi  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   X.  PAGE 

BRITAIN    AGAINST     AMERICA.   -  -  HOWE    INVADES    NEW 

YORK 93 

CHAPTEE  XI. 
BATTLE  OF  LONG  ISLAND        .         .        •";         .         .          .        101 

CHAPTEE  XII. 
WASHINGTON  IN  NEW  YORK  .         .         .         .         .         .114 

CHAPTEE  XIII. 
WASHINGTON  TENDERS,  AND  HOWE  DECLINES,  BATTLE.  — 

HARLEM  HEIGHTS  AND  WHITE  PLAINS     .          .          .125 

CHAPTEE  XIV. 
THE  FIRST  NEW  JERSEY   CAMPAIGN. — TRENTON    .          .        134 

CHAPTEE   XV. 
THE     FIRST     NEW     JERSEY     CAMPAIGN    DEVELOPED.  — 

PRINCETON 150 

CHAPTEE   XVI. 
THE    AMERICAN  BASE   OF    OPERATIONS   ESTABLISHED.  - 

THE  SECOND  NEW  JERSEY  CAMPAIGN      .         .         .160 

CHAPTEE  XVII. 
BRITISH  INVASION   FROM  CANADA.  —  OPERATIONS  ALONG 

THE  HUDSON  .         ..         .         .         .         .         .         .       171 

CHAPTEE  XVIII. 
PENNSYLVANIA  INVADED. — BATTLE  OF  BRAND YWINE       .       181 

CHAPTEE  XIX. 
WASHINGTON    RESUMES    THE    OFFENSIVE.  —  BATTLE    OF 

GERMANTOWN          .         .         .         .         .         .         .192 

CHAPTEE   XX. 
JEALOUSY  AND   GREED  DEFEATED.  — VALLEY  FORGE       .       198 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS.  xvii 

CHAPTEE  XXI.  PAGE 

PHILADELPHIA  AND  VALLEY  FORGE  IN  WINTER,  1778     .       210 

CHAPTER   XXII. 
FROM    VALLEY    FORGE     TO   WHITE    PLAINS     AGAIN.  — 

BATTLE  OF  MONMOUTH    .         .         .          .          .         .221 

CHAPTER   XXIII. 
THE  ALLIANCE   WITH    FRANCE    TAKES    EFFECT.  —  SIEGE 

OF  NEWPORT 238 

CHAPTER   XXIV. 
MINOR  EVENTS  AND  GRAVE  CONDITIONS,   1779        .          .       246 

CHAPTER   XXV. 

MINOR     OPERATIONS     OF     1779      CONTINUED.  —  STONY 

POINT    TAKEN.  —  NEW    ENGLAND  RELIEVED   .         .       255 

CHAPTER   XXVI. 

SHIFTING  SCENES.  —  TEMPER  OF  THE  PEOPLE.  —  SAVAN 
NAH         263 

CHAPTER   XXVII. 
THE  EVENTFUL   YEAR  1780. — NEW  JERSEY  ONCE  MORE 

INVADED 269 

CHAPTER   XXVIII. 
BATTLE  OF  SPRINGFIELD. — ROCIIAMBEAU.  —  ARNOLD.— 

GATES    .          .         .          .          .         .         .  .282 

CHAPTER   XXIX. 
A  BIRD'S-EYE  VIEW  OF  THE  THEATRE  OF  WAR      .          .       294 

CHAPTER   XXX. 
THE   SOLDIER  TTIIED.  —  AMERICAN    MUTINY.  —  FOREIGN 

JUDGMENT. — ARNOLD'S  DEPREDATIONS   .         .          .       304 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 
THE  SOUTHERN  CAMPAIGN,  1781,  OUTLINED.  —  COWPENS. 

—  GUILFORD  COURT-HOUSE.  —  EUTAW  SPRINGS         .       312 


xviii  TABLE    OF    CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   XXXII.  PAGE 

LAFAYETTE    IN    PURSUIT    OF    ARNOLD.  —  THE    END   IN 

SIGHT.  —  ARNOLD  IN  THE  BRITISH  ARMY         .         .       323 

CHAPTER   XXXIII. 
NEW  YORK  AND  YORKTOWN  THREATENED.  —  CORNWALLIS 

INCLOSED  BY  LAFAYETTE       .  ...    333 

CHAPTER   XXXIV. 
BRITISH  CAPTAINS  OUTGENERALED.  —  WASHINGTON  JOINS 

LAFAYETTE      ....  .       344 

CHAPTER   XXXV. 

THE  ALLIANCE  WITH  FRANCE  VINDICATED.  —  WASHING 
TON'S  MAGNANIMITY.  —  His  BENEDICTION         .         .       352 

CHAPTER  XXXVI. 
WASHINGTON'S   PREDICTION  REALIZED.  —  THE  ATTITUDE 

OF  AMERICA  PRONOUNCED        .  366 


APPENDIX  A.  —  American  Army,  by  States  .         .  .  377 

APPENDIX  B.  —  American  Navy  and  its  Career       .  .  378 

APPENDIX  C.  —  Comparisons  with  Later  Wars       .  .  380 

APPENDIX  D.  —  British  Army,  at  Various  Dates    .  .  383 

APPENDIX  E.  —  Organization  of  Burgoyne'3  Army  .  387 

APPENDIX  F.  —  Organization  of  Cornwallis's  Army  .  388 

APPENDIX  G.  —  Notes  of  Lee's  Court-martial  389 


GLOSSARY  OF  MILITARY  TERMS       .  .         .       393 

CHRONOLOGICAL  AND  BIOGRAPHICAL  INDEX    .         .         .       397 


LIST  OF   ILLUSTRATIONS  AND   MAPS. 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

WASHINGTON  ....  .  Frontispiece. 

[Hall's  engraving  from  the  St.  Memin  crayon.] 

WASHINGTON  AT  FOUR  PERIODS  OF  HIS  MILITARY  CAREER,         40 

[From  etching,  after  Hall's  Sons'  group.] 

WASHINGTON  AT  BOSTON         ......         80 

[From  Stuart's  painting,  in  Faneuil  Hall,  Boston.] 

WASHINGTON  BEFORE  TRENTON   ....       143 

[From  Dael's  painting.] 

WASHINGTON  IN  HIS  ROOM  AT  VALLEY  FORGE        .         .       207 

[From  the  painting  by  Scheuster.] 


MAPS. 

I.  —  OUTLINE  OF  THE  ATLANTIC  COAST     ...  1 

II.  —  BOSTON  AND  VICINITY 69 

III.  —  BATTLE  OF  LONG  ISLAND                                       .  105 

TV. — OPERATIONS  NEAR  NEW  YORK           .         .         .  125 

V. — CAPTURE  OF  FORT  WASHINGTON        .         .         .  132 

VI. — TRENTON  AND  VICINITY    .                            .  144 

VII. — BATTLE  OF  TRENTON:  BATTLE  OF  PRINCETON    .  151 

VIII.  —  OPERATIONS  IN  NEW  JERSEY     .                             .  161 

IX.  —  ATTACK  OF  FORTS  CLINTON  AND  MONTGOMERY  .  179 

X.  —  BATTLE  OF  BRANDYWINE  .                                      .  186 

XI, — BATTLE  OF  GERMANTOWN           .          .                   .  196 

xii 


xx  ILLUSTRATIONS    AND    MAPS. 

PAGE 

XII.  —  OPERATIONS  ON  THE  DELAWARE     .          .          .  202 

XIII.  —  OPERATIONS  NEAR  PHILADELPHIA   .         .         .  204 

XIV.  —  ENCAMPMENT  AT  VALLEY  FORGE    .          .          .  211 
XV.  —  BATTLE  OF  MONMOUTH           ....  224 

XVI.  — OUTLINE  MAP  OF  HUDSON  RIVER  .         '-.       '  .  •   ;255 
XVII.  —  BATTLE   OF    SPRINGFIELD  :    OPERATIONS    FROM 

STATEN  ISLAND 283 

XVIII.  —  LAFAYETTE  IN  VIRGINIA         ....       339 

XIX.  —  OPERATIONS  IN  CHESAPEAKE  BAY  .   '      .         .       355 

XX.  —  SIEGE  OF  YORKTOWX     ...  .       357 


WASHINGTON   THE   SOLDIER. 


CHAPTER   I. 

EARLY    APTITUDES    FOR    SUCCESS. 

riHHE  boyhood  and  youth  of  George  Washington  were 
1  singularly  in  harmony  with  those  aptitudes  and 
tastes  that  shaped  his  entire  life.  He  was  not  quite 
eight  years  of  age  when  his  elder  brother,  Lawrence, 
fourteen  years  his  senior,  returned  from  England  where 
he  had  been  carefully  educated,  and  where  he  had  devel 
oped  military  tastes  that  were  hereditary  in  the  family. 
Lawrence  secured  a  captain's  commission  in  a  freshly 
organized  regiment,  and  engaged  in  service  in  the  West 
Indies,  with  distinguished  credit.  His  letters,  counsels, 
and  example  inspired  the  younger  brother  with  similar 
zeal.  Irving  says  that  "all  his  amusements  took  a  mili 
tary  turn.  He  made  soldiers  of  his  school-mates.  They 
had  their  mimic  parades,  reviews,  and  sham-fights.  A 
boy  named  William  Bustle,  was  sometimes  his  competitor, 
but  George  was  commander-in-chief  of  the  school." 

His  business  aptitudes  were  equally  exact,  methodical, 
and  promising.  Besides  fanciful  caligraphy,  which  ap 
peared  in  manuscript  school-books,  wherein  he  executed 
profiles  of  his  school-mates,  with  a  flourish  of  the  pen,  as 
well  as  nondescript  birds,  Irving  states  that  "  before  he 


2  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

was  thirteen  years  of  age,  he  had  copied  into  a  volume, 
forms  of  all  kinds  of  mercantile  and  legal  papers  :  bills  of 
exchange,  notes  of  hand,  deeds,  bonds,  and  the  like." 
"This  self-tuition  gave  him  throughout  life  a  lawyer's 
skill  in  drafting  documents,  and  a  merchant's  exactness 
in  keeping  accounts,  so  that  all  the  concerns  of  his  various 
estates,  his  dealings  with  his  domestic  stewards  and 
foreign  agents,  his  accounts  with  government,  and  all  his 
financial  transactions,  are,  to  this  day,  monuments  of  his 
method  and  unwearied  accuracy." 

Even  as  a  boy,  his  frame  had  been  large  and  powerful, 
and  he  is  described  by  Captain  Mercer  "  as  straight  as  an 
Indian,  measuring  six  feet  and  two  inches  in  his  stockings, 
and  weighing  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  pounds,  when 
he  took  his  seat  in  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses  in 
1759.  His  head  is  well  shaped  though  not  large,  but 
is  gracefully  poised  on  a  superb  neck,  with  a  large 
and  straight  rather  than  a  prominent  nose ;  blue-gray 
penetrating  eyes,  which  were  widely  separated  and  over 
hung  by  heavy  brows.  A  pleasing,  benevolent,  though 
a  commanding  countenance,  dark-brown  hair,  features 
regular  and  placid,  with  all  the  muscles  under  perfect 
control,  with  a  mouth  large,  and  generally  firmly  closed," 
complete  the  picture.  The  bust  by  Houdon  at  the 
Capitol  of  Virginia,  and  the  famous  St.  Meinin  crayon, 
fully  accord  with  this  description  of  Washington. 

His  training  and  surroundings  alike  ministered  to  his 
natural  conceptions  of  a  useful  and  busy  life.  In  the 
midst  of  abundant  game,  he  became  proficient  in  its  pur 
suit.  Living  where  special  pride  was  taken  in  the  cul 
tivation  of  good  stock,  and  where  nearly  all  travel  and 
neighborly  visitation  was  upon  horseback,  he  learned  the 
value  of  a  good  horse,  and  was  always  well  mounted. 
Competition  in  saddle  exercise  was,  therefore,  one  of  the 
most  pleasing  and  constant  entertainments  of  himself  and 


EARLY:  APTITUDES  FOR  SUCCESS.  3 

companions,  and  in  its  enjoyment,  and  in  many  festive 
tournaments  that  revived  something  of  the  olden-time 
chivalry  of  knighthood,  Washington  was  not  only  profi 
cient,  but  foremost  in  excellence  of  attainment. 

Rustic  recreations  such  as  quoits,  vaulting,  wrestling, 
leaping,  the  foot-race,  hunting  and  fishing,  were  parts 
of  his  daily  experience,  and  thoroughly  in  the  spirit  of 
the  Old  Dominion  home  life  of  the  well-bred  gentleman. 
The  gallantry  of  the  times  and  the  social  amenities  of 

c  «/ 

that  section  of  the  country  were  specially  adapted  to  his 
temperament,  so  that  in  these,  also,  he  took  the  palm  of 
recognized  merit.  The  lance  and  the  sword,  arid  every 
accomplishment  of  mimic  warfare  in  the  scale  of  heraldic 
observance,  usual  at  that  period,  were  parts  of  his  panoply, 
to  be  enjoyed  with  keenest  relish,  until  his  name  became 
synonymous  with  success  in  all  for  which  he  seriously 
struggled.  Tradition  does  not  exaggerate  the  historic 
record  of  his  proficiency  in  these  inanly  sports. 

Frank  by  nature,  although  self-contained  and  some 
what  reticent  in  expression  ;  unsuspicious  of  others,  but 
ever  ready  to  help  the  deserving  needy,  or  the  unfort 
unate  competitor  who  vainly  struggled  for  other  sym 
pathy,  he  became  the  natural  umpire,  at  the  diverting 
recreations  of  his  times,  and  commanded  a  respectful  con 
fidence  far  beyond  that  of  others  of  similar  age  and  posi 
tion  in  society.  With  all  this,  a  sense  of  justice  and  a 
right  appreciation  of  the  merit  of  others,  even  of  rivals, 
were  so  conspicuous  in  daily  intercourse  with  a  large 
circle  of  familiar  acquaintances,  whether  of  influential 
families  or  those  of  a  more  humble  sphere  of  life,  that  he 
ever  bent  gracefully  to  honor  the  deserving,  while  never 
obsequious  to  gain  the  favor  of  any. 

Living  in  the  midst  of  slave  labor,  and  himself  a 
slaveholder,  he  was  humane,  considerate,  and  impartial. 
Toward  his  superiors  in  age  or  in  position,  he  was  uni- 


4  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

formly  courteous,  without  jealousy  or  envy,  but  uncon 
sciously  carried  himself  with  so  much  of  benignity  and 
grace,  that  his  most  familiar  mates  paid  him  the  deference 
which  marked  the  demeanor  of  all  who,  in  later  years, 
recognized  his  exalted  preferment  and  his  natural  sphere 
of  command.  The  instincts  of  a  perfect  gentleman  were 
so  radicated  in  his  person  and  deportment,  that  he  moved 
from  stage  to  stage,  along  life's  ascent,  as  naturally  as 
the  sun  rises  to  its  zenith  with  ever  increasing  bright 
ness  and  force. 

All  these  characteristics,  so  happily  blended,  imparted 
to  his  choice  of  a  future  career  its  natural  direction  and 
character.  Living  near  the  coast  and  in  frequent  con 
tact  with  representatives  of  the  British  navy,  he  became 
impressed  by  the  strong  conviction  that  its  service  offered 
the  best  avenue  to  the  enjoyment  of  his  natural  tastes,  as 
well  as  the  most  promising  field  for  their  fruitful  exer 
cise.  The  berth  of  midshipman,  with  its  prospects  of 
preferment  and  travel,  fell  within  his  reach  and  accept 
ance.  Every  available  opportunity  was  sought,  through 
books  of  history  and  travel  and  acquaintance  with  men 
of  the  naval  profession,  to  anticipate  its  duties  and 
requirements.  It  was  Washington's  first  disappointment 
in  life  of  which  there  is  record,  that  his  mother  did  not 
share  his  ardent  devotion  for  the  sea  and  maritime 
adventure.  At  the  age  of  eleven  he  lost  his  father, 
Augustine  Washington,  but  the  estate  was  ample  for  all 
purposes  of  Virginia  hospitality  and  home  comfort,  and 
he  felt  that  he  could  be  spared  as  well  as  his  brother 
Lawrence.  With  all  the  intensity  of  his  high  aspiration 
and  all  the  vigor  of  his  earnest  and  almost  passionate 
will,  he  sought  to  win  his  mother's  assent  to  his  plans  ; 
and  then,  with  filial  reverence  and  a  full,  gracious  sub 
mission,  he  bent  to  her  wishes  and  surrendered  his 
choice.  That  was  Washington's  first  victory  ;  and  similar 


EARLY  APTITUDES  FOR  SUCCESS.         5 

self-mastery,  under  obligation  to  country,  became  the 
secret  of  his  imperial  success.  Irving  relates  that  his 
mother's  favorite  volume  was  Sir  Matthew  Hale's  Con 
templations,  moral  and  divine  ;  and  that  "  the  admirable 
maxims  therein  contained,  sank  deep  into  the  mind  of 
George,  and  doubtless  had  a  great  influence  in  forming 
his  character.  That  volume,  ever  cherished,  and  bearing 
his  mother's  name,  Mary  Washington,  may  still  be  seen 
in  the  archives  of  Mount  Vernon." 

But  Washington's  tastes  had  become  so  settled,  that 
he  followed  the  general  trend  of  .mathematical  and  mili 
tary  study,  until  he  became  so  well  qualified  as  a  civil 
engineer,  that  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  one  year  after 
abandoning  the  navy  as  his  profession,  he  was  intrusted 
with  important  land  surveys,  by  Lord  Fairfax ;  and  at 
the  age  of  nineteen  was  appointed  Military  Inspector, 
with  the  rank  of  Major.  In  1752  he  became  the  Adju 
tant-General  of  Virginia.  Having  been  born  on  the 

O  O 

twenty-second  day  of  February  (February  llth,  Old 
Style)  he  was  only  twenty  years  of  age  when  this  great 
responsibility  was  intrusted  to  his  charge. 

The  period  was  one  of  grave  concern  to  the  people  of 
Virginia,  especially  as  the  encroachments  of  the  French 
on  the  western  frontier,  and  the  hostilities  of  several 
Indian  tribes,  had  emperilled  all  border  settlements  ;  while 
the  British  government  was  not  prepared  to  furnish  a 
sufficient  military  force  to  meet  impending  emergencies. 
As  soon  as  Washington  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his 
office,  he  made  a  systematic  organization  of  the  militia  his 
first  duty.  A  plan  was  formulated,  having  special  refer 
ence  to  frontier  service.  His  journals  and  the  old 
Colonial  records  indicate  the  minuteness  with  which  this 
undertaking  was  carried  into  effect.  His  entire  sub 
sequent  career  is  punctuated  by  characteristics  drawn 
from  this  experience.  Rifle  practice,  feats  of  horseman- 


(j  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

ship,  signalling,  restrictions  of  diet,  adjustments  for  the 
transportation  of  troops  and  supplies  with  the  least  pos 
sible  encumbrance  ;  road  and  bridge  building,  the  care  of 
powder  and  the  casting  of  bullets,  were  parts  of  this 
system.  These  were  accompanied  by  regulations  require- 
ing  an  exact  itinerary  of  every  march,  which  were  filed 
for  reference,  in  order  to  secure  the  quickest  access  to 
every  frontier  post.  The  duties  and  responsibilities  of 
scouts  sent  in  advance  of  troops,  were  carefully  defined. 
The  passage  of  rivers,  the  felling  of  trees  for  breast 
works,  stockades,  and  block-houses,  and  methods  of 
crossing  swamps,  by  corduroy  adjustments,  entered  into 
the  instruction  of  the  Virginia  militia. 

At  this  juncture  it  seemed  advisable,  in  the  opinion  of 
Governor  Dinwiddie,  to  secure,  if  practicable,  a  better 
and  an  honorable  understanding  with  the  French  com 
manders  who  had  established  posts  at  the  west.  The 
Indians  were  hostile  to  all  advances  of  both  British  and 
French  settlement.  There  was  an  indication  that  the 
French  were  making  friendly  overtures  to  the  savages, 
with  view  to  an  alliance  against  the  English.  In  1753 
Washington  was  sent  as  Special  Commissioner,  for  the 
purpose  indicated.  The  journey  through  a  country 
infested  with  hostile  tribes  was  a  remarkable  episode  in 
the  life  of  the  young  soldier,  and  was  conducted  amid 
hardships  that  seem,  through  his  faithful  diary,  to  have 
been  the  incidents  of  some  strangely  thrilling  fiction  rather 
than  the  literal  narrative,  modestly  given,  of  personal 
experience.  During  the  journey,  full  of  risks  and  rare 
deliverances  from  savage  foes,  swollen  streams,  ice,  snow, 
and  tempest,  his  keen  discernment  was  quick  to  mark  the 
forks  of  the  Alleghany  and  Monongahela  rivers  as  the 
proper  site  for  a  permanent  post,  to  control  that  region 
and  the  tributary  waters  of  the  Ohio,  which  united  there. 
He  was  courteouslv  received  bv  St.  Pierre,  the  French 


EARLY  APTITUDES  FOR  SUCCESS.        7 

commandant,  but  failed  to  secure  the  recognition  of 
English  rights  along  the  Ohio.  But  Washington's  notes 
of  the  winter's  expedition  critically  record  the  military 
features  of  the  section  traversed  by  him,  and  forecast 
the  peculiar  skill  with  which  he  accomplished  so  much 
in  later  years,  with  the  small  force  at  his  disposal. 

In  1754  he  was  promoted  as  Colonel  and  placed  in 
command  of  the  entire  Virginia  militia.  Already,  the 
Ohio  Company  had  selected  the  forks  of  the  river  for  a 
trading-post  and  commenced  a  stockade  fort  for  their 
defence.  The  details  of  Washington's  march  to  support 
these  pioneers,  the  establishment  and  history  of  Fort 
Necessity,  are  matters  of  history. 

Upon  assuming  command  of  the  Virginia  militia, 
Washington  decided  that  a  more  flexible  system  than 
that  of  the  European  government  of  troops,  was  indis 
pensable  to  success  in  fighting  the  combined  French  and 
Indian  forces,  then  assuming  the  aggressive  against  the 
border  settlements.  Thrown  into  intimate  association 
with  General  Braddock  and  assigned  to  duty  as  his  aid- 
de-camp  and  guide,  he  endeavored  to  explain  to  that 
officer  the  unwisdom  of  his  assertion  that  the  very 
appearance  of  British  regulars  in  imposing  array,  would 
vanquish  the  wild  warriors  of  thicket  and  woods,  without 
battle.  The  profitless  campaign  and  needless  fate  of 
Braddock  are  familiar ;  but  Washington  gained  credit 
both  at  home  and  abroad,  youthful  as  he  was,  for  that 
sagacity,  practical  wisdom,  knowledge  of  human  nature, 
and  courage,  which  ever  characterized  his  life. 

During  these  marchings  and  inspections  he  caused  all 
trees  which  were  so  near  to  a  post  as  to  shelter  an 
advancing  enemy,  to  be  felled.  The  militia  were  scat 
tered  over  an  extensive  range  of  wild  country,  in  small 
detachments,  and  he  was  charged  with  the  defence  of 
more  than  four  hundred  miles  of  frontier,  with  an  avail- 


8  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

able  force  of  only  one  thousand  men.  He  at  once  initi 
ated  a  system  of  sharp-shooters  for  each  post.  Ranges 
were  established,  so  that  fire  would  not  be  wasted  upon 
assailants  before  they  came  within  effective  distance. 
When  he  resumed  command,  after  returning  from  the 
Braddock  campaign,  he  endeavored  to  reorganize  the 
militia  upon  a  new  basis.  This  reorganization  drew  from 
his  fertile  brain  some  military  maxims  for  camp  and  field 
service  which  were  in  harmony  with  the  writings  of  the 
best  military  authors  of  that  period,  and  his  study  of 
available  military  works  was  exact,  unremitting,  and 
never  forgotten.  Even  during  the  active  life  of  the 
Revolutionary  period,  he  secured  from  New  York  various 
military  and  other  volumes  for  study,  especially  including 
Marshal  Turenne's  Works,  which  Greene  had  mastered 
before  the  war  began. 

Washington  resigned  his  commission  in  1756  ;  married 
Mrs.  Martha  Custis,  Jan.  6,  1759  ;  was  elected  member 
of  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses  the  same  year,  and 
was  appointed  Commissioner  to  settle  military  accounts 
in  1765.  In  the  discharge  of  this  trust  he  manifested 
that  accuracy  of  detail  and  that  exactness  of  system  in 
business  concerns  which  have  their  best  illustration  in 
the  minute  record  of  his  expenses  during  the  Revolution 
ary  War,  in  which  every  purchase  made  for  the  govern 
ment  or  the  army,  even  to  a  few  horse-shoe  nails,  is 
accurately  stated. 

Neither  Caesar's  Commentaries,  nor  the  personal  record 
of  any  other  historical  character,  more  strikingly  illus 
trate  an  ever-present  sense  of  responsibility  to  conscience 
and  to  country,  for  trusts  reposed,  than  does  that  of 
Washington,  whether  incurred  in  camp  or  in  the  whirl 
and  crash  of  battle.  Baron  Jomini  says:  "A  great 
soldier  must  have  a  physical  courage  which  takes  no 
account  of  obstacles  ;  and  a  high  moral  courage  capable 


EARLY  APTITUDES  FOR  SUCCESS.         9 

of  great  resolution."  There  have  been  youth,  like  Han 
nibal,  whose  earliest  nourishment  was  a  taste  of  ven 
geance  against  his  country's  foes,  and  others  have 
imbibed,  as  did  the  ancient  Hebrew,  abnormal  strength 
to  hate  their  enemies  while  doing  battle  ;  but  if  the  charac 
ter  of  Washington  be  justly  delineated,  he  was,  through 
every  refined  and  lofty  channel,  prepared,  by  early  apti 
tudes  and  training,  to  honor  his  chosen  profession,  with 
no  abatement  of  aught  that  dignifies  character,  and 
rounds  out  in  harmonious  completeness  the  qualities  of  a 
consummate  statesman  and  a  great  soldier. 


CHAPTP:R  IT. 

*  '  • 

THE    FERMENT    OF    AMERICAN    LIBERTY. 

IN    1755,  four  military  expeditions  were  planned   by 
the    Colonies :     one    against    the     French    in    Nova 
Scotia ;    one    against    Crown    Point ;    one    against    Fort 
Niagara,   and  the  fourth,   that  of  Braddock,   against  the 
French  posts  along  the  Ohio  river. 

In  1758,  additional  expeditions  were  undertaken,  the 
first  against  Louisburg,  the  second  against  Ticonderoga, 
and  the  third  against  Fort  Du  Quesne.  Washington  led 
the  advance  in  the  third,  a  successful  attack,  Nov.  25, 
1758,  thereby  securing  peace  with  the  Indians  on  the 
border,  and  making  the  fort  itself  more  memorable  by 
changing  its  name  to  that  of  Fort  Pitt  (now  Pittsburgh) 
in  memory  of  William  Pitt  (Lord  Chatham),  the  eminent 
British  statesman,  and  the  enthusiastic  friend  of  America. 

In  1759,  Quebec  was  captured  by  the  combined  British 
and  Colonial  forces,  and  the  tragic  death  of  the  two 
commanders,  Wolfe  and  Montcalm,  made  the  closing 
hours  of  the  siege  the  last  opportunity  of  their  heroic 
valor.  With  the  capture  of  Montreal  in  1760,  Canada 
came  wholly  under  British  control.  In  view  of  those 
campaigns,  it  was  not  strange  that  so  many  Colonial 
participants  readily  found  places  in  the  Continental 
Army  at  the  commencement  of  the  war  for  American 
Independence,  and  subsequently  urged  the  acquisition  of 
posts  on  the  northern  border  with  so  much  pertinacity 
and  confidence. 

10 


THE    FERMENT    OF    AMERICAN    LIBERTY.  H 

In  1761,  Spain  joined  France  against  Great  Britain, 
but  failed  of  substantial  gain  through  that  alliance, 
because  the  British  fleets  were  able  to  master  the  West 
India  possessions  of  Spain,  and  even  to  capture  the  city 
of  Havana  itself. 

In  1763,  a  treaty  was  effected  at  Paris,  which  termi 
nated  these  protracted  inter-Colonial  wars,  so  that  the 
thirteen  American  colonies  were  finally  relieved  from  the 
vexations  and  costly  burdens  of  aiding  the  British  crown 
to  hold  within  its  grasp  so  many  and  so  widely  separated 
portions  of  the  American  continent.  In  the  ultimate 
settlement  with  Spain,  England  exchanged  Havana  for 
Florida ;  and  France,  with  the  exception  of  the  city  of 
New  Orleans  and  its  immediate  vicinity,  retired  behind 
the  Mississippi  river,  retaining,  as  a  shelter  for  her 
fisheries,  only  the  Canadian  islands  of  St.  Pierre  and 
Miquelon,  which  are  still  French  possessions. 

In  view  of  the  constantly  increasing  imposition  of 
taxes  upon  the  Colonies  by  the  mother  country,  in  order 
to  maintain  her  frequent  wars  with  European  rivals,  by 
land  and  sea,  a  convention  was  held  at  New  York  on  the 
seventh  day  of  October,  1765,  called  a  Colonial  Congress, 
"  to  consult  as  to  their  relations  to  England,  and  pro 
vide  for  their  common  safety."  Nine  colonies  were 
represented,  and  three  others  either  ratified  the  action 
of  the  convention,  or  declared  their  sympathy  with 
its  general  recommendations  and  plans.  The  very  brief 
advance  notice  of  the  assembling  of  delegates,  partly 
accounts  for  the  failure  of  North  Carolina,  Virginia,  New 
Hampshire,  and  Georgia,  to  be  represented.  But  that 
convention  made  a  formal  rr  Declaration  of  Rights," 
especially  protesting  that  "  their  own  representatives 
alone  had  the  right  to  tax  them,"  and  "  their  own  juries 
to  try  them." 

As  an  illustration  of  the  fact,  that  the  suggestion  of 


12  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

some  common  bond  to  unite  the  Colonies  for  general 
defence  was  not  due  to  the  agencies  which  immediately 
precipitated  the  American  Revolution,  it  is  to  be  noticed 
that  as  early  as  1697,  William  Penn  urged  the  union  of 
the  Colonies  in  some  mutually  related  common  support. 
The  Six  Nations  (Indian),  whom  the  British  courted  as 
allies  against  the  French,  and  later,  against  their  own 
blood,  had  already  reached  a  substantial  Union  among 
themselves,  under  the  name  of  the  Iroquois  Confederacy  ; 
and  it  is  a  historical  fact  of  great  interest,  that  their  con 
stitutional  league  for  mutual  support  against  a  common 
enemy,  while  reserving  absolute  independence  in  every 
local  function  or  franchise,  challenged  the  appreciative 
indorsement  of  Thomas  Jefferson  when  he  entered  upon 
the  preparation  of  a  Constitution  for  the  United  States  of 
America. 

And  in  1722,  Daniel  Coxe,  of  New  Jersey,  suggested 
a  practical  union  of  the  Colonies  for  the  consolidation  of 
interests  common  to  each.  In  1754,  when  the  British 
government  formally  advised  the  Colonies  to  secure  the 
friendship  of  the  Six  Nations  against  the  French,  Benja 
min  Franklin  prepared  a  form  for  such  union.  Delegates 
from  New  England,  as  well  as  from  New  York,  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  Maryland,  met  at  Albany  on  the  fourth  of  July, 
1754,  the  very  day  of  the  surrender  of  Fort  Necessity  to 
the  French,  for  consideration  of  the  suggested  plan.  The 
King's  council  rejected  it,  because  it  conceded  too  much 
independence  of  action  to  the  people  of  the  Colonies,  and 
the  Colonies  refused  to  accept  its  provisions,  because  it 
left  too  much  authority  with  the  King. 

Ten  years  later,  when  the  Colonies  had  been  freed  from 
the  necessity  of  sacrificing  men  and  money  to  support 
the  British  authority  against  French,  Spanish,  and  Indian 
antagonists,  the  poverty  of  the  British  treasury  drove 
George  Grenville,  then  Prime  Minister,  to  a  system  of 


THE    FERMENT    OF    AMERICAN    LIBERTY.  13 

revenue  from  America,  through  the  imposition  of  duties 
upon  Colonial  imports.  In  1755  followed  the  famous 
Stamp  Act.  Its  passage  by  Parliament  was  resisted  by 
statesmen  of  clear  foresight,  with  sound  convictions  of 
the  injustice  of  taxing  their  brethren  in  America  who  had 
no  representatives  in  either  House  of  Parliament ;  but  in 
vain,  and  this  explosive  bomb  was  hurled  across  the  sea. 
Franklin,  then  in  London,  thus  wrote  to  Charles  Thomp 
son,  who  afterwards  became  secretary  of  the  Colonial 
Congress  :  "  The  sun  of  Liberty  has  set.  The  American 
people  must  light  the  torch  of  industry  and  economy." 
To  this  Thompson  replied  :  "  Be  assured  that  we  shall 
light  torches  of  quite  another  sort." 

The  explosion  of  this  missile,  charged  with  death  to 
every  noble  incentive  to  true  loyalty  to  the  mother  coun 
try,  dropped  its  inflammatory  contents  everywhere  along 
the  American  coast.  The  Assembly  of  Virginia  was  first 
to  meet,  and  its  youngest  member,  Patrick  Henry,  in 
spite  of  shouts  of  "  Treason,"  pressed  appropriate  legis 
lation  to  enactment.  Massachusetts,  unadvised  of  the 
action  of  Virginia,  with  equal  spontaneity,  took  formal 
action,  inviting  the  Colonies  to  send  delegates  to  a  Con 
gress  in  New  York,  there  to  consider  the  grave  issues 
that  confronted  the  immediate  future.  South  Carolina 
was  the  first  to  respond.  When  Governor  Try  on,  of 
North  Carolina,  afterwards  the  famous  Governor  of  New 
York,  asked  Colonel  (afterwards  General)  Ashe,  Speaker 
of  the  North  Carolina  Assembly,  what  the  House  would 
do  with  the  Stamp  Act,  he  replied,  "  We  will  resist  its 
execution  to  the  death." 

On  the  seventh  of  October  the  Congress  assembled  and 
solemnly  asserted,  as  had  a  former  convention,  that 
"  their  own  representatives  alone  had  the  right  to  tax 
them,"  and  "  their  own  juries  to  try  them."  Throughout 
the  coast  line  of  towns  and  cities,  interrupted  business, 


14  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

muffled  and  tolling  bells,  flags  at  half-mast,  and  every 
possible  sign  of  stern  indignation  and  deep  distress,  indi 
cated  the  resisting  force  which  was  gathering  volume  to 
hurl  a  responsive  missile  into  the  very  council  chamber 
of  King  George  himself. 

"Sons  of  Liberty"  organized  in  force,  but  secretly; 
arming  themselves  for  the  contingency  of  open  conflict. 
Merchants  refused  to  import  British  goods.  Societies  of 
the  learned  professions  and  of  all  grades  of  citizenship 
agreed  to  dispense  with  all  luxuries  of  English  pro 
duction  or  import.  Under  the  powerful  and  magnetic 
sway  of  Pitt  and  Burke,  this  Act  was  repealed  in  1766  ; 
but  even  this  repeal  was  accompanied  by  a  "  Declaratory 
Act,"  which  reserved  for  the  Crown  "  the  right  to  bind 
the  Colonies,  in  all  cases  whatsoever." 

Pending  all  these  fermentations  of  the  spirit  of  liberty, 
George  Washington,  of  Virginia,  was  among  the  first  to 
recognize  the  coming  of  a  conflict  in  which  the  Colo 
nial  troops  would  no  longer  be  a  convenient  auxiliary  to 
British  regulars,  in  a  common  cause,  but  would  confront 
them  in  a  life  or  death  struggle,  for  rights  which  had 
been  guaranteed  by  Magna  Charta,  and  had  become  the 
vested  inheritance  of  the  American  people.  Suddenly, 
as  if  to  impress  its  power  more  heavily  upon  the  restless 
and  overwrought  Colonists,  Parliament  required  them  to 
furnish  quarters  and  subsistence  for  the  garrisons  of 
towns  and  cities.  In  1768,  two  regiments  arrived  at 
Boston,  ostensibly  to  "preserve  the  public  peace,"  but, 
primarily,  to  enforce  the  revenue  measures  of  Parlia 
ment. 

In  1769,  Parliament  requested  the  King  to  "instruct 
the  Governor  of  Massachusetts  "  to  "  forward  to  England 
for  trial,  upon  charges  of  high  treason,"  several  prominent 
citizens  of  that  colony  "  who  had  been  guilty  of  denounc 
ing  Parliamentary  action."  The  protests  of  the  Provin- 


THE    FERMENT    OF    AMERICAN    LIBERTY.  15 

cud  Assemblies  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  against 

^—  o 

the  removal  of  their  citizens,  for  trial  elsewhere,  were 
answered  by  the  dissolution  of  those  bodies  by  their 
respective  royal  governors.  On  the  fifth  day  of  May, 
1769,  Lord  North,  who  had  become  Prime  Minister,  pro 
posed  to  abolish  all  duties,  except  upon  tea.  Later, 
in  1770,  occurred  the  "Boston  Massacre,"  which  is  ever 
recalled  to  mind  by  a  monument  upon  the  Boston  Com 
mon,  in  honor  of  the  victims.  In  1773  "Committees  of 
Correspondence  "  were  selected  by  most  of  the  Colonies, 
for  advising  the  people  of  all  sections,  whenever  current 
events  seemed  to  endanger  the  public  weal.  One  writer 
said  of  this  state  of  affairs  :  "  Common  origin,  a  common 
language,  and  common  sufferings  had  already  established 
between  the  Colonies  a  union  of  feeling  and  interest ; 
and  now,  common  dangers  drew  them  together  more 
closely." 

But  the  tax  upon  tea  had  been  retained,  as  the  expres 
sion  of  the  reserved  right  to  tax  at  will,  under  the  weak 
assumption  that  the  Colonists  would  accept  this  single  tax 
and  pay  a  willing  consideration  for  the  use  of  tea  in  their 
social  and  domestic  life.  The  shrewd  and  patriotic  citi 
zens,  however  boyish  it  may  have  seemed  to  many, 
found  a  way  out  of  the  apparent  dilemma,  and  on  the 
night  of  December  16,  1773,  the  celebrated  Boston  Tea 
Party  gave  an  entertainment,  using  three  hundred  and 
fifty-two  chests  of  tea  for  the  festive  occasion,  and  Boston 
Harbor  for  the  mixing  caldron. 

In  1774,  the  "Boston  Port  Bill"  was  passed,  nullifying 
material  provisions  of  the  Massachusetts  Charter,  pro 
hibiting  intercourse  with  Boston  by  sea,  and  substituting 
Salem  for  the  port  of  entry  and  as  the  seat  of  govern 
ment  for  the  Province.  It  is  to  be  noticed,  concerning 
the  various  methods  whereby  the  Crown  approached  the 
Colonies,  in  the  attempt  to  subordinate  all  rights  to  the 


16  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

royal  will,  that  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  and  Con 
necticut,  until  1692,  were  charter  governments,  whereby 
laws  were  framed  and  executed  by  the  freemen  of  each 
colony.  The  proprietary  governments  were  Pennsylvania 
with  Maryland,  and  at  first  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and 
the  Carolinas.  In  all  of  these,  the  proprietors,  under 
certain  restrictions,  established  and  conducted  their  own 
systems  of  rule.  There  were  also  the  royal  govern 
ments,  those  of  New  Hampshire,  Virginia,  Georgia,  and 
afterwards  Massachusetts,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and 
the  Carolinas.  In  these,  appointments  of  the  chief 
officers  pertained  to  the  Crown. 

At  the  crisis  noticed,  General  Gage  had  been  appointed 
Governor  of  Massachusetts  Colony,  as  well  as  commander- 
in-chief,  and  four  additional  regiments  had  been  de 
spatched  to  his  support.  But  Salem  declined  to  avail 
herself  of  the  proffered  boon  of  exceptional  franchises, 
and  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia  ordered  that 
ft  the  day  when  the  Boston  Port  Bill  was  to  go  into 
effect  should  be  observed  as  a  day  of  fasting,  humiliation, 
and  prayer." 

The  Provincial  Assembly  did  indeed  meet  at  Salem, 
but  solemnly  resolved  that  it  was  expedient,  at  once,  to 
call  a  General  Congress  of  all  the  Colonies,  to  meet  the 
unexpected  disfranchisement  of  the  people,  and  appointed 
five  delegates  to  attend  such  Congress.  All  the  Colonies 
except  Georgia,  whose  governor  prevented  the  election 
of  delegates,  were  represented. 

This  body,  known  in  history  as  the  First  Continental 
Congress,  assembled  in  Carpenter's  Hall,  Philadelphia,  on 
the  fifth  day  of  September,  1774.  Peyton  Randolph,  of 
Virginia,  was  elected  president,  and  Charles  Thompson, 
of  Pennsylvania,  was  elected  secretary.  Among  the 
representative  men  who  took  part  in  its  solemn  delibera 
tions  must  be  named  Samuel  Adams  and  John  Adams,  of 


THE    FERMENT    OF    AMERICAN    LIBERTY.  17 

Massachusetts ;  Philip  Livingstone  and  John  Jay,  of 
Xe\v  York ;  John  Dickinson,  of  Pennsylvania ;  Chris 
topher  Gadsden  and  John  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina ; 
Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  and  George  Wash 
ington,  of  Virginia. 

During  an  address  by  Lord  Chatham  before  the  British 
House  of  Lords,  he  expressed  his  opinion  of  the  men 
who  thus  boldly  asserted  their  inalienable  rights  as 
Englishmen  against  the  usurping  mandates  of  the  Crown, 
in  these  words  :  "History,  my  lords,  has  been  my  favor 
ite  study ;  and  in  the  celebrated  writers  of  antiquity 
have  I  often  admired  the  patriotism  of  Greece  and  Rome  ; 
but,  my  lords,  I  must  declare  and  avow,  that  in  the  mas 
ter  states  of  the  world,  I  know  not  the  people,  or  senate, 
who,  in  such  a  complication  of  difficult  circumstances, 
can  stand  in  preference  to  the  delegates  of  America 
assembled  in  General  Congress  at  Philadelphia."  This 
body  resolved  to  support  Massachusetts  in  resistance  to 
the  offensive  Acts  of  Parliament ;  made  a  second  "  Dec 
laration  of  Rights,"  and  advised  an  American  associa 
tion  for  non-intercourse  with  England.  It  also  prepared 
another  petition  to  the  King,  as  well  as  an  address  to  the 
people  of  Great  Britain  and  Canada,  and  then  provided 
for  another  Congress,  to  be  assembled  the  succeeding 
May.  During  its  sessions,  the  Massachusetts  Assembly 
also  convened  and  resolved  itself  into  a  Provincial  Con 
gress,  electing  John  Hancock  as  president,  and  proceeded 
to  authorize  a  body  of  militia,  subject  to  instant  call,  and 
therefore  to  be  designated  as  "  Minute  Men."  A  Com 
mittee  of  Safety  was  appointed  to  administer  public 
affairs  during  the  recess  of  the  Congress.  When  Cap 
tain  Robert  Mackenzie,  of  Washington's  old  regiment, 
intimated  that  Massachusetts  was  rebellious,  and  sought 
independence,  Washington  used  this  unequivocal  lan 
guage  in  reply  :  "If  the  ministry  are  determined  to  push 


18  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

matters  to  extremity,  I  add,  as  my  opinion,  that  more 
blood  will  be  spilled  than  history  has  ever  furnished 
instances  of,  in  the  annals  of  North  America ;  and  such 
a  vital  wound  will  be  given  to  the  peace  of  this  great 
country,  as  time  itself  cannot  cure,  or  eradicate  the  re 
membrance  of." 

Early  in  1775  Parliament  rejected  a  "Conciliatory 
Bill,"  which  had  been  introduced  by  Lord  Chatham,  and 
passed  an  Act  in  special  restraint  of  New  England  trade, 
which  forbade  even  fishing  on  the  banks  of  Newfound 
land.  New  York,  North  Carolina,  and  Georgia  were 
excepted,  in  the  imposition  of  restrictions  upon  trade  in 
the  middle  and  southern  Colonies,  in  order  by  a  marked 
distinction  between  Colonies,  to  conserve  certain  aristo 
cratic  influences,  and  promote  dissension  among  the  people  ; 
but  all  such  transparent  devices  failed  to  subdue  the  patri 
otic  sentiment  which  had  already  become  universal  in  its 
expression. 

At  that  juncture  the  English  people  themselves  did  not 
apprehend  rightly  the  merits  of  the  dawning  struggle, 
nor  resent  the  imposition  by  Parliament,  of  unjust,  un 
equal,  and  unconstitutional  laws  upon  their  brethren  in 
America.  Dr.  Franklin  thus  described  their  servile 
attitude  toward  the  Crown :  "  Every  man  in  England 
seems  to  consider  himself  as  a  piece  of  a  sovereign  ; 
seems  to  jostle  himself  into  the  throne  with  the  King  ;  and 
talks  of  *  our  subjects  in  the  Colonies.'" 

The  ferment  of  patriotic  sentiment  was  deep,  subtle, 
intense,  and  ready  for  deliverance.  The  sovereignty  of 
the  British  crown  and  the  divine  rights  of  man  were  to 
be  subjected  to  the  stern  arbitrament  of  battle.  One 
had  fleets,  armies,  wealth,  prestige,  and  power,  unsus- 
tained  by  the  principles  of  genuine  liberty  which  had 
distinguished  the  British  Constitution  above  all  other 
modern  systems  of  governmental  control ;  while  the  scat- 


THE    FERMENT    OF    AMERICAN    LIBERTY.  19 

tered  two  millions  of  earnest,  patriotic  Englishmen  across 
the  sea,  who,  from  their  first  landing  upon  the  shores  of 
the  New  World  had  honored  every  principle  which  could 
impart  dignity  and  empire  to  their  mother  country,  were 
to  balance  the  scale  of  determining  war  by  the  weight  of 
loyalty  to  conscience  and  to  God. 


CHAPTER    III. 

THE    OUTBREAK    OF    REPRESSED    LIBERTY. 

BRITISH  authority,  which  ought  to  have  gladly 
welcomed  and  honored  the  prodigious  elasticity, 
energy,  and  growth  of  its  American  dependencies,  as  the 
future  glory  and  invincible  ally  of  her  advancing  empire, 
was  deliberately  arming  to  convert  a  natural  filial  relation 
into  one  of  slavery.  The  legacies  of  British  law  and  the 
liberties  of  English  subjects,  which  the  Crown  did  not 
dare  to  infringe  at  home,  had  been  lodged  in  the  hearts 
of  her  American  sons  and  daughters,  until  resistance  to  a 
royal  decree  had  become  impossible  under  any  reasonable 
system  of  paternal  care  and  treatment.  Colonial  sacri 
fices  during  Indian  wars  had  been  cheerfully  borne,  and 
free-will  offerings  of  person  and  property  had  been 
rendered  without  stint,  upon  every  demand.  But  it 
seemed  to  be  impossible  for  George  the  Third  and  his 
chosen  advisers  to  comprehend  in  its  full  significance,  the 
momentous  fact,  that  English  will  was  as  strong  and 
stubborn  in  the  child  as  in  the  parent. 

Lord  Chatham  said  that  "  it  would  be  found  impossible 
for  freemen  in  England  to  wish  to  see  three  millions  of 
Englishmen  slaves  in  America." 

Respecting  the  attempted  seizure  of  arms  rightly  in 
the  hands  of  the  people,  that  precipitated  the  "  skirmish,'' 
as  the  British  defined  it,  which  occurred  at  Lexington  on 
the  nineteenth  day  of  April,  1775,  Lord  Dartmouth  said  : 
"  The  effect  of  General  Gage's  attempt  at  Concord  will  be 
fatal." 


THE    OUTBREAK    OF    REPRESSED    LIBERTY.          21 

Granville  Sharpe,  of  the  Ordnance  Department,  resigned 
rather  than  forward  military  stores  to  America. 

Admiral  Keppel  formally  requested  not  to  be  employed 
against  America. 

Lord  Effingham  resigned,  when  advised  that  his  regi 
ment  had  been  ordered  to  America. 

John  Wesley,  who  had  visited  America  many  years 
before  with  his  brother,  and  understood  the  character  of 
the  Colonists,  at  once  recalled  the  appeal  once  made  to 
the  British  government  by  General  Gage  during  Novem 
ber,  1774,  when  he  "was  confident,  that,  to  begin  with, 
an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men  would,  in  the  end,  save 
Great  Britain  both  blood  and  treasure,"  and  declared, 
"Neither  twenty  thousand,  forty  thousand,  nor  sixty 
thousand  can  end  the  dawning  struggle." 

During  the  summer  of  1774  militia  companies  had  been 
rapidly  organized  throughout  the  Colonies.  New  England 
especially  had  been  so  actively  associated  with  all  military 
operations  during  the  preceding  French  and  Indian  wars, 
that  her  people  more  readily  assumed  the  attitude  of 
armed  preparation  for  the  eventualities  of  open  conflict. 

Virginia  had  experienced  similar  conditions  on  a  less 
extended  and  protracted  basis.  The  action  of  the  First 
Continental  Congress  on  the  fifth  day  of  September,  1774, 
when,  upon  notice  that  Gage  had  fortified  Boston,  it  made 
an  unequivocal  declaration  of  its  sympathy  with  the  people 
of  Boston  and  of  Massachusetts,  changed  the  character 
of  the  struggle  from  that  of  a  local  incident,  to  one  that 
demanded  organized,  deliberate,  and  general  resistance. 

Notwithstanding  the  slow  course  of  mail  communica 
tions  between  the  widely  separated  Colonies  north  and 
south,  the  deportment  of  the  British  Colonial  governors 
had  been  so  uniformly  oppressive  and  exacting,  that  the 
people,  everywhere,  like  tinder,  were  ready  for  the  first 
flying  spark.  A  report  became  current  during  Septein- 


22  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

ber,  after  the  forced  removal  of  powder  from  Cambridge 
and  Charlestown,  that  Boston  had  been  attacked.  One 
writer  has  stated,  that,  "Avithin  thirty-six  hours,  nearly 
thirty  thousand  men  were  under  arms."  This  burst  of 
patriotic  feeling,  this  mighty  frenzy  over  unrighteous 
interference  with  vested  rights,  made  a  profound  impres 
sion  upon  the  Continental  Congress,  then  in  session  at 
Philadelphia,  and  aroused  in  the  mind  of  Washington, 
then  a  delegate  from  Virginia,  the  most  intense  anxiety 
lest  the  urgency  of  the  approaching  crisis  should  find  the 
people  unprepared  to  take  up  the  gage  of  battle,  and 
fight  with  the  hope  of  success.  All  this  simply  indicated 
the  depth  and  breadth  of  the  eager  sentiment  which  actu 
ally  panted  for  armed  expression. 

The  conflict  between  British  troops  and  armed  citizens 
at  Lexington  had  already  assumed  the  characteristics  of 
a  battle,  and,  as  such,  had  a  more  significant  import  than 
many  more  pronounced  engagements  in  the  world's 
history.  The  numbers  engaged  were  few,  but  the  men 
who  ventured  to  face  British  regulars  on  that  occasion 
were  but  the  thin  skirmish  line  in  advance  of  the  swell 
ing  thousands  that  awaited  the  call  "  To  arms." 

Massachusetts  understood  the  immediate  demand,  hav 
ing  now  drawn  the  fire  of  the  hitherto  discreet  adversary, 
and  promptly  declared  that  the  necessities  of  the  hour 
required  from  New  England  the  immediate  service  of 
thirty  thousand  men,  assuming  as  her  proportionate  part 
a  force  of  thirteen  thousand  six  hundred.  This  was  on 
the  twenty-second  day  of  April,  while  many  timid  souls 
and  some  social  aristocrats  were  still  painfully  worrying 
themselves  as  to  who  was  to  blame  for  anybody's  being 
shot  on  either  side. 

On  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  April,  Rhode  Island  devoted 
fifteen  hundred  men  to  the  service,  as  her  contribution  to 
"  An  Army  of  Observation  "  about  Boston. 


THE    OUTBREAK    OF    REPRESSED    LIBERTY.          23 

On  the  following  day,  the  twenty-sixth,  Connecticut 
tendered  her  proportion  of  two  thousand  men. 

Each  Colonial  detachment  went  up  to  Boston  as  a 
separate  army,  with  independent  organization  and  respon 
sibility.  The  food,  as  well  as  the  powder  and  ball  of 
each,  was  distinct,  and  they  had  little  in  common  except 
the  purpose  which  impelled  them  to  concentrate  for  a 
combined  opposition  to  the  armed  aggressions  of  the  Crown. 
And  yet,  this  mass  of  assembling  freemen  was  not  with 
out  experience,  or  experienced  leaders.  The  early  wars 
had  been  largely  fought  by  Provincial  troops,  side  by  side 
with  British  regulars,  so  that  the  general  conduct  of 
armies  and  of  campaigns  had  become  familiar  to  New 
England  men,  and  many  veteran  soldiers  were  prompt  to 
volunteer  service.  Lapse  of  time,  increased  age,  absorp 
tion  in  farming  or  other  civil  pursuits,  had  not  wholly 
effaced  from  the  minds  of  retired  veterans  the  memory  of 
former  experience  in  the  field.  If  some  did  not  realize 
the  expectations  of  the  people  and  of  Congress,  the 
promptness  with  which  they  responded  to  the  call  was  no 
less  worthy. 

Massachusetts  selected,  for  the  immediate  command  of 
her  forces,  Artemas  Ward,  who  had  served  under  Aber- 
crombie,  with  John  Thomas,  another  veteran,  as  Lieuten- 
ant-General ;  and  as  Engineer-in-Chief,  Richard  Gridley, 
who  had,  both  as  engineer  and  soldier,  earned  a  deserved 
reputation  for  skill,  courage,  and  energy. 

Connecticut  sent  Israel  Putnam,  who  had  been  inured 
to  exposure  and  hardship  in  the  old  French  War,  and  in 
the  West  Indies.  Gen.  Daniel  Wooster  accompanied 
him,  and  he  was  a  veteran  of  the  first  expedition  to  Louis- 
burg  thirty  years  before,  and  had  served  both  as  Colonel 
and  Brigadier-General  in  the  later  French  War.  Gen. 

O 

Joseph  Spencer  also  came  from  Connecticut. 

Rhode  Island  intrusted  the  command  of  her  troops  to 


24  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

Nathaniel  Greene,  then  but  thirty-four  years  of  age,  with 
Varnum,  Hitchcock,  and  Church,  as  subordinates. 

New  Hampshire  furnished  John  Stark,  also  a  veteran 
of  former  service ;  and  both  Pomeroy  and  Prescott,  who 
soon  took  active  part  in  the  operations  about  Boston,  had 
participated  in  Canadian  campaigns. 

These,  and  others,  assembled  in  council,  for  considera 
tion  of  the  great  interests  which  they  had  been  summoned 
to  protect  by  force  of  arms.  At  this  solemn  juncture  of 
affairs,  the  youngest  of  their  number,  Nathaniel  Greene, 
whose  subsequent  career  became  so  significant  a  factor 
in  that  of  Washington  the  Soldier,  submitted  to  his 
associates  certain  propositions  which  he  affirmed  to  be 
indispensable  conditions  of  success  in  a  war  against  the 
British  crown.  These  propositions  read  to-day,  as  if, 
like  utterances  of  the  old  Hebrew  prophets,  they  had 
been  inspired  rules  for  assured  victory.  And,  one  hun 
dred  years  later,  when  the  American  Civil  War  unfolded 
its  vast  operations  and  tasked  to  the  utmost  all  sections 
to  meet  their  respective  shares  in  the  contest,  the  same 
propositions  had  to  be  incorporated  into  practical  legis 
lation  before  any  substantial  results  were  achieved  on 
either  side. 

It  is  a  historical  fact  that  the  failures  and  successes  of 
the  War  of  American  Independence  fluctuated  in  favor 
of  success,  from  year  to  year,  exactly  in  proportion  to 
the  faithfulness  with  which  these  propositions  were  illus 
trated  in  the  management  and  conduct  of  the  successive 
campaigns. 

The  propositions  read  as  follows  : 
I.      That  there  be  one  Commander-in-Chief. 
II.      That  the  army  should  be  enlisted  for  the  war. 

III.  That  a  system  of  bounties  should  be  ordained 
which  would  provide  for  the  families  of  soldiers  absent  in 
the  field. 


THE    OUTBREAK    OF    REPRESSED    LIBERTY.          25 

IV.  That  the  troops  should  serve  wherever  required 
throughout  the  Colonies. 

V.  That  funds  should  be  borrowed  equal  to  the 
demands  of  the  war  and  for  the  complete  equipment 
and  support  of  the  army. 

VI.  That  Independence  should  be  declared  at  once,  and 
every  resource  of  every  Colony  be  pledged  to  its  support. 

In  estimating  the  character  of  Washington  the  Soldier, 
and  accepting  these  propositions  as  sound,  it  is  of  inter 
est  to  be  introduced  to  their  author. 

The  youthful  tastes  and  pursuits  of  Nathaniel  Greene, 
of  Rhode  Island,  those  which  shaped  his  subsequent  life 
and  controlled  many  battle  issues,  were  as  marked  as  were 
those  of  Washington.  Unlike  his  great  captain,  he  had 
neither  wealth,  social  position,  nor  family  antecedents  to 
inspire  military  endeavor.  A  Quaker  youth,  at  fourteen 
years  of  age  he  saved  time  from  his  blacksmith's  forge, 
and  by  its  light  mastered  geometry  and  Euclid.  Provi 
dence  threw  in  his  way  Ezra  Stiles,  then  President  of 
Yale  College,  and  Lindley  Murray,  the  grammarian,  and 
each  of  them  became  his  fast  friend  and  adviser. 

Before  the  war  began,  he  had  carefully  studied  "  Caesar's 
Commentaries,"  Marshal  Turenne's  Works,  "  Sharpe's 
Military  Guide,"  "  Blackstone's  Commentaries,"  "Jacobs' 
Law  Dictionary,"  "Watts'  Logic,"  "Locke  on  the  Human 
Understanding,"  "Ferguson  on  Civil  Society,"  Swift's 
Works,  and  other  models  of  a  similar  class  of  literature 
and  general  science. 

In  1773,  he  visited  Connecticut,  attended  several  of 
its  militia  "trainings,"  and  studied  their  methods  of 
instruction  and  drill.  In  1774,  he  visited  Boston,  to 
examine  minutely  the  drill,  quarters,  and  commissary 
arrangements  of  the  British  regular  troops.  Incidentally, 
he  met  one  evening,  at  a  retired  tavern  on  India  wharf, 
a  British  sergeant  who  had  deserted.  He  persuaded  him 


26  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

to  accompany  him  back  to  Rhode  Island,  where  he  made 
him  drill-instructor  of  the  "  Kentish  Guards,"  a  company 
with  which  Greene  was  identified.  Such  was  the  pro 
ficiency  in  arms,  deportment,  and  general  drill  realized 
by  this  company,  through  their  joint  effort,  that  more 
than  thirty  of  the  members  became  commissioned  officers 
in  the  subsequent  war. 

The  character  of  the  men  of  that  period,  as  in  the 
American  Civil  War,  supplied  the  military  service  with 
soldiers  of  the  best  intelligence  and  of  superior  physical 
capacities.  Very  much  of  the  energy  and  success  which 
attended  the  progress  of  the  American  army  was  trace 
able  to  these  qualities,  as  contrasted  with  those  of  the 
British  recruits  and  the  Hessian  drafted  men. 

Greene  himself,  unconsciously  but  certainly,  was  pre 
paring  himself  and  his  comrades  for  the  impending 
struggle  which  already  cast  its  shadow  over  the  outward 
conditions  of  peace.  Modest,  faithful,  dignified,  un 
daunted  by  rebuffs  or  failure,  and  as  a  rule,  equable, 
self-sacrificing,  truthful,  and  honest,  he  possessed  much 
of  that  simple  grandeur  of  character  which  characterized 
George  H.  Thomas  and  Robert  E.  Lee,  of  the  American 
conflict,  1861—5.  His  patriotism,  as  he  announced  his 
propositions  to  the  officers  assembled  before  Cambridge, 
was  like  that  of  Patrick  Henry,  of  Virginia,  who  shortly 
after  made  this  personal  declaration  :  "  Landmarks  and 
boundaries  are  thrown  down ;  distinctions  between  Vir 
ginians,  Pennsylvanians,  New  Yorkers,  and  New  Eng- 
landers  are  no  more  ;  "  adding,  "  I  am  not  a  Virginian,  but 
an  American." 

By  the  middle  of  June,  and  before  the  Battle  of  Bunker 
Hill  (Breed's  Hill) ,  the  Colonies  were  substantially  united 
for  war.  During  the  previous  month  of  March,  Richard 
Henry  Lee  had  introduced  for  adoption  by  the  second 
Virginia  Convention,  a  resolution  that  "  the  Colony  be 


THE    OUTBREAK    OF    REPRESSED    LIBERTY.          27 


immediately  put  in  a  state  of  defence,"  and  advocated  the 
immediate  reorganization,  arming,  and  discipline  of  the 
militia. 

A  hush  of  eager  expectancy  and  an  almost  breathless 
waiting  for  some  mysterious  summons  to  real  battle, 
seemed  to  pervade  both  north  and  south  alike,  when  a 
glow  in  the  east  indicated  the  signal  waited  for,  and  even 
prayed  for.  The  very  winds  of  heaven  seemed  to  bear  the 
sound  and  name  of  the  first  conflict  in  arms.  In  six  days 
it  reached  Maryland.  Intermediate  Colonies,  in  turn,  had 
responded  to  the  summons,  "  To  arms."  Greene's  Kent 
ish  Guards  started  for  Boston,  at  the  next  break  of  day. 
The  citizens  of  Rhode  Island  caught  his  inspiration,  took 
possession  of  more  than  forty  British  cannon,  and  asserted 
their  right  and  purpose  to  control  all  Colonial  stores. 

New  York  organized  a  Committee  of  Public  Safety, 
—  first  of  a  hundred,  and  then  of  a  thousand,  —of  her  rep 
resentative  men,  as  a  solid  guaranty  of  her  ardent  sym 
pathy  with  the  opening  struggle,  declaring  that  "  all  the 
horrors  of  civil  war  could  not  enforce  her  submission  to 
the  acts  of  the  British  crown."  The  Custom-house  and  the 
City  Hall  were  seized  by  the  patriots.  Arming  and  drill 
ing  were  immediate  ;  and  even  by  candle-light  and  until 
late  hours,  every  night,  impassioned  groups  of  boys, 
as  well  as  men,  rehearsed  to  eager  listeners  the  story  of 
the  first  blood  shed  at  Concord  and  Lexington ;  and 
strong  men  exchanged  vows  of  companionship  in  arms, 
whatever  might  betide.  Lawyers  and  ministers,  doctors 
and  teachers,  merchants  and  artisans,  laborers  and  sea 
men,  mingled  together  as  one  in  spirit  and  one  in  action. 
An  "  Association  for  the  defence  of  Colonial  Rights  "  was 
formed,  and  on  the  twenty-second  of  May  the  Colonial 
Assembly  was  succeeded  by  a  Provincial  Congress,  and 
the  new  order  of  government  went  into  full  effect. 

In  New  Jersey,  the  people,  no  less  prompt,  practical, 


28  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

and  earnest,  seized  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  belong 
ing  to  the  Provincial  treasury,  and  devoted  it  to  raising- 
troops  for  defending  the  liberties  of  the  people. 

The  news  reached  Philadelphia  on  the  twenty-fourth 
of  April,  and  there,  also,  was  no  rest,  until  action  took 
emphatic  form.  Prominent  men,  as  in  New  York, 
eagerly  tendered  service  and  accepted  command,  so  that 
on  the  first  day  of  May  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly  made 
an  appropriation  of  money  to  raise  troops.  Benjamin 
Franklin,  but  just  returned  from  England,  was  made 
chairman  of  a  Committee  of  Safety,  and  the  whole  city 
was  aroused  in  hearty  support  of  the  common  cause. 
The  very  Tory  families  which  afterwards  ministered  to 
General  Howe's  wants,  and  nattered  Benedict  Arnold  by 
their  courtesies,  did  not  venture  to  stem  the  patriotic 
sentiment  of  the  hour. 

Virginia  caught  the  flying  spark.  No  flint  was  needed 
to  fire  the  waiting  tinder  there.  Lord  Dunmore  had 
already  sent  the  powder  of  the  Colony  on  board  a  vessel 
in  the  harbor.  Patrick  Henry  quickly  gathered  the 
militia  in  force,  to  board  the  vessel' and  seize  the  powder. 
By  way  of  compromise,  the  powder  was  paid  for,  but 
Henry  was  denounced  as  a  "traitor."  The  excitement 
was  not  abated,  but  intensified  by  this  action,  until  Lord 
Dunmore,  terrified,  and  powerless  to  stem  the  surging 
wave  of  patriotic  passion,  took  refuge  upon  the  man-of- 
war  Fowey,  then  in  the  York  river. 

The  Governor  of  North  Carolina,  as  early  as  April, 
had  quarrelled  with  the  people  of  that  Colony,  in  his  ef 
fort  to  prevent  the  organization  of  a  Provincial  Congress. 
But  so  soon  as  the  news  was  received  from  Boston  of  the 
opening  struggle,  the  Congress  assembled.  Detached 
meetings  were  everywhere  held  in  its  support,  and  from 
all  sides  one  sentiment  was  voiced,  and  this  was  its 
utterance  :  "The  cause  of  Boston  is  the  cause  of  all.  Our 


THE    OUTBREAK    OF    REPRESSED    LIBERTY.          29 

destinies  are  indissolubly  connected  with  those  of  our 
eastern  fellow-citizens.  We  must  either  submit  to  the 
impositions  which  an  unprincipled  and  unrepresented 
Parliament  may  impose,  or  support  our  bretheren  who 
have  been  doomed  to  sustain  the  first  shock  of  Parliamen 
tary  power;  which,  if  successful  there,  will  ultimately 
overwhelm  all,  in  one  common  calamity."  Conformable 
to  these  principles,  a  Convention  assembled  at  Charlotte, 
Mecklenburg  County,  on  the  twentieth  of  May,  1775,  and 
unanimously  adopted  the  Instrument,  ever  since  known 
as  The  Mecklenburg  Declaration  of  Independence. 

In  South  Carolina,  on  the  twenty-first  day  of  April,  a 
secret  committee  of  the  people,  appointed  for  the  purpose, 
forcibly  entered  the  Colonial  magazine  and  carried  away 
eight  hundred  stands  of  arms  and  two  hundred  cutlasses. 
Thomas  Corbett,  a  member  of  this  committee,  secured 
and  opened  a  royal  package  just  from  England,  contain 
ing  orders  to  governors  of  each  of  the  southern  Colonies 
to  "  seize  all  arms  and  powder."  These  were  forwarded 
to  the  Continental  Congress.  Another  despatch,  dated 
at  "Palace  of  Whitehall,  December  23d,"  stated  that 
"  seven  regiments  were  in  readiness  to  proceed  to  the 
southern  Colonies ;  first  to  North  Carolina,  thence  to 
Virginia,  or  South  Carolina,  as  circumstances  should 
point  out."  These  intercepted  orders  contained  an 
"  Act  of  Parliament,  forbidding  the  exportation  of  arms 
to  the  Colonies,"  and  stimulated  the  zeal  of  the  patriots 
to  secure  all  within  their  reach.  Twenty  days  later,  the 
tidings  from  the  north  reached  Charleston,  adding  fuel  to 
the  flame  of  the  previous  outbreak. 

At  Savannah,  Ga.,  six  members  of  the  "  Council  of 
Safety  "  broke  open  the  public  magazine,  before  receipt 
of  news  from  the  north,  seized  the  public  powder  and 
bore  it  away  for  further  use.  Governor  Wright  addressed 
a  letter  to  General  Gage  at  Boston,  asking  for  troops, 


30  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

"  to  awe  the  people."  This  was  intercepted,  and  through 
a  counterfeit  signature  General  Gage  was  advised,  "that 
the  people  were  coming  to  some  order,  and  there  would 
be  no  occasion  for  sending  troops." 

Such  is  the  briefest  possible  outline  of  the  condition  of 
public  sentiment  throughout  the  country,  of  Avhich  Wash 
ington  was  well  advised,  so  far  as  the  Committee  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  could 
gather  the  facts  at  that  time. 

Meanwhile,  Boston  was  surrounded  by  nearly  twenty 
thousand  Minute  Men.  These  Minute  Men  made  persist 
ent  pressure  upon  every  artery  through  which  food  could 
flow  to  relieve  the  hungry  garrison  within  the  British  lines. 

Neither  was  the  excitement  limited  to  the  immediate 
surroundings.  Ethan  Allen,  who  had  migrated  from 
Connecticut  to  Vermont,  led  less  than  a  hundred  of 
"Green  Mountain  Boys,"  as  they  were  styled,  to  Ticon- 
deroga,  which  he  captured  on  the  tenth  of  May.  Bene 
dict  Arnold,  of  New  Haven,  with  forty  of  the  company 
then  and  still  known  as  the  Governor's  Guards,  rushed  to 
Boston  without  waiting  for  orders,  and  then  to  Lake 
Champlain,  hoping  to  raise  an  army  on  the  way.  Although 
anticipated  by  Ethan  Allen  in  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga, 
he  pushed  forward  toward  Crown  Point  and  St.  John's, 
captured  and  abandoned  the  latter,  organized  a  small  naval 
force,  and  with  extraordinary  skill  defeated  the  British 
vessels  and  materially  retarded  the  advance  of  the  British 
flotilla  and  British  troops  from  the  north. 

These  feverish  dashes  upon  frontier  posts  were  signifi 
cant  of  the  general  temper  of  the  people,  their  desire  to 
secure  arms  and  military  supplies  supposed  to  be  in  those 
forts,  and  indicated  their  conviction  that  the  chief  danger 
to  New  England  was  through  an  invasion  from  Canada. 
But  the  absorbing  cause  of  concern  was  the  deliverance 
of  Boston  from  English  control. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

ARMED    AMERICA    NEEDS    A    SOLDIER. 

Second  Continental  Congress  convened  on  the 
JL  tenth  day  of  May,  1775.  On  the  same  day,  Ethan 
Allen  captured  Ticonderoga,  also  securing  two  hundred 
cannon  which  were  afterwards  used  in  the  siege  of 
Boston.  Prompt  measures  were  at  once  taken  by  Con 
gress  for  the  purchase  and  manufacture  of  both  cannon 
and  powder.  The  emission  of  two  millions  of  Spanish 
milled  dollars  was  authorized,  and  twelve  Colonies  were 
pledged  for  the  redemption  of  Bills  of  Credit,  then 
directed  to  be  issued.  At  the  later,  September,  session, 
the  Georgia  delegates  took  their  seats,  and  made  the  ac 
tion  of  the  Colonies  unanimous. 

A  formal  system  of  "  Rules  and  Articles  of  War  "  was 
adopted,  and  provision  was  made  for  organizing  a  mili 
tary  force  fully  adequate  to  meet  such  additional  troops 
as  England  might  despatch  to  the  support  of  General 
Gage.  Further  than  this,  all  proposed  enforcement  by 
the  British  crown  of  the  offensive  Acts  of  Parliament, 
was  declared  to  be  "  unconstitutional,  oppressive,  and 
•cruel." 

Meanwhile,  the  various  New  England  armies  were 
scattered  in  separate  groups,  or  cantonments,  about  the 
City  of  Boston,  with  all  the  daily  incidents  of  petty 
warfare  which  attach  to  opposing  armies  within  striking 
-distance,  when  battle  action  has  not  yet  reached  its  desira 
ble  opportunity.  And  yet,  a  state  of  war  had  been  so  far 

31 


32  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

recognized  that  an  exchange  of  prisoners  was  effected  as 
early  as  the  sixth  day  of  June.  General  Howe  made  the  first 
move  toward  open  hostilities  by  a  tender  of  pardon  to  all 
offenders  against  the  Crown  except  Samuel  Adams  and 
John  Hancock ;  and  followed  up  this  ostentatious  and 
absurd  proclamation  by  a  formal  declaration  of  Martial 
Law. 

The  Continental  Congress  as  promptly  responded,  by 
adopting  the  militia  about  Boston,  as  "  The  American 
Continental  Army." 

On  the  fourteenth  day  of  June,  a  Light  Infantry  organ 
ization  of  expert  riflemen  was  authorized,  and  its  com 
panies  were  assigned  to  various  Colonies  for  enlistment 
and  immediate  detail  for  service  about  Boston. 

On  the  fifteenth  day  of  June,  1775,  Congress  author 
ized  the  appointment,  and  then  appointed  George 
Washington,  of  Virginia,  as  "  Commander-in-Chief  of 
the  forces  raised,  or  to  be  raised,  in  defence  of  American 
Liberties."  On  presenting  their  commission  to  Washing 
ton  it  was  accompanied  by  a  copy  of  a  Resolution  unani 
mously  adopted  by  that  body,  "That  they  would  maintain 
and  assist  him,  and  adhere  to  him,  with  their  lives  and 
fortunes,  in  the  cause  of  American  Liberty." 

It  is  certain  from  the  events  above  outlined,  which 
preceded  the  Revolutionary  struggle,  that  when  Washing 
ton  received  this  spontaneous  and  unanimous  appointment, 
he  understood  definitely  that  the  Colonies  were  substan 
tially  united  in  the  prosecution  of  war,  at  whatever  cost 
of  men  and  money  ;  that  military  men  of  early  service  and 
large  experience  could  be  placed  in  the  field ;  that  the 
cause  was  one  of  intrinsic  right ;  and  that  the  best 
intellects,  as  well  as  the  most  patriotic  statesmen,  of  all 
sections,  were  ready,  unreservedly,  to  submit  their  des 
tinies  to  the  fate  of  the  impending  struggle.  He  had  been 
upon  committees  on  the  State  of  Public  Affairs ;  was 


ARMED    AMERICA    NEEDS    A    SOLDIER.  ;•}•$ 

Constantly  consulted  as  to  developments,  at  home  and 
abroad ;  was  familiar  with  the  dissensions  among  British 
statesmen  ;  and  had  substantial  reasons  for  that  sublime 
faith  in  ultimate  victory  which  never  for  one  hour  failed 
him  in  the  darkness  of  the  protracted  struggle.  He  also 
understood  that  not  statesmen  alone,  preeminently  Lord 
Dartmouth,  but  the  best  soldiers  of  Great  Britain  had 
regarded  the  military  occupation  of  Boston,  where  the 
Revolutionary  sentiment  was  most  pronounced,  and  the 
population  more  dense  as  well  as  more  enlightened,  to  be 
a  grave  military  as  well  as  political  error.  And  yet,  as 
the  issue  had  been  forced,  it  must  be  met  as  proffered ; 
and  the  one  immediate  and  paramount  objective  must  be 
the  expulsion  of  the  British  garrison  and  the  deliverance 
of  Boston.  It  will  appear,  however,  as  the  narrative 
develops  its  incidents,  that  he  never  lost  sight  of  the  ex 
posed  sea-coast  cities  to  the  southward,  nor  of  that  royal- 
list  element  which  so  largely  controlled  certain  aristocratic 
portions  of  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  the  southern 
cities,  which  largely  depended  upon  trade  with  Great 
Britain  and  the  West  Indies  for  their  independent  fort 
unes  and  their  right  royal  style  of  living.  Neither  did  he 
fail  to  realize  that  delay  in  the  siege  of  Boston,  however 
unavoidable,  was  dangerous  to  the  rapid  prosecution  of 
general  war  upon  a  truly  military  plan  of  speedy  accom 
plishment. 

His  first  duty  was  therefore  with  his  immediate  com 
mand,  and  the  hour  had  arrived  for  the  consolidation  of 
the  various  Colonial  armies  into  one  compact,  disciplined, 
and  effective  force,  to  battle  with  the  best  troops  of  Great 
Britain  which  now  garrisoned  Boston  and  controlled  its 
waters. 

Reinforcements  under  Howe,  Clinton,  and  Burgoyne 
had  already  increased  the  strength  of  that  garrison  to 
nearly  ten  thousand  men.  It  had  become  impatient  of 


34  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

confinement,  and  restive  under  the  presence  of  increas 
ing  but  ill-armed  adversaries  who  eagerly  challenged 
every  picket  post,  and  begrudged  every  market  product 
smuggled,  or  snatched,  by  the  purveyors  or  officers  and 
soldiers  of  the  Crown.  Besides  all  this,  the  garrison 
began  to  realize  the  fate  which  afterwards  befell  that  of 
Clinton  in  Philadelphia,  in  the  demoralization  and  loss 
of  discipline  which  ever  attach  to  an  idle  army  when 
enclosed  within  city  limits.  When  Burgoyne  landed  at 
Boston,  to  support  Gage,  he  contemptuously  spoke  of  "ten 
thousand  peasants  who  kept  the  King's  troops  shut  up." 
Gradually,  the  peasants  encroached  upon  the  outposts. 
An  offensive  movement  to  occupy  Charlestown  Heights 
and  menace  the  Colonial  headquarters  at  Cambridge,  with 
a  view  to  more  decisive  action  against  their  maturing 
strength,  had  been  planned  and  was  ready  for  execution. 
It  was  postponed,  as  of  easy  accomplishment  at  leisure ; 
but  the  breaking  morning  of  June  17,  1775,  revealed 
the  same  Heights  to  be  in  possession  of  the  "peasant" 
militia  of  America. 

The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill  followed.  Each  force  en 
gaged  lost  one-third  of  its  numbers,  but  the  aggregate 
of  the  British  loss  was  more  than  double  that  of  the 
Colonies.  It  made  a  plain  issue  between  the  Colonists 
and  the  British  army,  and  was  no  longer  a  controversy  of 
citizens  with  the  civil  authority.  The  impatience  of  the 
two  armies  to  have  a  fight  had  been  gratified,  and  when 
Franklin  was  advised  of  the  facts,  and  of  the  nerve  with 
which  so  small  a  detachment  of  American  militia  had 
faced  and  almost  vanquished  three  times  their  number  of 
British  veterans,  he  exclaimed,  "  The  King  has  lost  his 
Colonies." 

Many  of  the  officers  who  bore  part  in  that  determining 
action  gained  new  laurels  in  later  years.  Prescott,  who 
led  his  thousand  men  to  that  achievement,  served  with 


ARMED    AMERICA    NEEDS    A    SOLDIER.  35 

no  less  gallantry  in  New  York.  Stark,  so  plucky  and 
persistent  along  the  Mystic  river,  was  afterwards  as 
brave  and  dashing  at  Trenton,  Bennington,  and  Spring 
field.  And  Seth  Warner,  a  volunteer  at  Bunker  Hill, 
and  comrade  of  Allen  in  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga,  par 
ticipated  in  the  battles  of  Hubbardton  and  Bennington, 
and  the  Saratoga  campaign,  during  the  invasion  of  Bur- 
goyne  in  1777. 

Of  the  British  participants,  or  spectators,  a  word  is 
due.  Clinton,  destined  to  be  Washington's  chief  antag 
onist,  had  urged  General  Howe  to  attack  Washington's 
army  at  Cambridge,  before  it  could  mature  into  a  well 
equipped  and  well  disciplined  force.  He  was  overruled  by 
General  Howe,  who  with  all  his  scientific  qualities  as  a 
soldier,  never,  in  his  entire  military  career,  was  quick  to 
follow  up  an  advantage  once  acquired  ;  and  soon  after,  the 
junior  officer  was  transferred  to  another  field  of  service. 

Percy,  gallant  in  the  action  of  June  17th,  was  destined 
to  serve  with  credit  at  Long  Island,  White  Plains, 
Brandywine,  and  Newport. 

Rawdon,  then  a  lieutenant,  who  gallantly  stormed  the 
redoubt  on  Breed's  Hill,  and  received  in  his  arms  the 
body  of  his  captain,  Harris,  of  the  British  5th  Infantry, 
was  destined  to  win  reputation  at  Camden  and  Hob- 
kirk's  HilJ,  but  close  his  military  career  in  America  as 
a  prisoner  of  war  to  the  French. 

The  British  retained  and  fortified  Bunker  Hill,  and  the 
time  had  arrived  for  more  systematic  American  operations, 
and  the  presence  of  the  Commander-in-Chief. 

Congress  had  appointed  the  following  general  officers 
as  Washington's  associates  in  conduct  of  the  war. 

Major-  Generals. 

Some  of  these  have  been  already  noticed. 
ARTEMAS  WARD. 


36  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

CHARLES  LEE,  a  retired  officer  of  the  British  Army,  a 
military  adventurer  under  many  flags,  a  resident  of  Vir 
ginia,  an  acquaintance  of  Washington,  and  ambitious  to 
be  first  in  command. 

PHILIP  SCHUYLER,  then  a  member  of  Congress ;  a 
man  of  rare  excellence  of  character,  who  had  served  in 
the  French  and  Indian  War,  and  took  part  in  Abercrom- 
bie's  Ticonderoga  campaign. 

ISRAEL  PUTNAM. 

Brigadier-  Generals. 

SETH  POMEROY. 

KICHARD  MONTGOMERY,  who  served  gallantly  under 
Wolfe  before  Quebec,  in  1759,  and  in  the  West  Indies, 
in  1762. 

DAVID  WOOSTER. 

WILLIAM  HEATH,  who,  previous  to  the  war,  was  a 
vigorous  writer  upon  the  necessity  of  military  discipline 
and  a  thoroughly  organized  militia. 

JOSEPH  SPENCER,  of  Connecticut,  also  a  soldier  of  the 
French  and  Indian  War,  both  as  Major  and  Lieutenant- 
Colonel. 

JOHN  THOMAS,  also  a  soldier  of  the  French  and  Ind 
ian  War,  and  in  command  of  a  regiment  at  Cambridge, 
recruited  by  himself. 

JOHN  SULLIVAN,  a  lawyer  of  New  Hampshire,  of  Irish 
blood ;  a  member  of  the  First  Continental  Congress,  and 
quick  in  sympathy  with  the  first  movement  for  armed 
resistance  to  British  rule. 

NATHANIEL  GREENE,  already  in  command  of  the 
Rhode  Island  troops. 

Congress  had  also  selected  as  Adjutant-General  of  the 
Army,  HORATIO  GATES,  of  Virginia,  who,  like  Lee,  had 
served  in  the  British  regular  army ;  commanded  a  com 
pany  in  the  Braddock  campaign,  and  gained  some  credit 


ARMED    AMERICA    NEEDS    A    SOLDIER.  ;jj 

for  bravery  at  the  capture  of  Martinique,  in  the  West 
Indies.  He  was  also  known  to  Washington,  and  shared 
with  Lee  in  aspiration  to  the  chief  command. 

If  Washington  had  possessed  prophetic  vision,  even 
his  sublime  faith  might  have  wavered  in  view  of  that 
unfolding  future  which  would  leave  none  of  these  general 
officers  by  his  side  at  the  last  conflict  of  the  opening  war. 

Ward,  somewhat  feeble  in  body,  would  prove  unequal 
to  active  service ;  lack  the  military  acuteness  and  dis 
cernment  which  the  crisis  would  demand,  and  retire  from 
view  with  the  occupation  of  Boston. 

Lee,  so  like  Arnold  in  volcanic  temper,  would  be  early 
detached  for  other  service,  in  Connecticut,  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  and  South  Carolina ;  would  become  a 
prisoner  of  war  at  New  York  ;  would  propose  to  the 
British  authorities  a  plan  for  destroying  the  American 
army ;  would  escape  execution  as  a  British  deserter,  on 
exchange ;  and  afterwards,  at  the  Battle  of  Monmouth, 
so  nearly  realize  his  suggestion  to  General  Howe,  as  to 
show  that  his  habitual  abuse  of  Congress  and  his  jealousy 
of  his  Commander-in-Chief  were  insufficiently  atoned  for 
by  dismissal  from  the  army,  and  the  privilege  of  dying  in 
his  own  bed,  unhonored  and  unlaniented. 

Schuyler,  devoted  to  his  country,  with  rare  qualities 
as  a  gentleman  and  with  a  polish  of  manner  and  elegance 
of  carriage  that  for  the  time  made  him  severely  unpopular 
with  the  staid  stock  of  New  England,  would  serve  with 
credit  in  Canada ;  organize  the  army  which  Gates  would 
command  at  Saratoga ;  be  supplanted  by  that  officer ; 
retire  from  service  because  of  poor  health ;  but  ever 
prove  worthy  of  the  confidence  and  love  of  his  com- 
mander-in-chief.  Of  him,  Chief-Justice  Kent  would 
draw  a  pen-picture  of  "  unselfish  devotion,  wonderful 
energy,  and  executive  ability."  Of  him,  Daniel  Webster 
would  speak,  in  an  august  presence,  in  these  terms  :  ff  I 


38  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

was  brought  up  with  New  England  prejudices  against 
him ;  but  I  consider  him  second  only  to  Washington  in 
the  service  he  rendered  to  his  country  in  the  War  of  the 
Revolution." 

Putnam,  who  had  been  conspicuously  useful  at  Bunker 
Hill,  would,  because  of  Greene's  illness,  suddenly  succeed 
that  officer  in  command  on  Long  Island,  without  previous 
knowledge  of  the  works  and  the  surrounding  country  ; 
would,  feebly  and  without  system,  attempt  to  defend  the 
lines  against  Howe's  advance ;  would  serve  elsewhere, 
trusted  indeed,  but  without  battle  command,  and  be 
remembered  as  a  brave  soldier  and  a  good  citizen,  but, 
as  a  general  officer,  unequal  to  the  emergencies  of  field 
service. 

Pomeroy,  brave  at  Bunker  Hill,  realizing  the  respon 
sibilities  attending  the  consolidation  of  the  army  for 
active  campaign  duty,  would  decline  the  proffered  com 
mission. 

Montgomery,  would  accompany  Schuyler  to  Canada, 
full  of  high  hope,  and  yet  discover  in  the  assembled 
militia  such  utter  want  of  discipline  and  preparation  to 
meet  British  veterans,  as  to  withhold  his  resignation 
only  when  his  Commander-in- Chief  pleaded  his  own 
greater  disappointments  before  Cambridge. 

The  perspective-glass  will  catch  its  final  glimpse  of 
Montgomery,  when,  after  the  last  bold  dash  of  his  life, 
under  the  walls  of  Quebec,  his  body  is  borne  to  the  grave 
and  buried  with  military  honors,  by  his  old  comrade  in 
arms,  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  the  British  general  in  com 
mand. 

Wooster,  then  sixty-four  years  of  age,  would  join 
Montgomery  at  Montreal ;  waive  his  Connecticut  rank  ; 
serve  under  his  gallant  leader ;  be  recalled  from  service 
because  unequal  to  the  duties  of  active  command  ;  would 
prove  faithful  and  noble  wherever  he  served,  and  fall, 


ARMED    AMERICA    NEEDS    A    SOLDIER.  39 

defending  the  soil  of  his  native  State  from  Tryon's  inva 
sion,  in  1777. 

Heath,  would  supplement  his  service  on  the  Massa 
chusetts  Committee  of  Safety  by  efficient  duty  at  New 
York,  White  Plains,  and  along  the  Hudson,  ever  true  as 
patriot  and  soldier ;  but  fail  to  realize  in  active  service 
that  discipline  of  men  and  that  perception  of  the  value 
of  campaign  experience  which  had  prompted  his  literary 
efforts  before  he  faced  an  enemy  in  battle. 

Spencer,  would  discharge  many  trusts  early  in  the 
war,  with  fidelity,  but  without  signal  ability  or  success, 
and  transfer  his  sphere  of  patriotic  duty  to  the  halls  of 
Congress. 

Thomas,  would  prove  efficient  in  the  siege  of  Boston, 
and  serve  in  Canada. 

Sullivan,  would  also  enter  Canada  ;  become  a  prisoner 
of  war  at  Long  Island ;  be  with  Washington  at  White 
Plains  ;  succeed  to  the  command  of  Lee's  division  after 
the  capture  of  that  officer  ;  distinguish  himself  at  Trenton  ; 
serve  at  Brandywine ;  do  gallant  service  at  German- 
town  ;  attempt  the  capture  of  Staten  Island  and  of  New 
port  ;  chastise  the  Indians  of  New  York,  and  resign,  to 
take  a  seat  in  Congress. 

Greene,  would  attend  his  chief  in  the  siege  of  Boston  ; 
fortify  Brooklyn  Heights ;  engage  in  operations  about 
Forts  Washington  and  Lee  ;  take  part  in  the  battles  of 
Trenton,  Princeton,  Brandywine,  Germantown,  Mon- 
mouth,  Newport,  and  Springfield ;  would  then  succeed 
Gates  at  the  south,  fight  the  battles  of  Guilford  Court 
House,  Hobkirk  Hill,  and  Eutaw  Springs,  and  close  his 
life  in  Georgia,  the  adopted  home  of  his  declining 
years. 

But,  during  the  midsummer  of  1775,  the  beleaguered 
City  of  Boston,  astounded  by  the  stolid  and  bloody  resist 
ance  to  its  guardian  garrison,  began  to  measure  the  cost 


40  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

of  loyalty  to  the  King,  in  preference  to  loyalty  to  country 
and  duty ;  while  the  enclosed  patriots  began  to  assure 
themselves  that  deliverance  was  drawing  near.  Bur- 
goyne,  after  watching  the  battle  from  Copp's  Hill,  in 
writing  to  England  of  this  "great  catastrophe,"  prepared 
the  Crown  for  that  large  demand  for  troops  upon  which 
he  afterwards  conditioned  his  acceptance  of  a  command  in 
America. 

The  days  of  waiting  for  a  distinct  battle-issue  had 
been  fulfilled.  The  days  of  waiting  for  the  consolidation 
of  the  armies  about  Boston,  under  one  competent  guide 
and  master,  also  passed.  Washington  had  left  Philadel 
phia  and  was  journeying  toward  Cambridge. 


WASHINGTON  AT  FOUR  PERIODS  OF  HIS  MILITARY  CAREER. 
[Etching  from  II.  H.  Hall's  Sons'  engraving.] 


CHAPTER   V. 

WASHINGTON    IN    COMMAND. 

ON  the  twenty-first  day  of  June,  1775,  Washington 
left  Philadelphia  for  Boston,  and  on  the  third  day 
of  July  assumed  command  of  the  Continental  Army  of 
America,  with  headquarters  at  Cambridge. 

At  this  point  one  is  instinctively  prompted  to  peer 
into  the  closed  tent  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  and 
observe  his  modest,  but  wholly  self-reliant  attitude  toward 
the  grave  questions  that  are  to  be  settled,  in  determining 
whether  the  future  destiny  of  America  is  to  be  that  of 
liberty,  or  abject  submission  to  the  Crown. 

For  fully  two  months  the  yeomanry  of  New  England 
had  firmly  grasped  all  approaches  to  the  City  of  Boston. 
This  pressure  was  now  and  then  resisted  by  efforts  of  the 
garrison  to  secure  supplies  from  the  surrounding  country 
farms  ;  which  only  induced  a  tighter  hold,  and  aroused  a 
stubborn  purpose  to  crowd  that  garrison  to  surrender,  or 
escape  by  sea.  The  islands  of  the  beautiful  bay  and  of 
the  Nantasket  roadstead  had  become  miniature  fields  of 
daily  conflict ;  and  persistent  efforts  to  procure  bullocks, 
flour,  and  other  needed  provisions,  through  the  boats  of 
the  British  fleet,  only  developed  a  counter  system  of  boat 
operations  which  neutralized  the  former,  and  gradually 
restricted  the  country  excursions  of  the  troops  within 
the  city  to  the  range  of  their  guns. 

And  yet  the  beleaguering  force  had  fluctuated  every 
day,  so  that  but  few  of  the  hastily  improvised  regiments 

41 


42  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

maintained  either  identity  of  persons,  or  permanent  num 
bers.  Exchanges  were  frequent  between  those  on  duty 
and  others  at  their  homes.  The  sudden  summons  from 
so  many  and  varied  industrial  pursuits  and  callings  was 
like  the  unorganized  rush  of  men  at  an  alarm  of  tire, 
quickened  by  the  conviction  that  some  wide,  sweeping, 
and  common  danger  was  to  be  withstood,  or  some  devour 
ing  element  to  be  mastered.  The  very  independence  of 
opinion  and  sense  of  oppression  which  began  to  assert 
a  claim  to  absolutely  independent  nationality,  became  im-. 
patient  of  all  restraint,  until  military  control,  however 
vital  to  organized  success,  had  become  tiresome,  offensive, 
and  sharply  contested.  Offices  also,  as  in  more  modern 
times,  had  been  conferred  upon  those  who  secured  enlist 
ments,  and  too  often  without  regard  to  character  or 
signal  merit ;  while  the  familiarities  of  former  neighbor- 

o  o 

hood  friends  and  acquaintances  ill-fitted  them  to  bear 
rigid  control  by  those  who  had  been,  only  just  before, 
companions  on  a  common  level. 

Jealousies  and  aspirations  mingled  with  the  claims  of 
families  left  at  home,  and  many  local  excitements  attended 
the  efforts  of  officers  of  the  Crown  to  discharge  their 
most  simple  duties.  After  the  flash  of  Lexington  and  its 
hot  heat  had  faded  out,  it  was  dull  work  to  stand  guard 
by  day,  lie  upon  the  ground  at  night,  live  a  life  of  half 
lazy  routine,  receive  unequal  and  indifferent  food,  and 
wonder,  between  meals,  when  and  how  the  whole  affair 
would  end.  The  capture  of  Ticonderoga,  so  easily  af 
fected,  inclined  many  to  regard  the  contest  before  Boston 
as  a  matter  of  simple,  persistent  pressure,  with  no  provi 
dent  conception  of  the  vast  range  of  conflict  involved  in 
this  defiance  of  the  British  Crown,  in  which  all  Colonies 
must  pass  under  the  rolling  chariot  of  Avar. 

And  yet,  all  these  elements  were  not  sufficiently 
relaxing  to  permit  the  enclosed  "garrison  to  go  free. 


WASHINGTON    IN    COMMAND.  43 

While  thousands  of  the  Minute  Men  were  apparently  list 
less,  and  taking  the  daily  drudgery  as  a  matter-of-course 
experience,  not  to  be  helped  or  be  rid  of,  —  there  were 
many  strong-willed  men  among  them  who  held  settled  and 
controlling  convictions,  so  that  even  the  raw  militia  were 
generally  under  wise  guardianship.  Leading  scholars 
and  professional  men,  as  well  as  ministers  of  the  Gospel 
and  teachers  of  the  district  schools,  united  their  influence 
with  that  of  some  well-trained  soldiers,  to  keep  the  force 
in  the  field  at  a  comparatively  even  strength  of  numbers. 
The  idle  were  gradually  set  to  work,  and  occupation 
began  to  lighten  the  strain  of  camp  life. 

At  the  date  of  Washington's  arrival  to  take  command, 
there  was  a  practical  suspension  of  military  operations 
over  the  country  at  large ;  and  this  condition  of  affairs, 
together  with  the  large  display  of  Colonial  force  about 
Boston,  gave  the  other  Colonies  opportunity  to  prepare 
for  war,  and  for 'Washington  to  develop  his  army  and 
test  both  officers  and  men. 

In  his  tent  at  Cambridge,  he  opened  the  packages 
intrusted  to  his  care  by  Congress,  and  examined  the 
commissions  of  the  officers  who  were  to  share  his  councils 
and  execute  his  will.  His  own  commission  gave  him 
all  needed  authority,  and  pledged  the  united  Colonies  to 
his  hearty  support.  Confidence  in  his  patriotism,  his 
wisdom,  and  his  military  capacity  was  generous  and 
complete.  He  represented  Congress.  He  represented 
America.  For  a  short  time  he  withheld  the  delivery  of  a 
few  of  the  commissions.  Some  officers,  hastily  commis 
sioned,  although  formerly  in  military  service,  had  been 
entirely  isolated  from  opportunities  for  knowledge  of 
men  and  of  questions  of  public  policy.  The  emergency 
required  such  as  were  familiar  with  the  vast  interests 
involved  in  a  struggle  in  arms  with  Great  Britain ;  men 
who  would  heartily  submit  to  that  strict  discipline  which 


44  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

preparation   for   a    contest    with  the   choicest  troops  of 
the  mother-country  must    involve. 

Washington's  constitutional  reticence  deepened  from 
his  first  assumption  of  command.  Frederick  the  Great 
once  declared  that  "  if  he  suspected  that  his  nightcap 
would  betray  his  thoughts  while,  he  slept,  he  would  burn 
it."  Washington,  like  Frederick,  and  like  Grant  and 
Lee,  great  soldiers  of  the  American  Civil  War,  largely 
owed  his  success  and  supremacy  over  weak  or  jealous 
companions  in  arms  to  this  subtle  power.  And  this, 
with  Washington,  was  never  a  studied  actor's  part  in 
the  drama  of  Revolution.  It  was  based  upon  a  devout, 
reverential,  and  supreme  devotion  to  country  and  the 
right.  His  moral  sense  was  delicate,  and  quick  to  dis 
cern  the  great  object  of  the  people's  need  and  desire. 
He  was  also  reverential  in  recognition  of  an  Almighty 
Father  of  all  mankind,  whose  Providence  he  regarded  as 
constant,  friendly,  and  supervising,  in  all  the  struggle 
which  America  had  undertaken  for  absolute  independence. 
Under  this  guidance,  he  learned  how  to  act  with  judicial 
discretion  upon  the  advice  of  his  subordinates,  and  then, — 
to  execute  his  own  sentence.  Baron  Jomini  pronounced 
Napoleon  to  have  been  his  own  best  chief-of-staff ;  and 
such  was  Washington.  Congress  discovered  as  the  years 
slipped  by,  and  jealousies  of  Washington,  competitions 
for  office  and  for  rank,  and  rivalries  of  cities,  sections, 
and  partisans,  endangered  the  safety  of  the  nation  and 
the  vital  interests  involved  in  the  war,  to  trust  his  judg 
ment  ;  and  history  has  vindicated  the  wisdom  of  their 
conclusion.  And  yet,  with  all  this  will-power  in  reserve, 
he  was  patient,  tolerant,  considerate  of  the  honest  con 
victions  of  those  with  contrary  opinions  ;  and  so  assigned 
officers,  or  detailed  them  upon  special  commissions,  that, 
when  not  overborne  by  Congress  in  the  detail  of  some  of 
its  importunate  favorites,  he  succeeded  in  placing  officers 


WASHINGTON    IN    COMMAND.  45 

where  their  weaknesses  could  not  prejudice  the  interests 
of  the  country  at  large,  and  where  their  faculties  could  be 
most  fruitfully  utilized. 

If  the  thoughtful  reader  will  for  a  moment  recall  the 
name  of  some  battle-field  of  the  Revolution,  or  of  any 
prominent  military  character  who  was  identified  with  some 
determining  event  of  that  war,  he  will  quickly  notice  how 
potentially  the  foresight  of  Washington  either  directed  the 
conditions  of  success,  or  wisely  compensated  the  effects 
of  failure. 

Washington  never  counted  disappointments  as  to  single 
acts  of  men,  or  the  operations  of  a  single  command,  as 
determining  factors  in  the  supreme  matter  of  final  suc 
cess.  The  vaulting  ambition,  headstrong  will,  and  fiery 
daring  of  Arnold  never  lessened  an  appreciation  of  his 
real  merits,  and  he  acquired  so  decided  an  affection  for 
him,  personally,  and  was  so  disappointed  that  Congress 
did  not  honor  his  own  request  for  Arnold's  prompt  pro 
motion,  at  one  time,  that  when  his  treason  was  fully 
revealed,  he  could  only  exclaim,  with  deep  emotion, 
''Whom  now  can  we  trust?" 

Even  the  undisguised  jealousy  of  Charles  Lee,  his 
cross-purposes,  disobedience  of  orders,  abuse  of  Con 
gress,  breaches  of  confidence,  and  attempts  to  warp  coun 
cils  of  war  adversely  to  the  judgment  of  the  Cornmander- 
in-Chief  did  not  forfeit  Washington's  recognition  of  that 
officer's  general  military  knowledge  and  his  ordinary 
wisdom  in  council. 

These  considerations  fully  introduce  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  to  the  reader,  as  he  imagines  the  Soldier  to  be  in  his 
tent  with  the  commissions  of  subordinate  officers  before  him. 

He  began  his  duties  with  the  most  minute  inspection  of 
the  material  with  which  he  was  expected  to  carry  on  a 
-contest  with  Great  Britain.  Every  company  and  regi 
ment,  their  quarters,  their  arms,  ammunition,  and  food 


46  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

supplies,  underwent  the  closest  scrutiny.  He  accepted 
excuses  for  the  slovenliness  of  any  command  with  the 
explicit  warning  that  repetition  of  such  indifference  or 
neglect  would  be  sternly  punished. 

The  troops  had  hardly  been  dismissed,  after  their  first 
formal  parade  for  inspection,  before  a  set  repugnance  to 
all  proper  instruction  in  the  details  of  a  soldier's  duty 
became  manifest.  The  old  method  of  fighting  Indians 
singly,  through  thickets,  and  in  small  detachments,  each 
man  for  himself,  was  clung  to  stubbornly,  as  if  the  army 
.were  composed  of  individual  hunters,  who  must  each 
."  bag  his  own  game."  Guard  duty  was  odious.  Superi 
ority  by  virtue  of  rank  was  questioned,  denied,  or  ig 
nored.  The  abuses  of  places  of  trust,  especially  in  the 
quartermaster  and  commissary  departments,  and  the 
prostitution  of  these  responsibilities  to  private  ends  were 
constant.  "  Profanity,  vulgarity,  and  all  the  vices  of 
an  undisciplined  mass  became  frightful,"  as  Washington 
himself  described  the  condition,  "  so  soon  as  any  imme 
diate  danger  passed  by."  To  sum  up  the  demoraliza 
tion  of  the  army,  he  could  only  add,  "  They  have  been 
trained  to  have  their  own  way  too  long." 

But  the  good,  the  faithful,  and  the  pure  were  hardly 
less  restive  under  the  new  restraint,  and  few  appreciated 
the  vital  value  of  some  absolutely  supreme  control.  The 
public  moneys  and  public  property  were  held  to  belong 
to  everybody,  because  Congress  represented  everybody. 
Commands  were  considered  despotic  orders,  and  exact 
details  Avere  but  another  system  of  slavery. 

Nor  was  this  the  whole  truth.  Even  officers  of  high 
position,  whether  graded  above  or  below  their  own  expec 
tations,  found  time  to  indulge  in  petty  neglect  of  plain 
instructions,  and  in  turn  to  usurp  authority,  in  defiance 
of  discipline  and  the  paramount  interests  of  the  people  at 
large. 


WASHINGTON    [N    COMMAND.  47 

The  inspection  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  had  been 
made.  Immediately,  the  troops  were  put  to  work  per 
fecting  earthworks,  building  redoubts,  and  policing  camp. 
"  Observance  of  the  Sabbath "  was  enforced.  Officers 
were  court-martialed,  and  soldiers  were  tried,  for"  swear 
ing,  gambling,  fraud,  and  lewdness."  A  thorough 
system  of  guard  and  picket  duty  was  established,  and 
the  nights  were  made  subservient  to  rest,  in  the  place  of 
dissipation  and  revelry.  Discipline  was  the  first  indica- 
tion_that.a  Soldier  was  in  command. 

These  statements,  which  are  brief  extracts  from  his 
published  Orders,  fall  far  below  a  just  review  of  the  situ 
ation  as  given  by  Washington  himself.  From  some  of 
his  reports  to  Congress  it  would  seem  as  if,  for  a 
moment,  he  almost  despaired  of  bringing  the  army  to  a 
condition  when  he  might  confidently  take  it  into  an  open 
Held,  and  place  it,  face  to  face,  against  any  well-appointed 
force  of  even  inferior  numbers.  That  he  was  enabled  so 
to  discipline  an  army  that,  as  at  Brandy  wine,  they  will 
ingly  marched  to  meet  a  British  and  Hessian  force  one- 
half  greater  than  his  own  in  numbers,  became  a  complete 
justification  of  the  patience  and  wise  persistence  with 
which  he  handled  the  raw  troops  in  camp  about  Cambridge, 
in  the  year  1775. 

His  next  care  was  "  the  practical  art  of  bringing  the 
army  fully  equipped  to  the  battle-field,"  known  as  the 
"Logistics  of  War."  The  army  was  deficient  in  every 
element  of  supply.  The  men,  who  still  held  their  Colonial 
obligation  to  be  supreme,  came  and  went  just  as  their 
engagements  would  permit  and  the  comfort  of  their  fami 
lies  required.  Desertion  was  regarded  as  nothing,  or  at 
the  worst  but  a  venial  offence,  and  there  were  times  when 
the  American  army  about  Boston,  through  nine  miles  of. 
investment,  was  less  in  number  than  the  British  garrison 
within  the  city. 


48  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

But  the  deficiency  in  the  number  of  the  men  was  not 
BO  conspicuous  and  disappointing  as  the  want  of  powder, 
lead,  tools,  arms,  tents,  horses,  carts,  and  medical 
supplies.  Ordinary  provisions  had  become  abundant. 
The  adjacent  country  fed  them  liberally  and  supplied 
many  home-made  luxuries,  not  always  the  best  nourish 
ment  for  a  soldier's  life  ;  but  it  was  difficult  to  persuade 
the  same  men  that  all  provisions  must  enter  into  a 
general  commissariat,  and  be  issued  to  all  alike ;  and  that 
such  stores  must  be  accumulated,  and  neither  expended 
lavishly  nor  sold  at  a  bargain  so  soon  as  a  surplus  re 
mained  unexpended.  Such  articles  as  cordage,  iron,  horse 
shoes,  lumber,  fire-wood,  and  every  possible  thing  which 
might  be  required  for  field,  garrison,  or  frontier  service, 
were  included  in  his  inventory  of  essential  supplies. 

In  his  personal  expenditures  of  the  most  trivial  item 
of  public  property,  Washington  kept  a  minute  and  exact 
account.  Of  the  single  article  of  powder,  he  once  stated 
that  his  chief  supply  was  furnished  by  the  enemy,  for, 
during  one  period,  the  armed  vessels  with  which  he 
patrolled  the  coast  captured  more  powder  than  Congress 
had  been  able  to  furnish  him  in  several  months. 

Delay  in  securing  such  essential  supplies  increased  the 
difficulty  of  bringing  the  troops  themselves  to  a  full  rec 
ognition  of  their  military  needs  and  responsibilities,  so 
that  the  grumbling  query,  "  What 's  the  use  of  copying 
the  red-coats'  fuss  and  training?"  still  pervaded  camp. 
Plain  men  from  the  country  who  had  watched  the  martinet 
exactness  of  British  drills  in  the  city,  where  there  was  so 
much  of  ornament  and  "  style,"  had  no  taste  for  like  sub 
jection  to  control  over  their  personal  bearing  and  ward 
robe.  A  single  order  of  General  Howe  to  the  Boston 
garrison  illustrates  what  the  Yankees  termed  the  "red 
coats'  fuss."  He  issued  an  order,  reprimanding  soldiers 
"  whose  hair  was  not  smooth  but  badly  powdered ;  who 


WASHINGTON    IN    COMMAND.  49 

had  no  frills  to  their  shirts ;  whose  leggings  hung  in  a 
slovenly  manner  about  their  knees,  and  other  soldierly 
neglects,  which  must  be  immediately  remedied."  This 
seemed  to  the  American  soldier  more  like  some  "  nursing 
process  ;  "  and  while  right,  on  general  principles,  was  not 
the  chief  requirement  for  good  fighting  zeal . 

For  many  weeks  it  had  been  the  chief  concern  of  the 
American  Coinmander-in-Chief  how  to  make  a  fair  show 
of  military  preparation,  while  all  things  were  in  such 
extreme  confusion.  Washington,  as  well  as  Howe,  had 
his  fixed  ideas  of  military  discipline,  and  he,  also,  issued 
orders  respecting  the  habits,  personal  bearing,  and  neat 
ness  of  the  men ;  closing  -on  one  occasion,  thus  emphati 
cally  :  "  Cards  and  games  of  chance  are  prohibited.  At 
this  time  of  public  distress,  men  may  find  enough  to  do 
in  the  service  of  their  God  and  country,  without  aban 
doning  themselves  to  vice  and  immorality."  In  anticipa 
tion  of  active  service,  and  to  rebuke  the  freedom  with 
which  individuals  inclined  to  follow  their  own  bent  of 
purpose,  he  promulgated  the  following  ringing  caution  : 

"  It  may  not  be  amiss  for  the  troops  to  know,  that  if 
any  man  in  action  shall  presume  to  skulk,  hide  himself, 
or  retreat  from  the  enemy  without  the  orders  of  his  com 
manding  officer,  he  will  be  instantly  shot  down  as  an 
example  of  cowardice  ;  cowards  having  too  frequently 
disconcerted  the  best  troops  by  their  dastardly  behavior." 

Amid  all  this  stern  preparation  for  the  battle-field  and 
its  incidents,  the  most  careful  attention  was  given  to  the 
comfort  and  personal  well-being  of  the  privates  in  the 
ranks.  While  obedience  was  required  of  all,  of  whatever 
grade  or  rank,  the  cursing  or  other  abuse  of  the  soldier 
was  considered  an  outrage  upon  his  rights  as  a  citizen, 
and  these  met  his  most  scorching  denunciation  and  pun 
ishment. 

A  Soldier  was  in  command  of  the  Continental  Army  of 
America. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

BRITISH    CANADA    ENTERS    THE    FIELD    OF    ACTION. 

THE  Continental  Army  about  Boston  was  largely 
composed  of  New  England  troops.  This  was  inev 
itable  until  the  action  of  Congress  could  be  realized  by 
reinforcements  from  other  Colonies.  The  experience  of 
nearly  all  veteran  soldiers  in  the  Cambridge  camps  had 
been  gained  by  service  in  Canada  or  upon  its  borders. 
British  garrisons  at  Halifax,  Quebec,  and  Montreal,  as  well 
as  at  Ticonderoga,  Crown  Point,  and  St.  John's,  offered 
an  opportunity  for  British  aggression  from  the  north. 
The  seizure  of  the  nearer  posts,  last  named,  temporarily 
checked  such  aggressions,  but  seemed  to  require  adequate 
garrisons,  and  a  watchful  armed  outlook  across  the  border. 
There  had  been  very  early  urged  upon  the  Massachusetts 
Committee  of  Safety  more  extensive  operations  into  Can 
ada,  especially  as  the  "  Canadian  Acts  of  Parliament  " 
had  become  nearly  as  offensive  to  Canadians  as  other 
Acts  which  had  alienated  the  American  Colonies  from 
respect  for  the  common  "Mother  Country."  The  Cana 
dian  Acts,  however,  had  not  been  pressed  to  armed  re 
sistance  ;  and  differences  of  race,  language,  and  religious 
forms  were  not  conducive  to  those  neighborly  relations 
which  would  admit  of  combined  action,  even  in  emer 
gencies  common  to  both  sections.  But  the  initiative  of  a 
general  movement  into  Canada  had  been  taken,  and  Con 
gress  precipitated  the  first  advance,  before  Washington 
became  Commander-in-Chief.  In  order  to  appreciate  the 

50 


BRITISH    CANADA    ENTERS    THE    FIELD.  51 

action  of  Washington  when  ho  became  more  directly 
responsible  for  the  success  of  these  detachments  from  his 
army,  for  service  in  Canada,  they  must  be  noticed. 

The  adventurous  spirit  of  Arnold  prompted  the  sugges 
tion  that  the  conquest  of  Canada  would  bring  disaster  to 
Great  Britain  and  fend  off  attacks  upon  the  other  Colonies. 
He  once  traded  with  its  people,  was  familiar  with  Quebec, 
and  after  his  adventure  at  Crown  Point,  in  June,  had 
written  from  that  place  to  the  Continental  Congress  that 
Gen.  Sir  Guy  Carleton's  force  in  Canada  was  less  than  six 
hundred  men,  promising  to  guarantee  the  conquest  of 
Canada  if  he  were  granted  the  command  of  two  thousand 
men  for  that  purpose.  On  the  second  day  of  June,  Ethan 
Allen,  who  had  anticipated  Arnold  in  the  capture  of 
Ticonderoga,  had  made  a  similar  proposition  to  the  Pro 
vincial  Congress  of  New  York.  Both  Allen  and  Seth 
Warner  had  visited  Congress,  and  requested  authority  to 
raise  new  regiments.  Authority  was  not  given,  but  a 
recommendation  was  forwarded  to  the  New  York  Provin 
cial  Congress,  that  the  'r  Green  Mountain  Boys  "  should 
be  recognized  as  regular  forces,  and  be  granted  the 
privilege  of  electing  their  own  officers. 

It  is  of  interest  in  this  connection  to  notice  the  fact  that 
when  Arnold,  in  his  first  dash  up  Lake  Champlain,  found 
that  Warner  had  anticipated  his  projected  capture  of  Crown 
Point,  as  Alien  had  that  of  Ticonderoga,  he  was  greatly 
offended,  usurped  command  of  that  post  and  of  a  few 
vessels  which  he  styled  his  "  Navy,"  and  upon  finding  that 
his  assumption  of  authority  was  neither  sanctioned  by 
Massachusetts  nor  Connecticut,  discharged  his  force  and 
returned  to  Cambridge  in  anger.  This  same  navy,  how 
ever,  chiefly  constructed  under  his  skilful  and  energetic 
direction,  won  several  brilliant  successes  and  certainly 
postponed  movements  from  Canada  southward,  for  many 
months. 


52  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

Eventually  a  formal  expedition  was  authorized  against 
Montreal,  and  Generals  Schuyler  and  Montgomery  were 
assigned  to  its  command.  This  force,  consisting  of  three 
thousand  men,  was  ordered  to  rendezvous  during  the 
month  of  August  at  Ticonderoga,  where  Allen  and  Warner 
also  joined  it. 

During  the  same  month  a  committee  from  Congress 
visited  Washington  at  Cambridge,  and  persuaded  him  to 
send  a  second  army  to  Canada,  via  the  Kennebec  river, 
to  capture  Quebec.  Existing  conditions  seemed  to  warrant 
these  demonstrations  Avhich,  under  other  circumstances, 
might  have  proved  fatal  to  success  at  Boston.  The  theory 
upon  which  Washington  concurred  in  the  action  of  Con 
gress  is  worthy  of  notice,  in  estimating  his  character  as 
a  soldier.  He  understood  that  the  suddenness  of  the 
resistance  at  Lexington,  and  the  comparatively  "  drawn 
game  "  between  the  patriots  and  British  regulars  at  Breed's 
Hill,  would  involve  on  the  part  of  the  British  government 
much  time  and  great  outlay  of  money,  in  order  to  send  to 
America  an  adequate  force  for  aggressive  action  upon  any 
extended  scale  ;  and  that  the  control  of  New  York  and  the 
southern  coast  cities  must  be  of  vastly  more  importance 
than  to  harass  the  scattered  settlements  adjoining  Canada. 
Inasmuch,  however,  as  New  York  and  New  England 
seemed  to  stake  the  safety  of  their  northern  frontier  upon 
operations  northward,  while  Quebec  and  Montreal  were 
almost  destitute  of  regular  troops,  and  the  season  of  the 
year  would  prevent  British  reinforcements  by  sea,  it 
might  prove  to  be  the  best  opportunity  to  test  the  sen 
timent  of  the  Canadian  people  themselves  as  to  their 
readiness  to  make  common  cause  against  the  Crown.  If 
reported  professions  could  be  realized,  the  north  would  be 
permanently  protected. 

Taking  into  account  that  General  Carleton  would  never 
anticipate  an  advance  upon  Quebec,  but  concentrate  his 


BRITISH    CANADA    ENTERS    THE    FIELD.  53 

small  force  at  Montreal,  with  view  to  the  ultimate  re 
capture  of  St.  John's,  Crown  Point,  and  Ticonderoga,  and 
estimating,  from  advices  received,  that  Carleton's  forces 
numbered  not  to  exceed  eight  hundred  regulars  and  as 
many  Provincials,  he  regarded  the  detail  of  three  thou 
sand  men  as  sufficient  for  the  capture  of  Montreal.  This 
estimate  was  a  correct  one.  Its  occupation  was  also 
deemed  practicable  and  wise,  because  it  was  so  near  the 
mouth  of  Sorel  River  and  Lake  Champlain  as  to  be  readily 
supported,  so  long  as  the  British  army  was  not  substan 
tially  reenforced  along  the  Atlantic  coast. 

There  was  one  additional  consideration  that  practically 
decided  the  action  of  Washington.  The  mere  capture  of 
Montreal,  on  the  north  bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence  river, 
and  so  easily  approached  by  water  from  Quebec,  would 
be  of  no  permanent  value  so  long  as  Quebec  retained  its 
place  as  the  almost  impregnable  rendezvous  of  British 
troops  and  fleets.  This  view  of  the  recommendation  of 
Congress  was  deemed  conclusive ;  provided,  that  the 
movement  against  Quebec  could  be  immediate,  sudden, 
by  surprise,  and  involve  no  siege.  Under  the  assump 
tion  that  Congress  had  been  rightly  advised  of  the  Brit 
ish  forces  in  Canada,  and  of  the  sentiments  of  the 
Canadians  themselves,  the  expedition  had  promise  of 
success. 

There  was  a  variance  of  religious  form  and  religious 
faith  which  did  not  attract  all  the  New  England  soldiers 
in  behalf  of  Canadian  independence.  This  was  sufficiently 
observed  by  Washington's  keen  insight  into  human 
nature  to  call  forth  the  following  order,  which  placed 
the  Canadian  expeditions  upon  a  very  lofty  basis.  The 
extract  is  as  follows  :  "  As  the  Commander-in-Chief  has 
been  apprised  of  a  design  formed  for  the  observance  of 
that  ridiculous  and  childish  custom  of  burning  the  effigy 
of  the  Pope,  he  cannot  help  expressing  his  surprise  that 


54  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

there  should  be  officers  and  soldiers  in  this  army  so  void 
of  common-sense  as  not  to  see  the  impropriety  of  such 
a  step  at  this  juncture,  at  a  time  when  we  are  soliciting, 
and  have  really  obtained  the  friendship  and  alliance  of 
Canada,  whom  we  ought  to  consider  as  brethren  em 
barked  in  the  same  cause  —  the  defence  of  the  general 
liberty  of  America.  .  .  .  At  such  a  juncture,  and  in 
such  circumstances,  to  be  insulting  their  religion  is  so 
monstrous  as  not  to  be  suffered  or  excused ;  indeed, 
instead  of  offering  the  most  remote  insult,  it  is  our  duty 
to  address  public  thanks  to  those  our  brethren,  as  to 
them  we  are  so  much  indebted  for  every  late  happy 
success  over  the  common  enemy  in  Canada." 

Washington,  however,  hinged  his  chief  objection  to 
these  distant  enterprises,  which  he  habitually  opposed 
throughout  the  war,  upon  the  pressing  demand  for  the 
immediate  capture  of  Boston,  and  an  immediate  transfer 
of  the  Headquarters  of  the  Army  to  New  York,  where, 
and  where  only,  the  Colonies  could  be  brought  into  close 
relation  for  the  organization  and  distribution  of  an  army 
adequate  to  carry  on  war,  generally,  wherever  along  the 
Atlantic  coast  the  British  might  land  troops. 

As  early  as  June,  Congress  had  disclaimed  any  purpose 
to  operate  against  Canada,  and  Bancroft  says  that  the 
invasion  was  not  determined  upon  until  the  Proclama 
tion  of  Martial  Law  by  the  British  Governor,  his  denun 
ciation  of  the  American  borderers,  and  the  incitement  of 
savages  to  raids  against  Xew  York  and  New  England  had 
made  the  invasion  an  act  of  self-defence.  But  there  had 
been  no  such  combination  of  hostile  acts  when  these 
expeditions  were  planned,  and  Mr.  Bancroft  must  have 
associated  those  events  with  the  employment  of  Indian 
allies  during  the  subsequent  Burgoyne  campaign  of  1777. 

The  details  of  the  two  contemporary  expeditions  to 
Canada  are  only  sufficiently  outlined  to  develop  the  rela- 


BRITISH    CANADA    ENTERS    THE    FIELD.  55 

tions  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  to  their  prosecution, 
and  to  introduce  to  the  reader  certain  officers  who  sub 
sequently  came  more  directly  under  Washington's  per 
sonal  command.  The  substantial  failure  of  each,  except 
that  it  developed  some  of  the  best  officers  of  the  war,  is 
accepted  as  history.  But  it  is  no  less  true  thiat  when 
Great  Britain  made  Canada  the  base  of  Burgoyne's  inva 
sion,  his  feeble  support  by  the  Canadians  themselves 
proved  a  material  factor  in  his  ultimate  disaster.  He 
was  practically  starved  to  surrender  for  want  of  adequate 
support  in  men  and  provisions,  from  his  only  natural  base 
of  supply. 

It  is  sufficient,  at  present,  to  notice  the  departure  of 
the  two  expeditions,  that  of  Schuyler  and  Montgomery, 
assembling  at  Ticonderoga,  August  20,  and  that  of 
Arnold,  consisting  of  eleven  hundred  men,  without  artil 
lery,  which  left  Cambridge  on  the  seventeenth  day  of 
September  and  landed  at  Gardiner,  Me.,  on  the  twentieth. 
Several  companies  of  riflemen  from  Pennsylvania  and 
Virginia  which  had  reported  for  duty  were  assigned  to 
Arnold's  command.  Among  the  officers  were  Daniel 
Morgan  and  Christopher  Greene.  Aaron  Burr,  then  but 
nineteen  years  of  age,  accompanied  this  expedition. 

As  the  summer  of  1775  drew  near  its  close,  and  the 
temporary  excitement  of  Arnold's  departure  restored  the 
routine  of  camp  life  and  the  passive  watching  of  a  be 
leaguered  city,  the  large  number  of  ff  Six  Months  "  men, 
whose  term  of  enlistment  was  soon  to  expire,  became  list 
less  and  indifferent  to  duty.  Washington,  without  offi 
cial  rebuke  of  this  growing  negligence,  forestalled  its 
further  development  by  redoubling  his  efforts  to  place  the 
works  about  Boston  in  a  complete  condition  of  defence. 
None  were  exempt  from  the  scope  of  his  orders. 
Ploughed  Hill  and  Cobble  Hill  were  fortified,  and  the 
works  at  Lechniere  Point  were  strengthened.  (See  map, 


56  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

"Boston  and  Vicinity.")  Demonstrations  were  made 
daily  in  order  to  entice  the  garrison  to  sorties  upon  the 
investing  lines.  But  the  British  troops  made  no  hostile 
demonstrations,  and  in  a  very  short  time  the  American 
redoubts  were  sufficiently  established  to  resist  the  attack 
of  the  entire  British  army. 

A  Council  of  War  was  summoned  to  meet  at  Washing 
ton's  headquarters  to  consider  his  proposition  that  an 
assault  be  made  upon  the  city,  and  that  it  be  burned,  if 
that  seemed  to  be  a  military  necessity.  Lee  opposed  the 
movement,  as  impossible  of  execution,  in  view  of  the 
character  of  the  British  troops  whom  the  militia  would  be 
compelled  to  meet  in  close  battle.  The  Council  of  War 
concurred  in  his  motion  to  postpone  the  proposition  of 
the  Commander-in-Chief.  Lee's  want  of  confidence  in 
the  American  troops,  then  for  the  first  time  officially 
stated,  had  its  temporary  influence ;  but,  ever  after, 
through  his  entire  career  until  its  ignominious  close,  he 
opposed  every  opportunity  for  battle,  on  the  same  pre 
tence.  The  only  exception  was  his  encouragement  to  the 
resistance  of  Moultrie  at  Charleston,  against  the  British 
fleet,  during  June,  1776,  although  he  was  not  a  partici 
pant  in  that  battle. 

Meanwhile,  the  citizens  of  the  sea-coast  towns  of  New 
England  began  to  be  anxious  as  to  their  own  safety.  A 
British  armed  transport  cannonaded  Stonington,  and  other 
vessels  threatened  New  London  and  Norwich.  All  of 
these  towns  implored  Washington  to  send  them  troops. 
Governor  Jonathan  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut  (the  orig 
inal  "Brother  Jonathan"),  whose  extraordinary  compre 
hension  of  the  military  as  well  as  the  civil  issues  of  the 
times  made  him  then,  and  ever,  a  reliable  and  constant 
friend  of  Washington,  consulted  the  Commander-in-Chief 
as  to  these  depredations,  and  acquiesced  in  his  judgment 
as  final. 


BRITISH    CANADA    ENTERS    THE    FIELD.  57 

Washington  wrote  thus  :  "  The  most  important  oper 
ations  of  the  campaign  cannot  be  made  to  depend  upon 
the  piratical  expeditions  of  two  or  three  men-of-war 
privateers."  This  significant  rejoinder  illustrated  the 
proposition  to  burn  Boston,  and  was  characteristic  of 
Washington's  policy  respecting  other  local  raids  and  en 
dangered  cities.  It  is  in  harmony  with  the  purpose  of  this 
narrative  to  emphasize  this  incident.  Napoleon  in  his 
victorious  campaign  against  Austria  refused  to  occupy 
Vienna  Avith  his  army,  and  counted  the  acquisition  of 
towns  and  cities  as  demoralizing  to  troops,  besides  enforc 
ing  detachments  from  his  lighting  force  simply  to  hold 
dead  property.  Washington  ignored  the  safety  of  Phila 
delphia,  the  Colonial  capital,  repeatedly,  claiming  that 
to  hold  his  army  compactly  together,  ready  for  the  field, 
was  the  one  chief  essential  to  ultimate  victory.  Even 
the  later  invasions  of  Virginia  and  Connecticut,  and  the 
erratic  excursions  of  Simcoe  and  other  royalist  leaders 
into  Westchester  County,  New  York,  and  the  country 
about  Philadelphia,  did  not  bend  his  deliberate  purpose 
to  cast  upon  local  communities  a  fair  share  of  their  own 
defence.  In  more  than  one  instance  he  announced  to  the 
people  that  these  local  incursions  only  brought  reproach 
upon  the  perpetrators,  and  embittered  the  Colonists  more 
intensely  against  the  invader. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

HOWE    SUCCEEDS    GAGE.  CLOSING    SCENES    OF    1775. 

AS  the  siege  of  Boston  advanced  without  decisive 
result,  orders  from  England  suddenly  relieved 
Gage  from  command,  and  assigned  General  Sir  William 
Howe  as  his  successor.  That  officer  promulgated  a  char 
acteristic  order  "  assuming  command  over  all  the  Atlantic 
Colonies  from  Nova  Scotia  to  the  West  Indies."  He 
made  his  advent  thus  public,  and  equally  notorious. 
Offensive  proclamations,  bad  in  policy,  fruitless  for  good, 
and  involving  the  immediate  crushing  out  of  all  sympathy 
from  those  who  were  still  loyal  to  the  Crown,  were  the 
types  of  his  character,  both  as  governor  and  soldier.  He 
threatened  with  military  execution  any  who  might  leave 
the  city  without  his  consent,  and  enjoined  upon  all  citi 
zens,  irrespective  of  personal  opinion,  to  ft  arm  for  the 
defence  of  Boston." 

This  action  imposed  upon  Washington  the  issue  of  a 
reciprocal  order  against  "  all  who  were  suffered  to  stalk  at 
large,  doing  all  the  mischief  in  their  power."  Hence, 
between  the  two  orders,  it  happened  that  the  royalists  in 
the  city  had  no  opportunity  to  visit  their  friends  and  see 
to  their  own  property  outside  the  British  lines,  and  the 
royalists  of  the  country  who  sought  to  smuggle  them 
selves  between  the  lines,  to  communicate  with  those  in 
the  city,  were  compelled  to  remain  outside  the  American 
lines,  or  be  shot  as  "spies." 

Up  to  this  time,  the  British  officers  and  neutral  citizens 

58 


CLOSING    SCENES    OF    1775.  59 

had  not  been  interfered  with  in  the  prosecution  of  their 
business  or  social  engagements  ;  and  the  operations  of  the 
siege  had  been  mainly  those  of  silencing  British  action 
and  wearing  out  the  garrison  by  constant  surveillance 
and  provocations  to  a  fight. 

Supplies  became  more  and  more  scarce  within  the 
British  lines.  Acting  under  the  peremptory  orders  of 
General  Howe,  Admiral  Graves  resolved  to  make  his  small 
fleet  more  effective,  and  under  rigid  instructions  to  "burn 
all  towns  and  cities  that  fitted  out  or  sheltered  privateers," 
Lieutenant  Mowatt  began  his  work  of  desolation  by  the 
destruction  of  Falmouth,  now  Portland,  Me. 

In  contrast  with  this  proceeding  was  the  action  of 
Washington.  When  an  American  privateer,  which  had 
been  sent  by  him  to  the  St.  Lawrence  river,  to  cut  off 
two  brigantines  which  had  left  England  with  supplies  for 
Quebec,  exceeded  instructions,  and  plundered  St.  John's 
Island,  he  promptly  sent  back  the  citizen-prisoners, 
restored  their  private  effects,  and  denounced  the  action 
of  the  officer  in  command  and  his  crew,  as  "  a  violation 
of  the  principles  of  civilized  warfare." 

Crowded  by  these  immediate  demands  upon  his  resources, 
and  equally  confident  that  there  soon  would  be  neither 
army,  nor  supplies,  adequate  for  the  emergency,  Wash 
ington  made  an  independent  appeal  to  Congress,  covering 
the  entire  ground  of  his  complaint,  and  stating  his  abso 
lute  requirements.  He  wanted  money.  He  demanded  a 
thoroughly  organized  commissariat,  and  a  permanent 
artillery  establishment.  He  asked  for  more  adequate  con 
trol  of  all  troops,  from  whatever  Colony  they  might  come  ; 
a  longer  term  of  enlistment ;  enlargement  of  the  Rules 
and  Articles  of  War,  and  power  to  enforce  his  own  will. 
He  also  demanded  a  separate  organization  of  the  navy,  in 
place  of  scattered,  irresponsible  privateers,  and  that  it  be 
placed  upon  a  sound  footing,  as  to  both  men  and  vessels. 


60  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

Congress  acted  promptly  upon  these  suggestions.  On 
the  fourth  of  October,  a  committee,  consisting  of  Ben 
jamin  Franklin,  Thomas  Lynch,  and  Benjamin  Harrison, 
started  for  Washington's  headquarters  with  three 
hundred  thousand  dollars  in  Continental  money,  and 
after  a  patient  consideration  of  his  views,  advised  the 
adoption  of  all  his  recommendations. 

A  council  of  all  the  New  England  Governors  was  also 
called  to  meet  this  committee.  As  the  result  of  the  con 
ference  a  new  organization  of  the  army  was  determined 
upon,  fixing  the  force  to  be  employed  about  Boston  at 
twenty-three  thousand  three  hundred  and  seventy-two 
officers  and  men.  Washington  also  submitted  to  this 
committee  his  plan  for  attacking  Boston.  It  was 
approved ;  and  soon  after,  Congress  authorized  him  to 
burn  the  city  if  he  should  deem  that  necessary  in  the 
prosecution  of  his  designs  against  the  British  army.  In 
all  subsequent  military  operations  the  same  principle  of 
strategic  action  was  controlling  and  absolute  with  him. 

On  the  thirteenth  day  of  October,  Congress  authorized 
the  building  of  two  small  cruisers,  and  on  the  thirtieth, 
two  additional  vessels,  of  small  tonnage.  A  naval  com 
mittee  was  also  appointed,  consisting  of  Silas  Dean,  John 
Langdon,  Joseph  Hewes,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  and  John 
Adams.  On  the  twenty-eighth  of  November,  a  naval 
code  was  adopted  ;  and  on  the  thirteenth  of  December,  the 
construction  of  thirteen  frigates  was  authorized.  Among 
the  officers  commissioned,  were  Nicholas  Biddle  as  cap 
tain  and  John  Paul  Jones  as  lieutenant.  Thus  the 
American  Navy  was  fully  established.1 

On  the  twenty-ninth  day  of  November,  Captain  John 
Manly,  who  was  the  most  prominent  officer  of  this  im 
provised  navy,  captured  a  British  store-ship,  containing 
a  large  mortar,  several  brass  cannon,  two  thousand 

1  See  Appendix,     "  American  Navy." 


CLOSING    SCENES    OF    1775.  61  I 

muskets,  one  hundred  thousand  flints,  eleven  mortar-beds, 
thirty  thousand  shot,  and  all  necessary  implements  for 
artillery  and  intrenching  service. 

As  the  year  drew  to  its  close,  the  British  levelled  all 
their  advanced  works  on  Charlestown  Neck,  and  concen 
trated  their  right  wing  in  a  strong  redoubt  on  Bunker 
Hill,  while  their  left  wing  at  Boston  Neck  was  more 
thoroughly  fortified  against  attack. 

Congress  now  intimated  to  AVashington  that  it  might 
be  well  to  attack  the  city  upon  the  first  favorable  occa 
sion,  before  the  arrival  of  reinforcements  from  Great 
Britain.  The  laconic  reply  of  the  Commander-in-Chief 
was,  that  he  "  must  keep  his  powder  for  closer  work  than 
cannon  distance." 

On  the  nineteenth  of  November,  Henry  Knox  was  com 
missioned  as  Colonel,  vice  Gridley,  too  old  for  active  ser 
vice.  Two  lieutenant-colonels,  two  majors,  and  twelve 
companies  of  artillery  were  authorized,  and  thus  the 
American  regular  Artillery,  as  well  as  the  navy,  was  put 
upon  a  substantial  basis,  with  Knox  as  Chief  of  Artillery. 

The  closing  months  of  1775  also  developed  the  prog 
ress  of  the  expeditions  for  the  conquest  of  Canada. 
The  reinforcements  required  for  the  actual  rescue  of  the 
detached  forces  from  destruction,  increased  the  burdens 
of  the  Commander-in-Chief.  This  period  of  Washing 
ton's  military  responsibility  cannot  be  rightly  judged 
from  the  general  opinion  that  Montgomery's  nominal 
force  of  three  thousand  men  represented  an  effective 
army  of  that  strength :  in  fact,  it  was  less  than  half  that 
number. 

Montgomery  reached  Ticonderoga  on  the  seventeenth 
of  August.  Schuyler,  then  negotiating  a  treaty  with  the 
Six  Nations,  at  Albany,  received  a  despatch  from  Wash 
ington,  "Not  a  moment  of  time  is  to  be  lost,"  and  at 
once  joined  Montgomery.  They  pushed  for  the  capture^ 


(52  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

of  St.  John's,  under  the  spur  of  Washington's  warning ; 
but  on  the  sixth  of  September  and  again  on  the  tenth, 
were  compelled  to  suspend  operations  for  want  of  artil 
lery,  having  at  the  time  a  force  of  but  one  thousand 
men  present,  instead  of  the  three  thousand  promised. 
Schuyler's  ill-health  compelled  him  to  return  to  Ticon- 
deroga ;  but  with  infinite  industry,  system,  and  courage 
he  was  able  to  forward  additional  troops,  increasing 
Montgomery's  force  to  two  thousand  men. 

Ethan  Allen,  who  had  been  succeeded  in  command 
of  the  "  Green  Mountain  Boys "  by  Seth  Warner,  was 
across  the  line,  endeavoring  to  recruit  a  regiment  of 
Canadians.  After  partial  success,  regardless  of  order,  he 
dashed  forward,  hoping  to  capture  Montreal,  as  he  had 
captured  Ticonderoga.  He  was  captured,  and  sent  to 
England  to  be  tried  on  the  charge  of  treason.  In  a  letter 
to  Schuyler,  Washington  thus  notices  the  event  : 

"  Colonel  Allen's  misfortune  will,  I  hope,  teach  a  lesson 
of  prudence  and  subordination  in  others  who  may  be  too 
ambitious  to  outshine  their  general  officer,  and  regardless 
of  order  and  duty,  rush  into  enterprises  which  have 
unfavorable  effects  on  the  public,  and  are  destructive  to 
themselves." 

On  the  third  of  November,  after  a  siege  of  fifty  days, 
St.  John's  was  captured,  with  one  hundred  Canadians  and 
nearly  five  hundred  British  regulars,  more  than  half  the 
force  in  Canada.  John  Andre  was  among  the  number. 
General  Carleton,  who  attempted  to  cross  the  St.  Law 
rence  river,  and  come  to  the  aid  of  St.  John's,  was  thrust 
back  by  the  "  Green  Mountain  Boys  "  and  a  part  of  the 
2d  New  York  Regiment. 

The  treatment  of  prisoners  illustrates  the  condition  of 
this  army.  It  was  not  a  part  of  the  Cambridge  army,  as 
was  Arnold's,  but  the  contributions  promised  largely  by 
New  York,  and  directly  forwarded  by  Congress.  One- 


CLOSING    SCENES    OF    1775.V.  63! 

regiment  mutinied  because  Montgomery  allowed  the 
prisoners  to  retain  their  extra  suit  of  clothing,  instead  of 
treating  it  as  plunder.  Schuyler's  and  Montgomery's1 
Orderly  Books  and  letters  show  that  even  officers  refused 
to  take  clothing  and  food  to  suffering  prisoners  until  per 
emptorily  forced  to  do  it.  Washington  was  constantly 
advised  of  the  existing  conditions ;  and  when  both 
Schuyler  and  Montgomery  regarded  the  prosecution  of 
their  expeditions  as  hopeless,  with  such  troops,  and  pro 
posed  to  resign,  the  Commander- in-Chief  thus  feelingly, 
almost  tenderly,  wrote  :  "  God  knows  there  is  not  a  diffi 
culty  you  both  complain  of  which  I  have  not  in  an 
eminent  degree  experienced  ;  that  I  am  not,  every  day, 
experiencing ;  but  we  must  bear  up  against  them,  and 
make  the  best  of  mankind  as  they  are,  since  we  cannot 
have  them  as  we  wish.  Let  me  therefore  conjure  you 
both,  to  lay  aside  SUCA  thoughts  ;  thoughts  injurious  to 
yourselves,  and  extremely  so  to  your  country,  which  calls 
aloud  for  gentlemen  of  your  abilities." 

On  the  twelfth  of  November,  Montgomery  reached  the 
open  city  of  Montreal ;  and  the  larger  of  the  two  Cana 
dian  expeditions  reached  its  proposed  destination.  But 
before  the  month  of  November  closed,  the  American  force 
"r  wasted  away,"  until  only  about  eight  hundred  men  re 
mained.  Expiration  of  enlistments  was  at  hand.  Men 
refused  to  re-enlist.  Even  the  "  Green  Mountain  Boys  "  re 
turned  home.  This  was  not  the  total  loss  to  Montgomery. 
Officers  and  men  were  all  alike  fractious,  dictatorial,  and 
self-willed.  They  claimed  the  right  to  do  just  as  they 
pleased,  and  to  obey  such  orders  only  as  their  judgment 
approved.  General  Carleton  escaped  from  the  city  in 
disguise,  and  reached  Quebec  on  the  nineteenth.  There 
was  no  possibility  of  following  him ;  and  the  work  laid 
out  for  Montgomery,  had  been  done,  although  at  great 
cost  and  delay. 


64  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

Prof.  Charles  G.  D.  Eoberts,  of  King's  College,  Nova 
Scotia,  in  his  "History  of  Canada"  (1897), l  uses  this 
language  :  "  General  Carleton  fled  in  disguise  to  Quebec, 
narrowly  escaping  capture,  and  there  made  ready  for  his 
last  stand.  In  Quebec  he  weeded  out  all  those  citizens 
who  sympathized  with  the  rebels,  expelling  them  from 
the  city.  With  sixteen  hundred  men  at  his  back,  a 
small  force  indeed,  but  to  be  trusted,  he  awaited  the 
struggle." 

Meanwhile  Arnold,  after  unexampled  sufferings  and 
equal  heroism,  had  reached  Point  Levi,  opposite  Quebec, 
on  the  ninth  of  November,  only  to  find  that  the  garrison 
had  been  strengthened,  and  that  he  was  stranded,  in  the 
midst  of  a  severe  winter,  upon  an  inhospitable,  barren 
bluff.  The  strongest  fortress  in  America,  defended  by 
two  hundred  heavy  cannon,  and  the  capture  of  which  had 
been  the  inspiration  of  his  adventurous  campaign,  was  in 
full  sight.  Every  condition  which  Washington  had  de 
clared  to  be  essential  to  success  had  failed  of  realization. 
On  the  fifth  of  October  Washington  wrote  to  Schuyler : 
"If  Carleton  is  not  driven  from  St.  John's,  so  as  to  be 
obliged  to  throw  himself  into  Quebec,  it  must  fall  into 
our  hands,  as  it  is  left  without  a  regular  soldier,  as  the 
captain  of  a  brig  from  Quebec  to  Boston  says.  Many  of 
the  inhabitants  are  most  favorably  disposed  to  the  Ameri 
can  cause,  and  that  there  is  there  the  largest  stock  of  am 
munition  ever  collected  in  America."  On  the  same  day 
he  also  writes:  "Arnold  expected  to  reach  Quebec  in 
twenty  days  from  September  twenty-sixth,  and  that 
Montgomery  must  keep  up  such  appearances  as  to  fix 
Carleton,  and  prevent  the  force  in  Canada  from  being- 
turned  on  Arnold ;  but  if  penetration  into  Canada  be 
given  up,  Arnold  must  also  know  it,  in  time  for  retreat." 
And  again:  "This  detachment  (Arnold's)  was  to  take 

1  Lamson,  Wolffe  &  Co.,  Publishers,  Boston. 


CLOSING    SCENES    OF    1775.  65 

possession  of   Quebec,  if  possible ;  but  at  any  rate,  to 
make  a  diversion  in  favor  of  Schuyler." 

But  Arnold,  on  the  sixteenth  day  of  October,  when,  as 
he  advised  Washington,  he  expected  to  advance  upon 
Quebec,  was  struggling  with  quagmires,  swamps,  fallen 
trees,  rain  and  mud,  snow  and  ice,  about  Deer  river, 
and  had  not  even  reached  Lake  Megantic.  Men  waded 
in  icy  water  to  their  armpits ;  some  froze  to  death : 
others  deserted.  Enos,  short  of  provisions,  as  he 
claimed,  marched  three  hundred  men  back  to  Cambridge. 
And  Arnold,  himself,  twenty-five  days  too  late,  stood 
upon  Point  Levi,  in  the  midst  of  a  furious  tempest  of 
wind,  rain,  and  sleet,  only  to  realize  the  substantial 
failure  of  his  vaunted  expedition.  Most  of  his  muskets 
were  ruined,  and  but  five  rounds  of  ammunition  remained 
for  the  few  men  that  were  with  him  in  this  hour  of  starva 
tion  and  distress.  Two  vessel s-of- war  lay  at  anchor  in  the 
stream.  And  yet,  such  was  his  indomitable  energy,  with 
thirty  birch-bark  canoes  he  crossed  the  river,  gained  a 
position  on  the  Heights  of  Abraham,  and  sent  to  the  for 
tress  an  unnoticed  demand  for  surrender.  Then,  retiring 
to  Point  Aux  Trembles,  he  sent  a  messenger  to  Mont 
gomery  asking  for  artillery  and  two  thousand  men,  for 
prosecution  of  a  siege.  Montgomery,  leaving  in  com 
mand  General  Wooster,  who  arrived  at  Montreal  late  in 
November,  started  down  the  river  with  about  three  hun 
dred  men  and  a  few  pieces  of  artillery,  and  clothing  for 
Arnold's  men ;  landing  at  Point  Aux  Trembles  about 
December  first,  making  the  total  American  force  only  one 
thousand  men.  On  the  sixth  day  of  December,  a  demand 
for  surrender  having  been  again  unanswered,  the  little 
army  advanced  to  its  fate.  Four  assaulting  columns 
were  organized.  All  failed,  and  Montgomery  fell  in  a 
gallant  but  desperate  attempt  to  storm  the  citadel  itself. 
Morgan  and  four  hundred  and  twenty-six  men,  nearly 


fitf  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

half  of  the  entire  command,  were  taken  prisoners.  Only 
the  grand  nerve  of  Montgomery  brought  the  army  to 
the  assault  in  this  forlorn-hope  affair,  — for  such  it  was. 
Three  of  Arnold's  captains  refused  to  serve  under  him 
any  longer  ;  and  mutiny,  or  the  entire  ruin  of  the  army, 
was  the  alternative  to  the  risks  of  ruin  in  battle.  Arnold 
had  a  knee  shattered  by  a  bullet,  and  the  remnants 
of  the  army  fell  back,  harmless,  to  the  garrison,  and 
amid  snow,  ice,  and  proximate  starvation,  awaited  future 
events. 

The  treatment  of  the  prisoners  by  General  Carleton, 
and  the  burial,  with  honors  of  war,  of  his  old  comrade 
under  Wolfe,  the  brave  Montgomery,  savors  of  the 
knightly  chivalry  of  mediaeval  times.  When  his  officers 
protested  at  such  treatment  of  rebels,  his  response,  lofty 
in  tone  and  magnanimous  in  action,  was  simply  this  : 
ff  Since  we  have  in  vain  tried  to  make  them  acknowledge 
us  as  brothers,  let  us  at  least  send  them  away  disposed 
to  regard  us  as  cousins." 

Almost  at  the  same  hour  of  the  day  when  Carleton 
passed  through  Point  Aux  Trembles,  on  his  escape 
to  Quebec,  Washington  having  heard  of  Montgomery's 
arrival  at  Montreal,  was  writing  to  Congress,  as  fol 
lows :  "  It  is  likely  that  General  Carleton  will,  with  what 
force  he  can  collect  after  the  surrender  of  the  rest  of 
Canada,  throw  himself  into  Quebec,  and  there  make  his 
last  effort," 

With  Arnold  three  miles  from  Quebec,  intrenched  as 
well  as  he  was  able  to  intrench,  confining  his  operations 
to  cutting  off  supplies  to  the  city  and  keeping  his  five 
hundred  survivors  from  starving  or  freezing,  and  Carle- 
ton  preparing  for  reinforcements  as  soon  as  the  ice  might 
break  up  in  the  spring,  the  invasion  of  Canada  for  con 
quest  came  to  a  dead  halt.  The  invasion  of  the  American 
Colonies  was  to  follow  its  final  failure. 


CLOSING    SCENES    OF    1775.  (M 

There  were  heroes  who  bore  part  in  those  expeditions, 
and  their  experience  was  to  crown  many  of  Washington's 
later  campaigns  with  the  honors  of  victory.  Meanwhile, 
about  Boston,  enlistments  were  rapidly  expiring,  to  be 
again  replaced  with  fresh  material  for  the  master's  hand 
ling  into  army  shape  and  use ;  and  the  American  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  was  beginning  to  illustrate  his  qualities 
as  Soldier. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

AMERICA    AGAINST     BRITAIN.  BOSTON     TAKEN. 

ON  the  thirty-first  day  of  December,  1775,  Admiral 
Shuldhani  reached  Boston  with  reinforcements  for 
its  garrison,  and  relieved  Admiral  Graves  in  command 
of  all  British  naval  forces.  The  troops  within  the  lines 
were  held  under  the  most  rigid  discipline,  although 
amusements  were  provided  to  while  away  the  idle  hours 
of  a  passive  defence. 

The  winter  was  memorable  for  its  mildness,  so  that  the 
American  troops,  encamped  about  the  city  in  tents,  did 
not  suffer ;  but  the  in-gathering  of  recruits,  to  replace 
soldiers  whose  enlistments  had  just  expired,  involved  the 
actual  creation  of  a  new  army,  directly  in  the  face  of  a 
powerful,  well-equipped,  and  watchful  adversary.  And 
yet,  this  very  adversary  must  be  driven  from  Boston 
before  the  American  patriot  army  could  move  elsewhere, 
and  engage  actively  against  the  combined  armies  and 
navy  of  the  British  crown. 

Indications  of  increasing  hostilities  on  the  part  of 
royal  governors  of  the  South  were  not  wanting  to  stim 
ulate  the  prosecution  of  the  siege  to  its  most  speedy 
consummation ;  and  although  unknown  to  Washington  at 
the  time,  the  city  of  Norfolk,  Ya.,  had  been  bombarded 
on  New  Year's  day  by  order  of  Lord  Dunmore. 

Impressed  by  the  urgency  of  the  crisis,  Washington, 
on  the  same  day,  was  writing  to  Congress  in  plain  terms, 
as  follows,  leaving  the  last  word  blank,  lest  it  might  mis- 

68 


AMERICA   AGAINST   BRITAIN.  —  BOSTON    TAKEN,     fit) 

carry:  "It  is  not,  perhaps,  in  the  power  of  history  to 
furnish  a  case  like  ours ;  to  maintain  a  post  within 
musket-shot  of  the  enemy,  within  that  distance  of  twenty, 
old  British  regiments  without  — 

General  Greene  kept  his  small  army  well  in  hand, 
watchful  of  the  minutest  detail,  inspecting  daily  each 
detachment,  as  well  as  all  supplies  of  ammunition  and 
food ;  and  on  the  fourth  of  January,  writing  from 
Prospect  Plill  (see  map  of  Boston  and  Vicinity),  thus 
reported  his  exact  position  to  the  Commander-in-Chicf : 
"  The  night  after  the  old  troops  went  off,  I  could  not 
have  mustered  seven  hundred  men,  notwithstanding  the 
returns  of  the  new  enlisted  men  amounted  to  nineteen 
hundred  and  upwards.  I  am  strong  enough  to  defend 
myself  against  all  the  force  in  Boston.  Our  situation 
has  been  critical.  Had  the  enemy  been  acquainted  with 
our  situation,  I  cannot  pretend  to  say  what  might  have 
been  the  consequences." 

The  reader  will  appreciate  at  a  glance  the  real  opinion 
of  the  American  Commander-in-Chief  as  to  his  own  imme 
diate  future,  and  the  general  scope  of  operations  which  he 
regarded  as  supremely  important  in  behalf  of  American 
Independence.  He  understood  thoroughly,  that  Lord 
Dartmouth  originally  opposed  the  military  occupation  of 
Boston  in  order  to  prevent  a  collision  between  British 
troops  and  the  excited  people,  which  he  regarded  as  an 
inevitable  result.  That  distinguished  and  far-sighted 
statesman,  in  order  to  prevent  any  overt  acts  of  resist 
ance  to  the  established  representatives  of  the  crown 
at  business  or  social  centres,  wrote  to  Lord  Howe  as 
early  as  October  22,  1775,  to  "gain  possession  of 
some  respectable  port  to  the  southward,  from  which  to 
make  sudden  and  unexpected  attacks  upon  sea-coast 
towns  during  the  winter/'  But  British  pride  had  forced 
the  increase  of  the  army  in  Massachusetts  Colony,  and 


70  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

initiated  a  disastrous  campaign.  Lord  Dartmouth  never 
wavered  in  the  opinion  that  New  York  was  the  only 
proper  base  of  operations  in  dealing  with  the  Colonies  at 
large.  Lord  Howe  himself  had  advised  that  New  York, 
instead  of  Boston,  should  be  made  the  rendezvous  and 
headquarters  of  all  British  troops  to  be  sent  to  America. 
Only  the  contumacy  of  General  Gage  had  baffled  the 
wiser  plans  of  superior  authority. 

During  the  first  week  of  the  new  year,  and  while  the 
American  army  was  under  the  stress  of  reconstruction, 
Washington  learned  that  General  Clinton  had  been  prom 
ised  an  independent  command  of  a  portion  of  the  fresh 
troops  which  accompanied  Admiral  Shuldham  to  America, 
and  would  be  detailed  on  some  important  detached  service 
remote  from  New  England  waters.  As  a  remarkable  fact, 
not  creditable  to  the  king's  advisers,  the  Island  of  New 
York,  at  that  time,  was  practically  without  any  regular 
military  garrison ;  but  its  aristocratic  tory  circles  of  in 
fluence  could  not  conceive  of  a  popular  uprising  against 
the  supremacy  of  George  III.  within  their  favored  sphere 
of  luxury  and  independence. 

Washington  appreciated  the  situation  fully.  He  recog 
nized  the  defenceless  condition  of  New  York  and  its 
adaptation  for  the  Headquarters  of  the  Army  of  America. 
He  was  also  thoroughly  convinced  that  General  Clinton's 
proposed  expedition  would  either  occupy  New  York,  or 
make  the  attempt  to  do  so.  He  acted  without  delay  upon 
that  conviction,  although  reserving  to  himself  the  respon 
sibility  of  first  reducing  Boston  with  the  least  possible 
delay.  General  Lee,  then  upon  detached  service  in  Con 
necticut,  had  written  to  him,  urging,  in  his  emphatic  style, 
"  the  immediate  occupation  of  New  York  ;  the  suppression 
or  expulsion  of  certain  tories  of  Long  Island ;  and  that 
not  to  crush  the  serpents  before  their  rattles  were  grown, 
would  be  ruinous." 


AMERICA    AGAINST    BRITAIN.  —  BOSTON   TAKEN.    71 

Washington  was  as  prompt  to  reply  ;  and  ordered  Lee 
to  "  take  such  Connecticut  volunteers  as  he  could  quickly 
assemble  in  his  march,  and  put  the  city  in  the  best  possi 
ble  posture  of  defence  which  the  season  and  circumstances 
would  admit  of." 

Meanwhile,  every  immediate  energy  of  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  was  concentrated  upon  a  direct  attack  of  the 
British  position.  The  business  capacity  of  Colonel  Knox 
had  already  imparted  to  the  Ordnance  Department  char 
acter  and  efficiency.  Under  direction  of  Washington  he 
visited  Lake  George,  during  December,  1775,  and  by  the 
last  of  February  hauled  upon  sleds,  over  the  snow,  more 
than  fifty  pieces  of  artillery  to  the  Cambridge  head 
quarters.  This  enabled  him  to  make  the  armament  of 
Lechmere  Point  very  formidable  ;  and  by  the  addition  of 
several  half-moon  batteries  between  that  point  and  Kox- 
bury,  it  became  possible  to  concentrate  upon  the  city  of 
Boston  the  effective  fire  of  nearly  every  heavy  gun  and 
mortar  which  the  American  army  controlled. 

It  had  been  the  intention  of  Washington  to  march 
against  Boston,  across  the  ice,  so  soon  as  the  Charles 
river  should  freeze  sufficiently  to  bear  the  troops.  Few 
of  the  soldiers  had  bayonets,  but  "the  city  must  be  capt 
ured,  with  or  without  bayonets,"  and  his  army  released 
for  service  elsewhere.  In  one  letter  he  used  this  very 
suggestive  appeal :  "  Give  me  powder,  or  ice,  and  I  will 
take  Boston.''  Upon  the  occasion  of  "one  single  freeze 
and  some  pretty  strong  ice,"  he  suddenly  called  a  council 
of  war,  and  proposed  to  seize  the  opportunity  to  cross  at 
once,  and  either  capture  or  burn  the  city.  Officers  of 
the  New  England  troops  who  were  more  familiar  with  the 
suddenness  with  which  the  tides  affect  ice  of  moderate 
thickness,  dissuaded  him  from  his  purpose  ;but  in  writing 
to  Joseph  Reed,  for  some  time  after  his  Adjutant-General, 
he  thus  refers  to  the  incident :  "  Behold,  while  we  have 


72  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

been  waiting  the  whole  year  for  this  favorable  event,  the 
enterprise  was  thought  too  hazardous.  I  did  not  think  so, 
and  I  am  sure  yet,  that  the  enterprise,  if  it  had  been 
undertaken  with  resolution,  would  have  succeeded ;  with 
out  it,  any  would  fail."  "  P.S.  — I  am  preparing  to  take 
post  on  Dorchester  Heights,  to  try  if  the  enemy  will  be 
so  kind  as  to  come  out  to  us."  This  postscript  is  an 
illustration  of  Washington's  quick  perception  of  the 
strategic  movement  which  Avould  crown  the  siege  with 
complete  success.  He  added  another  caution  :  "  What  I 
have  said  respecting  the  determination  in  Council,  and 
the  possession  of  Dorchester,  is  spoken  sub-rosa" 

The  month  of  February  drew  near  its  close,  when 
Washington,  in  the  retirement  of  his  headquarters,  de 
cided  no  longer  to  postpone  his  attack  upon  the  city  and 
its  defences.  Two  floating  batteries  of  light  draught 
and  great  strength  were  quickly  constructed,  and  forty- 
five  batteaux,  like  the  modern  dredge-scow,  each  capable 
of  transporting  eighty  men,  were  assembled  and  placed 
under  a  special  guard.  In  order  to  provide  for  every 
contingency  of  surmounting  parapets,  or  improvising 
defences  in  streets,  or  otherwise,  fascines,  gabions,  carts, 
bales  of  hay,  intrenching-tools,  two  thousand  bandages, 
and  all  other  contingent  supplies  that  might,  under  any 
possible  conditions,  be  required,  were  also  gathered  and 
placed  in  charge  of  none  but  picked  men.  Gen.  Thomas 
Mifflin,  his  Quartermaster-General,  who  had  accompanied 
him  from  Philadelphia,  shared  his  full  confidence,  and 
was  unremitting  by  night  and  by  day  in  hastening  the 
work  intrusted  to  his  department. 

The  inflexibility  of  purpose  which  marked  Washing 
ton's  career  to  its  close,  asserted  its  supremacy  at  this 
crucial  hour  of  the  Revolutionary  struggle,  when,  for  the 
first  time,  America  was  to  challenge  Britain  to  fight,  and 
fight  at  once.  It  had  begun  to  appear  as  if  his  submis- 


AMERICA    AGAINST    BRITAIN.  —  BOSTON    TAKEN.     73 

sion  of  a  proposition  to  a  council  of  officers  implied  some 
doubt  of  its  feasibility,  or  some  alternate  contingency 
of  failure.  Washington  discounted  all  failure,  by  ade 
quate  forethought.  Jomini,  who  admitted  that  Napoleon 
seemed  never  to  provide  for  a  retreat,  very  suggestively 
added :  "  When  Napoleon  was  present,  no  one  thought  of 
such  a  provision."  In  like  manner  Washington  had  the 
confidence  of  his  troops. 

It  certainly  is  not  anticipating  the  test  of  Washington, 
as  Soldier,  to  state  some  characteristics  which  were  pecul 
iarly  his  own.  His  most  memorable  and  determining  acts 
were  performed  when  he  wTas  clothed  with  ample  authority 
by  Congress,  or  the  emergency  forced  him  to  make  his 
own  will  supreme.  In  the  course  of  this  narrative  it 
will  appear  that  Congress  did  at  last  formally  emancipate 
him  from  the  constraint  of  councils.  Whenever  he 
doubted,  others  doubted.  Whenever  he  was  persistent, 
he  inspired  the  nerve  and  courage  which  realized  results, 
even  though  in  a  modified  form  of  execution.  Partial 
disappointments  or  deferred  realization  did  not  shatter 
nor  Aveaken  his  faith.  Washington,  the  American  Com- 
mander-in-Chief,  was  in  such  a  mood  on  the  first  day  of 
March,  1776.  He  had  a  plan,  a  secret  plan,  and  kept  his 
secret  well,  until  the  stroke  was  ready  for  delivery. 

And  yet,  the  progress  of  the  siege  up  to  this  date,  and 
through  two  long  winter  months,  had  not  been  wholly 
spent  in  details  for  its  certain  success.  Even  after  the 
first  day  of  January,  when  he  became  acquainted  with  the 
proposed  movement  of  General  Clinton,  he  began  to  an 
ticipate  such  a  movement  as  an  indication  of  his  own 
future  action.  A  selection  of  guns  for  field  service  was 
carefully  made  ;  batteries  were  organized  and  thoroughly 
drilled.  Then,  as  ever  after,  during  the  war,  artillerists 
were  few  in  number,  and  the  service  was  never  popular. 
The  hauling  of  heavy  guns  by  hand,  then  with  rare 


74  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

exceptions  habitual,  made  the  service  very  hard ;  and 
accuracy  of  fire  cost  laborious  practice,  especially  where 
powder  was  scarce,  even  for  exigent  service.  Wagons 
were  also  provided.  Medical  supplies  were  collected  and 
packed  in  portable  chests.  He  also  inquired  into  the 
nature  of  the  New  England  roads  when  the  frosts  of  spring1 
first  break  the  soil,  and  was  informed  that  they  would  be 
almost  impassable  for  loaded  wagons  and  heavy  artillery. 
During  the  same  months  the  condition  of  Canada  had 
become  seriously  critical,  through  the  activity  of  General 
Carleton  who  expected  reinforcements  from  England,  and 
had  already  threatened  the  northern  border.  It  seemed 
to  Washington  that  Congress  might  even  divert  a  part  of 
his  own  army  to  support  the  army  in  Canada,  upon  the 
acquisition  of  Boston  and  the  retirement  of  its  British 
garrison.  The  ultimate  destination  of  that  garrison,  in 

o  o 

whole  or  in  part,  was  full  of  uncertain  relations  to  his 
own  movements.  The  disposition  of  the  large  royalist 
element  in  Boston  was  also  an  object  of  care  ;  but  loom 
ing  above  all  other  considerations  was  the  supreme  fact 
that  the  war  now  begun  was  one  which  embraced  every 
Colony,  every  section ;  and  that  the  conflict  with  Great 
Britain  was  to  be  as  broad  and  desperate  as  her  power 
was  great  and  pervasive. 

And  yet,  under  so  vast  and  varied  responsibilities, 
he  matured  and  withheld  from  his  confiding  troops  the 
secret  of  his  purpose  to  capture  Boston  suddenly  and 
surely,  until  the  day  of  its  crowning  fulfilment  arrived. 

Just  after  sunset,  on  that  New  England  spring  evening, 
from  Lechmere  Point,  past  Cobble  Hill,  and  through  the 
long  range  of  encircling  batteries,  clear  to  the  Roxbury 
line  on  the  right,  every  mortar  and  cannon  which  could 
take  Boston  in  range  opened  fire  upon  the  quiet  city. 

But  this  was  only  a  preliminary  test  of  the  location, 
range,  and  power  of  the  adversary  fire.  The  British  guns 


AMERICA    AGAINST    BRITAIN.— BOSTON    TAKEN,     75 

responded  with  spirit,  and  equally  well  disclosed  to  com 
petent  artillery  experts  distributed  along  the  American 
lines,  the  weight,  efficiency,  and  disposition  of  their  bat 
teries  so  suddenly  called  into  action. 

At  sunrise  of  March  2d,  the  American  army  seemed 
not  to  have  heard  the  cannonading  of  the  previous 
night ;  or,  wondering  at  such  a  waste  of  precious 
powder,  shot,  and  shell,  rested  from  the  real  experience 
of  handling  heavy  guns  against  the  city  and  an  invis 
ible  foe,  at  night.  And  through  the  entire  day  the  army 
rested.  No  parades  were  ordered.  Only  the  formal  calls 
of  routine  duty  were  sounded  by  fife  and  drum.  No  heads 
appeared  above  the  ramparts.  The  tents  were  crowded 
with  earnest  men,  filling  powder-horns,  casting  or  count 
ing  bullets,  cleaning  their"  firelocks,"  as  they  were  called 
in  the  official  drill  manual  of  those  times,  and  writing  let 
ters  to  their  friends  at  home.  The  quiet  of  that  camp 
was  intense,  but  faces  were  not  gloomy  in  expression, 
neither  was  there  any  sign  of  special  dread  of  the  ap 
proaching  conflict,  which  everybody  felt  to  be  immedi 
ately  at  hand.  As  officers  went  the  rounds  to  see  that 
silence  was  fully  observed,  it  was  enough  to  satisfy  every 
curious  inquirer  as  to  its  purpose,  — "  It  is  Washington's 
order."  And  all  this  time,  behind  the  American  head 
quarters,  Rufus  Putnam,  civil  engineer,  Knox,  Chief  of 
Artillery,  Mifflin,  Quartermaster-General,  and  General 
Thomas,  were  ceaselessly  at  work,  studying  the  plans  and 
taking  their  final  instructions  from  the  Commander-in- 
Chief. 

On  the  night  of  the  third  of  March,  soon  after  that 
evening's  sunset-gun  had  closed  the  formal  duties  of  the 
day,  and  seemingly  by  spontaneous  will,  all  along  the 
front,  the  bombardment  was  renewed  with  the  same 
vigor,  and  was  promptly  responded  to.  But  some  of 
the  British  batteries  had  been  differently  disposed,  as  if 


76  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

the  garrison  either  anticipated  an  attack  upon  their  works 
on  Bunker  Hill,  or  a  landing  upon  the  Common,  where 
both  land  and  water  batteries  guarded  approach.  (See 
map.) 

This  second  bombardment  had  been  more  effective  in 
its  range.  One  solid  shot  from  the  city  reached  Prospect 
Hill,  but  no  appreciable  damage  had  been  done  to  the 
American  works ;  but  some  houses  in  Boston  had  been 
penetrated  by  shot,  and  in  one  barrack  six  soldiers  had 
been  wounded.  Places  of  safety  began  to  be  hunted  for. 
Artificial  obstructions  were  interposed  in  some  open  spaces 
for  protection  from  random  shot  and  shell.  No  detail 
under  orders,  and  no  call  for  volunteers,  to  break  up  the 
investment  of  the  city,  had  been  made.  No  excited  com 
mander,  as  on  the  seventeenth  of  June,  1775,  tendered  his 
services  to  lead  British  regulars  against  Cambridge,  to 
seize  and  bring  back  for  trial,  as  traitor,  the  arch-rebel 
of  the  defiant  Colonists.  Red  uniforms  were  indeed  re 
splendent  in  the  sunlight ;  but  there  was  no  irrepressible 
impulse  to  assail  earthworks,  which  had  been  the  work  of 
months,  and  not  of  a  single  night,  and  behind  which 
twenty  thousand  countrymen  eagerly  awaited  battle. 
And  on  this  day,  as  before,  the  quiet  of  the  graveyard  on 
Beacon  Hill  was  no  more  solemn  and  pervasive  than  was 
the  calm  and  patient  resting  of  the  same  twenty  thousand 
countrymen,  waiting  only  for  some  call  to  duty  from 
the  lips  of  their  silent  Comniander-in-Chief. 

The  fourth  of  March  closed,  and  the  night  was  mild 
and  hazy.  The  moon  was  at  its  full.  It  was  a  good 
night  for  rest.  Possibly  such  a  whisper  as  this  might 
have  pervaded  the  Boston  barracks,  and  lulled  anxious 
royalists  to  slumber.  "  Surely  the  rebels  cannot  afford 
further  waste  of  powder.  They  impoverish  themselves. 
Sleep  on  !  Boston  is  safe  !  "  Not  so  !  As  the  sun  went 
down,  the  whole  American  camp  was  alive  with  its  teem- 


AMERICA    AGAINST    BRITAIN.  —  BOSTON    TAKEN.     77 

ing  thousands  ;  not  ostentatiously  paraded  upon  parapet 
and  bastion,  but  patiently  awaiting  the  meaning  of  a 
mysterious  hint,  which  kept  even  the  inmates  of  hospital 
tents  from  sleeping,  that  "Washington  had  promised  them 
Boston  on  the  morrow." 

From  "early  candle-lighting"  to  the  clear  light  of 
another-  dawn,  incessant  thunder  rolled  over  camp  and 
city.  The  same  quick  flashes  showed  that  fire  ran  all 
along  the  line  ;  and  still,  the  occupants  of  camp  and  city, 
standing  by  their  guns,  or  sheltered  from  their  fire, 
dragged  through  the  night,  impatiently  waiting  for  day 
light  to  test  the  night's  experience,  as  daylight  had  done 
before. 

At  earliest  break  of  day  it  was  announced  to  General 
Howe  that  "  two  strong  rebel  redoubts  capped  Dorches 
ter  Heights."  The  news  spread  quickly,  after  the  excite 
ments  of  the  night.  There  was  no  more  easy  slumber  in 
the  royal  bed-chamber  of  British  repose,  nor  in  the  lux 
urious  apartments  of  the  favored  subjects  of  George  III., 
in  the  city  of  Boston,  on  that  fifth  day  of  March,  177(5. 

"  If  the  Americans  retain  possession  of  the  Heights," 
said  Admiral  Shuldham,  "  I  cannot  keep  a  vessel  in  the 
harbor." 

General  Howe  advised  Lord  Dartmouth  that  "  it  must 
have  been  the  employment  of  at  least  twelve  thousand 
men." 

Another  British  officer  said,  "  These  works  were  raised 
with  an  expedition  equal  to  that  of  the  genii  belonging  to 
Aladdin's  lamp." 

Lord  Howe  said,  further,  "  The  rebels  have  done  more 
in  one  night  than  my  whole  army  would  have  done  in  a 
month." 

"Perhaps,"  said  Heath,  "there  never  was  as  much  done 
in  so  short  a  space." 

The  reader  of  this  narrative,  whether  citizen  or  soldier, 


78  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

cannot  fail  to  be  interested  in  some  account  of  the  extreme 
simplicity  with  which  the  construction  of  these  works 
had  been  carried  on.  The  earth,  at  that  time,  was 
frozen  to  the  depth  of  eighteen  inches,  rendering  the  use 
of  pick-axe  and  shovel,  and  all  intrenching-tools,  of 
little  use ;  besides,  the  noise  of  their  handling  would 
have  betrayed  the  workmen.  The  secret  of  Washington's 
silent  preparatory  work,  and  the  accumulation  of  such 
heaps  of  material  behind  his  headquarters,  is  revealed. 
Hoop-poles,  for  hurdles  and  fascines, — branches  cut  from 
apple  orchards,  and  along  brooks,  for  abatis,  even  as  far 
out  as  the  present  suburban  towns  of  Brookline,  Milton, 
Mattapan,  and  Hyde  Park,  had  been  accumulated  in  great 
quantities.  Large  bales  of  compressed  hay,  which  were 
proof  against  any  ordinary  cannon-ball,  had  been  pro 
cured  also,  so  that  the  merely  heaping  up  and  arranging 
these  under  the  personal  direction  of  Engineer  Putnam, 
according  to  a  plan  fully  digested  in  advance,  was  but 
easy  work  for  a  class  of  country  soldiers  peculiarly 
"handy"  with  all  such  materials.  Then,  on  the  tops  of 
the  improvised  redoubts,  were  barrels  filled  with  stones. 
These,  at  the  proper  time,  were  to  be  rolled  down  the 
hill,  to  disconcert  the  formal  array  of  steadily  advancing 
British  regulars. 

The  management  of  the  whole  affair  was  hardly  less 
simple.  Eight  hundred  soldiers,  not  needed  during  the 
cannonading,  quietly  marched  out  of  camp  the  night 
before,  —  some  between  Boston  and  Dorchester  Heights, 
and  others  at  the  east  end  of  the  peninsula,  opposite 
Castle  Island ;  w^hile  still  others,  with  tools,  and  a  sup 
porting  party  of  twelve  hundred  soldiers  under  General 
Thomas,  followed  the  advance.  Three  hundred  carts, 
loaded  with  suitable  material,  followed. 

All  this  movement  was  liable  to  be  discovered  in  spite 
of  the  incessant  roar  of  heavy  ordnance  over  the  works 


AMERICA    AGAINST    BRITAIN.  —  BOSTON    TAKEN.     71) 

of  besiegers  and  besieged.  The  flash  of  heated  guns  or 
bursting  bombs  might  light  up  the  trail  of  this  slowly 
crawling  expedition,  and  vast  interests  were  staked  upon 
the  daring  venture.  But,  along  the  most  exposed  parts 
of  the  way,  the  bales  of  pressed  hay  had  been  placed  as  a 
protecting  screen ;  and  behind  its  sufficient  cover,  the 
carts  passed  to  and  fro  in  safety.  Even  the  moon  itself 
only  deepened  the  shadow  of  this  artificial  protector, 
while  in  position  to  light,  as  by  day,  the  steps  of  the 
advancing  patriots.  And  there  was,  also,  a  brisk  north 
wind  which  bore  away  from  the  city,  southward,  all 
sounds  which  were  not  already  lost  in  the  hurricane  of 
war  that  hushed  all  but  those  of  battle. 

But  the  American  Commander-in-Chief  had  fully  antic 
ipated  the  possible  incident  of  a  premature  discovery 
of  his  design  against  Dorchester.  The  success  of  his 
plans  for  the  night  did  not  wholly  depend  upon  the 
undisturbed  occupation  and  fortification  of  Dorchester 
Heights.  That  silent  procession  of  two  thousand  country 
men  was  not,  as  at  Bunker  Hill,  a  sort  of  "  forlorn- 
hope  "  affair.  It  was  not  hurried,  nor  was  it  costly  of 
strength  or  patience.  Reliefs  came  and  went ;  and  the 
system,  order,  and  progress  that  marked  each  hour  could 
not  have  been  better  realized  by  day.  Instructions  had 
been  explicit ;  and  these  were  executed  with  coolness  and 
precision,  as  a  simple  matter  of  fact,  to  be  done  as 
ordered  by  Washington. 

The  silent  preparations  of  the  preceding  day  had  pro 
vided  for  the  main  body  of  the  American  army  other 
employment  than  a  listless  watch  of  a  vigorous  bombard 
ment  and  its  pyrotechnic  illumination  of  the  skies.  At 
battery  "Number  Two,"  the  floating  batteries  and  bat- 
teaux  were  fully  manned,  for  crossing  to  Boston.  Greene 
and  Sullivan,  with  four  thousand  thoroughly  rested 
troops,  and  these  carefully  picked  men,  were  ready  to 


#0  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

move  on  the  instant,  if  the  garrison  attempted  to  inter 
fere  with  Washington's  original  purpose. 

An  eminent  historian  thus  characterized  the  event :  "  One 
unexpended  combination,  concerted  with  faultless  ability, 
and  suddenly  executed,  had,  in  a  few  hours,  made  General 
Howe's  position  at  Boston  untenable." 

As  soon  as  General  Howe  appreciated  the  changed 
conditions  of  his  relations  to  the  besieging  rebels,  he 
despatched  Earl  Percy,  who  had  met  rebels  twice  before, 
with  twenty-four  hundred  troops  to  dislodge  the  enemy 
from  Dorchester  Heights.  The  command  moved  promptly, 
by  boats,  to  Castle  Island,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a 
night  attack.  Sharp-shooting,  by  the  American  "  Minute 
Men,"  in  broad  daylight,  behind  breastworks,  was  not 
courted  by  Percy  on  this  occasion,  nor  desired  by  General 
Howe.  During  the  afternoon  a  storm  arose  from  the 
south,  which  increased  to  a  gale,  followed  at  night  by 
torrents  of  rain.  Some  boats  were  cast  ashore,  and  the 
entire  expedition  was  abandoned. 

By  the  tenth  of  March,  the  Americans  had  fortified 
Nook's  Hill ;  and  this  drove  the  British  from  Boston 
Neck.  During  that  single  night,  eight  hundred  shot  and 
shell  were  thrown  into  the  city  from  the  American  lines. 

On  the  seventeenth  of  March,  the  British  forces,  num 
bering,  with  the  seamen  of  the  fleet,  not  quite  eleven 
thousand  men,  embarked  in  one  hundred  and  twenty 
transports  for  Halifax.  The  conditions  of  this  embarka 
tion  without  hindrance  from  the  American  army  had  been 
settled  by  an  agreement  on  the  part  of  the  British  author 
ities  that  the  city  should  be  left  intact  from  fire,  or  other 
injury,  and  that  the  property  of  royalists,  of  whom  nearly 
fifteen  hundred  accompanied  the  troops,  should  be  also 
safe  from  violation  by  the  incoming  garrison.  As  the 
last  boats  left,  General  Ward  occupied  the  city  with  a 
garrison  of  five  thousand  troops. 


WASHINGTON    AT   BOSTON. 
[From  Stuart's  painting.] 


AMERICA    AGAINST    BRITAIN.  —  BOSTON    TAKEN.     81 

Of  two  hundred  and  lifty  cannon  left  behind,  nearly 
one-half  were  serviceable.  Other  valuable  stores,  and  the 
capture  of  several  store-vessels  which  entered  the  harbor 
without  knowledge  of  the  departure  of  the  British  troops, 
largely  swelled  the  contributions  to  the  American  material 
of  war. 

The  siege  of  Boston  canie  to  an  end.  New  England 
was  free  from  the  presence  of  British  garrisons.  The 
mission  of  Washington  to  Massachusetts  Colony,  as  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  the  Continental  Army  of  America,  had 
fulfilled  its  purpose. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

SYSTEMATIC    WAR    WITH    BRITAIN    BEGUN. 

~T~YTITHIN  twenty-four  hours  after  General  Howe 
V  V  embarked  his  army,  the  American  Commander -in- 
( 'hief  developed  his  matured  plan  to  anticipate  any  design 
of  Genera]  Clinton  to  occupy  New  York  City.  The  great 
number  of  fugitive  royalists  who  accompanied  Howe's 
fleet  and  encumbered  even  the  decks  of  battleships  with 
their  personal  effects,  and  the  necessity  of  consulting  the 
wishes  of  very  influential  families  among  their  number, 
were  substantial  reasons  for  the  selection  of  Halifax  as 
the  destination  of  the  ships.  But  of  still  greater  impor 
tance  was  the  reorganization  of  his  army,  and  a  new  sup 
ply  of  munitions  of  war,  in  place  of  those  which  had  been 
expended,  or  abandoned  on  account  of  the  siege  of  Boston. 
Time  was  also  required  for  the  preparation  and  equipment 
of  any  new  expedition,  whether  in  support  of  Carleton  in 
Canada,  or  to  move  southward. 

Washington  did  not  even  enter  Boston  until  he  started 
General  Heath  with  five  regiments  and  part  of  the  artil 
lery  for  New  York.  On  the  twentieth  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  entered  the  city. 

The  British  fleet  was  weatherbound  in  Nantasket  Roads 
for  ten  days  ;  but  on  the  twenty-seventh  clay  of  March, 
when  it  finally  went  to  sea,  the  entire  American  army, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Boston  garrison,  was  placed 
under  orders  to  follow  the  advance  division.  General 
Sullivan  marched  the  same  day  upon  which  he  received 

82 


SYSTEMATIC    WAR    WITH    BRITAIN    BEGUN.          (s;>> 

orders  ;  another  division  marched  April  3d,  and  on  the 
4th  General  Spencer  left  with  the  last  brigade,  Wash 
ington  leaving  the  same  night. 

In  order  to  anticipate  any  possible  delay  of  the  troops 
in  reaching  their  destination,  he  had  already  requested 
Governor  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut,  to  reenforce  the  New 
York  garrison  with  two  thousand  men  from  Western  Con 
necticut  ;  and  he  also  instructed  the  commanding  officer  in 
that  city  to  apply  to  the  Provincial  Convention,  or  to  the 
Committee  of  Safety  of  New  Jersey,  to  furnish  a  thou 
sand  men  for  the  same  purpose.  In  advising  Congress  of 
this  additional  expense,  incurred  through  his  own  fore 
thought,  but  without  authority  of  Congress,  he  wrote 
thus  discreetly  :  "  Past  experience  and  the  lines  in  Boston 
and  on  Boston  Neck  point  out  the  propriety  and  suggest 
the  necessity  of  keeping  our  enemies  from  gaining  posses 
sion  and  making  a  lodgment." 

The  Continental  Army  had  entered  upon  its  first  active 
campaign ;  but  before  Washington  left  Cambridge  he 
arranged  for  the  assembling  of  transports  at  Norwich, 
Conn.,  thereby  to  save  the  long  coastwise  march  to 
New  York;  and  digested  a  careful  itinerary  of  daily 
marches,  by  which  the  different  divisions  would  not 
crowd  one  upon  another.  Quartermaster-General  Mif- 
flin  was  intrusted  with  the  duty  of  preparing  barracks, 
quarters,  and  forage  for  the  use  of  the  troops  on  their 
arrival,  and  all  the  governors  of  New  England  were 
conferred  with  as  to  the  contingencies  of  British  raids 
upon  exposed  sea-coast  towns,  after  removal  of  the  army 
from  Boston.  A  careful  system  of  keeping  the  Pay 
Accounts  of  officers  was  also  devised,  and  this,  with  the 
examination  of  an  alleged  complicity  of  officers  with  the 
purchase  of  army  supplies,  added  to  the  preliminary 
work  of  getting  his  army  ready  for  the  best  of  ser 
vice  in  garrison  or  the  field.  Two  companies  of  artil- 


84  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

lery,  with  shot  and  shell,  were  detailed  to  report  to 
General  Thomas,  who  had  been  ordered  by  Congress  to 
Canada,  vice  General  Lee  ordered  southward. 

Washington's  journey  to  New  York  was  via  Provi 
dence,  Norwich,  and  New  London,  in  order  to  inspect 
and  hasten  the  departure  of  the  troops. 

A  reference  to  the  situation  in  that  city  is  necessary  to 
an  appreciation  of  the  development  which  ensued  immedi 
ately  upon  the  arrival  of  the  Commander-in-Chief. 

William  Try  on,  who  subsequently  invaded  Connecticut 
twice,  and  left  his  devastating  impress  upon  Danbury, 
Ridgefield,  New  Haven,  Fairfield,  Norwalk,  and  Green 
Farms,  was  the  royal  Governor  of  New  York.  It  is  in 
teresting  to  recall  the  antecedents  of  this  governor.  He 

o  o 

had  been  Governor  of  North  Carolina  once,  and  attempted 
a  part  similar  to  that  so  foolishly  played  by  Governor 
Gage  at  Lexington  and  Concord.  Until  this  day,  the 
people  of  North  Carolina  wrill  cite  the  "  Battle  of  Ala- 
mance,"  which  was  a  pretty  sharp  tight  between  Tryon's 
forces  and  the  yeomanry  of  the  "  Old  North  State,"  on 
the  sixteenth  day  of  May,  1771,  as  the  first  blood  shed  in 
resistance  to  the  usurpations  of  the  royal  prerogative. 
It  was  the  same  William  Tryon,  in  person,  temperament, 
and  methods,  who  governed  New  York  City  in  1776,  and 
Washington  knew  him  thoroughly.  The  royalists  and 
patriots  of  New  York  City,  in  the  absence  of  a  control 
ling  force  of  either  British  or  Continental  troops,  com 
mingled  daily.  A  few  British  men-of-war  really  controlled 
its  waters  ;  but  the  city  was  practically  at  rest.  There 
prevailed  a  general  understanding  that  each  party  should 
retain  its  own  views  ;  that  the  officers  of  the  Crown  should 
keep  within  the  technical  line  of  their  official  duty,  and 
that  the  citizens  would  not  interfere.  Congress  had  no 
troops  to  spare,  and  there  was  quite  a  general  suspension  of 
arming,  except  to  supply  the  regiments  already  in  the  field. 


SYSTEMATIC    WAR    WITH    BRITAIN    BEGUN.         ,S5 

An  extraordinary  coincidence  of  the  arrival  of  Gen 
eral  Clinton  from  Halifax,  with  a  small  force,  and  the 
arrival,  on  the  same  day,  of  General  Lee,  from  Connec 
ticut,  with  about  fifteen  hundred  volunteers,  brought  this 
condition  of  armed  neutrality  to  an  end.  Clinton  had 
positive  orders  to  "  destroy  all  towns  that  refused  submis 
sion."  When  Clinton  cast  anchor  at  Sandy  Hook  and 
communicated  with  Governor  Try  on,  and  learned  the  facts, 
he  judiciously  made  the  official  courtesy  due  to  the  gov 
ernor  his  plausible  excuse  for  entering  the  harbor  at  all, 
"  being  ordered  southward."  Lee,  doubtful  of  Clinton's 
real  purpose,  fortified  Brooklyn  Heights  back  of  Govern 
or's  Island,  and  began  also  to  fortify  the  city,  at  the 
south  end  of  the  island,  still  called  "  The  Battery." 
Clinton  followed  his  orders,  sailed  southward,  visited 
Lord  Dunniore  in  Chesapeake  Bay,  joined  Earl  Cornwal- 
lis  at  Wilmington,  N.C.,  in  May,  on  the  arrival  of  that 
officer  from  Ireland,  and  took  part  with  him  in  the 
operations  against  Fort  Sullivan  (afterwards  Fort  Moul- 
trie)  near  Charleston,  during  the  succeeding  summer. 

Lee,  ever  arrogating  to  himself  supreme  command, 
whenever  detached,  placed  the  Connecticut  volunteers 
whom  he  accompanied  to  New  York  upon  a  Continental 
basis  of  service.  In  this  he  deliberately  exceeded  his 
authority  and  came  into  direct  collision  with  Congress, 
which  had  ordered  one  of  the  regiments  to  be  disbanded ; 
and  offended  the  New  York  patriots,  whom  he  characterized 
as  the  "  accursed  Provincial  Congress  of  New  York."  His 
action  received  the  official  disapproval  of  Washington ; 
and  the  visit  of  a  Committee  of  Congress  accommodated  the 
formal  occupation  by  the  Colonial  troops  to  the  judgment 
of  all  well-disposed  citizens.  In  no  respect  was  the 
episode  of  Lee's  temporary  command  a  reflection  upon 
the  patriotism  of  the  citizens.  He  was  ordered  to  the 
south ;  and  in  the  attack  upon  Fort  Sullivan  and  the 


86  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

preparation  of  Charleston  for  defence  he  gave  much  good 
advice,  but  had  to  be  repressed  and  controlled  all  the 
time  by  President  liutledge,  who  was  as  resolute  as 
Washington  himself  in  the  discharge  of  public  duty  once 
confided  to  his  trust.  The  attitude  of  South  Carolina,  at 
this  time,  deserves  special  mention,  and  it  has  hardly 
received  sufficient  recognition  in  the  development  of  the 
United  States.  Without  waiting  for  the  united  action  of 
the  Colonies  this  State  declared  its  own  independence 
as  a  sovereign  republic.  John  liutledge  Avas  elected  as 
President,  with  Henry  Laurens  as  Yice-President,  and 
William  H.  Drayton  as  Chief  Justice.  An  army  and 
navy  were  authorized ;  a  Privy  Council  and  Assembly 
were  also  elected  ;  the  issue  of  six  hundred  thousand  dol 
lars  of  paper  money  was  authorized,  as  well  as  the  issue 
of  coin.  It  was  the  first  republic  in  the  New  World  to 
perfect  the  organization  of  an  independent  State. 

When  Lee  was  ordered  southward,  General  Thomas  had 
been  ordered  to  Canada ;  and  the  first  act  of  Washington, 
after  his  arrival  at  New  York,  was  the  enforced  deple 
tion  of  his  command  by  the  detail  of  four  battalions  as  a 
reinforcement  to  the  army  in  Canada.  These  he  sent  by 
water  to  Albany,  "to  ease  the  men  of  fatigue."  He  also 
sent  five  hundred  barrels  of  provisions  to  Schuyler's  com 
mand  on  the  twenty-second. 

The  activity  of  the  army  about  headquarters  aroused 
the  royalist  element  and  prompt  action  became  necessary. 
Washington  addressed  a  letter  to  the  New  York  Commit 
tee  of  Safety,  directing  that  further  correspondence  with 
the  enemy  must  cease,  closing  as  follows :  "  We  must 
consider  ourselves  in  a  state  of  war,  or  peace,  with  Great 
Britain."  He  enforced  these  views  with  emphasis. 

Late  at  night,  on  the  twenty-fifth,  an  order  was  received 
from  Congress  directing  him  to  send  six  additional  battal 
ions  to  Canada,  requesting  also  an  immediate  report  as 


SYSTEMATIC    WAR    WITH    BRITAIN    BEGUN.         87 

to  "whether  still  additional  regiments  could  be  spared  for 
that  purpose."  General  Sullivan  accompanied  this  divi 
sion  ;  and  with  him  were  such  men  as  Stark,  Reed,  AVayne, 
and  Irvine.  In  reply  to  Congress,  Washington  stated 
that  "by  this  division  of  forces  there  was  danger  that 
neither  army,  that  sent  to  Canada  and  that  kept  at  New 
York,  would  be  sufficient,  because  Great  Britain  would 
both  attempt  to  relieve  Canada  and  capture  New  York, 
both  being  of  the  greatest  importance  to  them,  if  they 
have  the  men." 

On  the  twenty-eighth  day  of  April  the  whole  army  in 
New  York  amounted  to  ten  thousand  two  hundred  and 
thirty-five  men,  of  whom  eight  thousand  three  hundred 
and  three  were  present  and  fit  for  duty.  Washington's 
Orderly  Book,  of  this  period,  rebukes  certain  disorderly 
conduct  of  the  soldiers  in  these  memorable  words  :  "  Men 
are  not  to  carve  out  remedies  for  themselves.  If  they  are 
injured  in  any  respect,  there  are  legal  ways  to  obtain 
relief,  and  just  complaints  will  always  be  attended  to  and 
redressed." 

At  this  time,  Rhode  Island  called  for  protection  of  her 
threatened  ports,  and  two  regiments  of  her  militia  were 
taken  into  Continental  Pay.  Washington  was  also  advised 
that  Great  Britain  had  contracted  with  various  European 
States  for  military  contingents  ;  that  the  sentiment  in 
Canada  had  changed  to  antipathy,  and  that  continual  dis 
aster  attended  all  operations  in  that  department.  On  the 
twenty-fourth  he  wrote  to  Schuyler  :  "  We  expect  a  very 
bloody  summer  at  Canada  and  New  York  ;  as  it  is  there, 
I  presume,  that  the  great  efforts  of  the  enemy  will  be 
aimed ;  and  I  am.  very  sorry  to  say  that  we  are  not,  in 
men  and  arms,  prepared  for  it." 

General  Putnam  was  placed  in  command  at  New  York, 
and  General  Greene  took  charge  of  the  defences  on 
Brooklyn  Heights  and  of  their  completion.  On  the  first 


88  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

day  of  June  Congress  resolved  that  six  thousand  addi 
tional  troops  should  be  employed  from  Massachusetts, 
New  Hampshire,  Connecticut,  and  New  York,  to  reenforce 
the  army  in  Canada,  and  that  two  thousand  Indians  should 
be  hired  for  this  same  field  of  service.  To  this  proposi 
tion  General  Schuyler  keenly  replied  :  "  If  this  number, 
two  thousand,  can  be  prevented  from  joining1  the  enemy, 
it  is  more  than  can  be  expected." 

As  early  as  the  fifteenth  of  February  Congress  had 
appointed  Benjamin  Franklin,  Samuel  Chase,  and  Charles 
Carroll,  as  Commissioners  to  visit  Canada  and  learn  both 
the  exact  condition  of  the  army  and  the  temper  of  the 
people  Rev.  John  Carroll,  afterwards  Archbishop  of 
Maryland,  accompanied  them,  and  reported  that  r?  negli 
gence,  mismanagement,  and  a  combination  of  unlucky 
incidents  had  produced  a  disorder  that  it  was  too  late  to 
remedy."  Ill-health  compelled  the  immediate  return  of 
Franklin,  but  the  other  Commissioners  remained  until  the 
evacuation  of  Canada.  The  scourge  of  small-pox,  to 
which  General  Thomas  became  a  victim,  and  other  dis 
eases,  together  with  the  casualties  of  the  service,  had  cost 
more  than  five  thousand  lives  within  two  months,  and  the 
constant  change  of  commanders,  ordered  by  Congress, 
hastened  the  Canadian  campaign  to  a  crisis.  Scattered 
all  the  way  from  Albany  to  Montreal  there  could  have 
been  found  companies  of  the  regiments  which  Congress 
had  started  for  Canada,  and  which  Washington  and  the 
country  could  so  poorly  spare  at  such  an  eventful  and 
threatening  period.  General  Sullivan  had  been  succeeded 
by  General  Gates,  but  with  no  better  results.  Sullivan 
had  under-estimated  the  British  forces,  and  when  apprised 
of  the  facts,  of  which  the  American  Commander-in-Chief 
had  not  been  advised  in  time,  he  wrote  :  "  I  now  only 
think  of  a  glorious  death,  or  a  victory  obtained  against 
superior  numbers."  The  following  letter  of  Washington 


SYSTEMATIC    WAR    WITH    BRITAIiY    BEGUN.         89 

addressed  to   Congress,  enclosing   letters   intimating  the 

desire  of  General  Sullivan  to  have  larger  command,  indi 
ct 

cates  Washington's  judgment  of  the  situation,  and  is  in 
harmony  with  his  habitual  discernment  of  men  and  the 
times  throughout  the  war.  He  says:  "He  (Sullivan)  is 
active,  spirited,  and  zealously  attached  to  our  cause.  He 
has  his  wants  and  his  foibles.  The  latter  are  manifested 
in  his  little  tincture  of  vanity  which  now  and  then  leads 
him  into  embarrassments.  His  wants  are  common  to  us 
all.  He  wants  experience,  to  move  on  a  large  scale  ;  for 
the  limited  and  contracted  knowledge  which  anv  of  us 

O  f 

have  in  military  matters,  stands  in  very  little  stead,  and 
is  quickly  overbalanced  by  sound  judgment  and  some 
acquaintance  with  men  and  books,  especially  when  accom 
panied  by  an  enterprising  genius,  which  I  must  do  Gen 
eral  Sullivan  the  justice  to  say,  I  think  he  possesses. 
Congress  will  therefore  determine  upon  the  propriety  of 
continuing  him  in  Canada,  or  sending  another,  as  they 
shall  see  fit." 

Already  the  St.  Lawrence  river  was  open  to  naviga 
tion.  On  the  first  of  June,  General  Riedesel  arrived  with 
troops  from  Brunswick,  and  General  Burgoyne  with 
troops  from  Ireland,  swelling  the  command  of  General 
Carleton  to  an  aggregate  of  nine  thousand  nine  hundred 
and  eighty-four  effective  men  ;  and  British  preparations 
were  at  once  made  to  take  the  offensive,  and  expel  the 
American  force  from  Canada.  Before  the  last  of  June 
the  "  invasion  of  Canada  "  came  to  an  end,  and  the  rem 
nants  of  the  army,  which  had  numbered  more  than  ten 
thousand  men,  returned,  worn  out,  dispirited,  and 
beaten. 

Washington  had  been  stripped  of  troops  and  good  offi 
cers  at  a  most  critical  period,  against  his  remonstrance ; 
and  Congress  accounted  for  the  disaster  by  this  brief 
record  :  "  Undertaken  too  late  in  the  fall ;  enlistments 


90  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

too  short ;  the  haste  which  forced  immature  expeditions 
for  fear  there  would  be  no  men  to  undertake  them,  and 
the  small-pox.'' 

Gradually  the  principal  officers  and  many  of  the  return 
ing  troops  joined  the  army  at  New  York.  The  occupation 
of  New  York,  the  fortification  and  defence  of  Brooklyn 
Heights,  the  tardy  withdrawal  of  the  army  to  Harlem 
Heights,  with  a  constant  and  stubborn  resistance  to  the 
advancing  British  army  and  its  menacing  ships-of-war, 
have  always  been  treated  as  of  questionable  policy  by 
writers  who  have  not  weighed  each  of  those  incidents  as 
did  Washington,  by  their  effect  upon  the  Continental 
army,  as  a  whole,  and  in  the  light  of  a  distinctly  framed 
plan  for  the  conduct  of  the  war.  This  plan  was  har 
monious  and  persistently  maintained  from  his  assumption 
of  command  until  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis  at  York- 
town,  in  1781. 

Operations  in  Massachusetts,  and  elsewhere,  south  as 
well  as  north,  from  the  first,  proved  that  the  heat  of 
patriotic  resistance  must  be  maintained  and  developed  by 
action  ;  that,  as  at  Bunker  Hill  and  before  Boston,  passive 
armies  lose  confidence,  while  active  duty,  even  under 
high  pressure,  nerves  to  bolder  courage  and  more  pro 
nounced  vigor. 

The  correspondence  of  Washington  and  his  Reports,  as 
well  as  letters  to  confidential  friends  which  have  been 
carefully  considered  in  forming  an  estimate  of  his  career 
as  a  Soldier,  evolve  propositions  that  bear  upon  the 
operations  about  New  York.  The  prime  factor  in  the 
Colonial  resistance  was,  to  fix  the  belief  irrevocably  in 
the  popular  mind,  in  the  very  heart  of  the  Colonists,  that 
America  could,  and  would,  resist  Great  Britain,  with 
confidence  in  success.  The  inevitable  first  step  was  to 
challenge  her  mastery  of  the  only  base  from  which  she 
could  conduct  a  successful  war.  To  have  declined  this 


SYSTEMATIC    WAR    WITH    BRITAIN    BEGUN.         91 

assertion  of  Colonial  right,  or  to  have  wavered  as  to  its 
enforcement,  would  have  been  a  practical  admission  of 
weakness  and  the  loss  of  all  prestige  thus  far  attained. 

It  was  well  known  to  Washington  that  the  British 
Government  was  so  related  to  Continental  rivals  that 
about  forty  thousand  troops  would  be  the  extreme  limit 
of  her  contributions  to  subdue  America.  It  will  appear 
from  official  tables,  appended  to  this  narrative,  that, 
during  the  entire  war,  the  British  force  of  every  kind, 
throughout  America,  exceeded  this  number  slightly  in 

o          J 

only  one  year ;  and  that  AVashington's  plans,  from  time 
to  time  submitted  to  Congress,  were  based  upon  requisi 
tions  fully  competent  to  meet  the  largest  possible  force 
which  could  be  placed  in  the  field  by  Great  Britain. 

It  was  further  evident  that  resistance  of  the  first 
attempt  of  the  British  to  land,  and  the  reduction  of  their 
numbers  and  supplies,  by  constant,  persistent,  and  con 
fident  battle,  would  not  only  dispirit  that  army,  but 
equally  arouse  the  spirit  of  the  American  army,  assure 
its  discipline,  and  stimulate  both  Congress  and  the  people 
to  furnish  adequate  men  and  means  to  prosecute  the  war 
to  success.  Prolonged  face  to  face  hostilities  in  and 
about  New  York,  therefore,  indicated  not  only  Wash 
ington's  faith  in  success,  but  prolonged  the  restriction 
of  British  operations  to  a  very  limited  field. 

The  Declaration  of  American  Independence,  on  the 
Fourth  Day  of  July,  1776,  was  an  emphatic  act  that 
enlarged  his  faith  and  inspired  resistance,  upon  the  plans 
so  carefully  matured  before  that  event.  And,  even  if 
there  be  taken  into  account  the  peculiar  circumstances 
which  facilitated  the  eventual  retreat  from  Brooklyn 
Heights,  it  is  no  less  true  that  the  Battle  of  Long  Island, 
the  resistance  at  Pell's  Point,  Harlem  Heights,  White 
Plains,  and  about  Fort  Washington,  were  characterized 
by  a  persistency  of  purpose  and  a  stubbornness  of  hand- 


92  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

to-hand  fighting,  which  kept  his  main  army  practically 
intact,  and  enabled  him  to  terminate  the  campaign  of 
1776  with  a  master  stroke  that  astounded  the  world,  and 
challenged  the  admiration  of  the  best  soldiers  of  that 
period. 


CHAPTER    X. 

BRITAIN    AGAINST    AMERICA. HOWE    INVADES    NEW    YORK. 

IN  order  rightly  to  measure  the  American  War  for 
& 
Independence  by  fixed  standards,  it  is  both  interest 
ing  and  instructive  to  notice  the  systematic  method 
adopted  by  Great  Britain  to  suppress  revolution  and 
restore  her  supremacy  over  the  revolting  Colonies.  The 
recovery  of  Boston  was  no  longer  to  be  seriously  con 
sidered  ;  but  New  England,  as  a  strong  and  populous 
centre  of  disaffection,  must  still  be  so  restricted  through 
her  coast  exposure  as  to  prevent  her  proportionate  con 
tribution  to  the  Continental  army  at  New  York.  If 
threatened  from  the  north,  New  York  also  would  be 
compelled  to  retain  a  large  force  of  fully  equipped  militia 
for  frontier  defence.  The  occupation  of  Newport,  R.I., 
which  was  only  one  day's  forced  march  from  Boston, 
together  with  the  patrol  of  Long  Island  Sound  by  ships- 
of-war,  would  therefore  be  positive  factors  in  both  limit 
ing  a  draft  and  the  transportation  of  troops  from  Massa 
chusetts.  If  to  this  were  added  the  control  of  the  Hudson 
River,  by  a  competent  fleet,  the  whole  of  New  England 
would  be  cut  oft'  from  actively  supporting  the  forces  to 
be  raised  in  the  Middle  Colonies. 

The  fiery  spirit  and  patriotic  fervor  of  Virginia,  as  well 
as  the  lusty  vigor  of  North  Carolina  and  other  Southern 
patriots,  must  also  be  subjected  to  a  military  surveillance 
and  pressure  from  the  sea,  and  thus,  equally  with  New 
England,  be  deprived  of  a  free  and  full  contribution  of 
its  proper  quota  to  the  American  army. 

93 


94  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

The  three  sections  named,  using  Xew  York  as  the  base 
of  all  British  demonstrations  in  force,  represented  so 
many  radiating  belts,  or  zones,  of  military  operation ; 
and  to  secure  ultimate  British  success,  each  of  these  zones 
must  be  so  occupied  in  its  own  defence  that  a  force  from 
New  York  could  be  thrown  with  overwhelming  effect  upon 
each,  in  turn,  and  thus  render  it  practically  impossible- 
for  Washington  to  concentrate  an  effective  army  of  re 
sistance  to  each  assailing  column.  To  the  southward, 
the  waters  of  Delaware  and  Chesapeake  bays,  if  once  occu 
pied  by  a  sufficient  fleet,  would  sever  the  lower  Colonies 
from  the  American  centre  of  service,  as  effectively  as 
those  of  Long  Island  and  the  Hudson  River  Avould  isolate 
New  England.  This  was  a  sound  military  policy,  and 
had  been  fully  adopted  so  soon  as  Lord  Howe  received 
reinforcements  and  recovered  breath  after  his  severe 
punishment  at  Boston. 

The  adoption  of  New  York  as  the  base  of  all  British 
supply,  as  well  as  service,  not  only  had  its  central  and 
dominating  site  for  the  rendezvous,  equipment,  and 
despatch  of  troops,  but  through  its  auxiliary  naval  sta 
tions  at  Halifax  and  the  West  Indies,  afforded  opportu 
nities  for  expeditions  where  large  land  forces  were  not 
required,  and  still  keep  such  threatened  localities  under 
constant  terror  of  assault. 

These  considerations  will  have  their  better  apprecia 
tion  as  the  progress  of  the  narrative  unfolds  successive 
campaigns. 

Sooner  or  later,  in  order  to  achieve  absolute  independ 
ence,  and  vanquish  Great  Britain  in  the  fight,  the  Ameri 
can  army  must  so  neutralize  the  domination  of  New  York, 
that  its  occupation  by  either  army  ivould  cease  to  be  the 
determining  factor  in  the  final  result  of  the  luar. 

The  prestige  of  Great  Britain  was  overshadowing ; 
but  could  its  arm  reach  the  range  of  its  shadow  ?  Her 


BRITAIN    AGAINST    AMERICA.  95 

fleets  were  many  and  mighty,  but  so  were  those  of  her 
jealous  foes  across  the  British  Channel.  Her  armies  in 
America  must  be  adequate  for  operations  in  each  of  the 
zones  mentioned,  and  be  constantly  supplied  with  muni 
tions  of  war  and  every  other  accessory  of  successful  field 
service.  And,  on  the  other  hand,  the  American  army, 
almost  wholly  dependent  upon  land  transportation  and 
hard  marching,  must  have  a  correspondingly  larger  force, 
or  fail  to  concentrate  and  fight  upon  equal  terms  with  its 
adversary. 

The  British  Government  having  adopted  a  sound  mili 
tary  policy,  so  soon  as  the  object  lessons  of  Lexington, 
Bunker  Hill,  and  their  expulsion  from  Boston  unveiled 
their  dull  vision,  did  not  fail  to  realize  the  necessity  for 
an  army  strong  enough  to  meet  the  full  requirements  of 
that  policy.  Forty  regiments  were  assigned  to  the 
American  service.1  But  the  militia  of  New  England  had 
already  driven  twenty  battalions  (half  the  number) 
from  its  coast.  AYashington  was  no  careless  observer  of 
European  conditions,  nor  of  the  straitened  nature  of 
the  British  army  organization,  however  superior  to  rivals 
on  the  sea.  His  deliberate  conviction,  ever  a  rallying 
force  to  his  faith  in  deepest  peril,  that  Britain  could 
never  spare  more  than  one  more  army  as  large  as  the 
garrison  of  Boston,  was  the  result  of  almost  literal  in 
sight  of  the  practical  resources  at  her  command.  Hence, 
that  Government  contracted  with  petty  European  princi 
palities  for  seventeen  thousand  men,  for  immediate  deliv 
ery.  These  men  were  impressed  and  paid  wages  by  their 
own  local  princes  who  speculated  on  the  greater  sums  to 
be  paid  them,  per  capita,  by  Great  Britain.  The  former 
estimate  of  General  Gage,  at  twenty  thousand  men, 
and  his  significant  hint  as  to  the  need  of  more  than  that 
force,  was  no  longer  ridiculed ;  but  forty  thousand  was 

1  See  Appendix  for  regiments  designated. 


96  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

decided  to  be  the  minimum  number  required  for  the  im 
mediate  prosecution  of  the  war.  Taking  into  account 
the  foreign  troops,  the  British  ministry  estimated  as 
available  for  the  American  service  a  total,  on  paper,  of 
fifty-five  thousand  men.  To  this  was  to  be  added,  upon 
their  hopeful  estimate,  four  thousand  Canadians,  Indians, 
and  royalists.  Allowing  for  every  possible  shrinkage,  on 
account  of  weakened  regiments  and  other  contingencies, 
the  effective  force  was  officially  placed  at  forty  thousand 
men. 

Two  facts  are  significant  in  connection  with  this  spe 
cious  estimate  of  the  British  army.  If  the  drain  of  this 
forcible  conscription  upon  the  industry  of  Hesse-Cassel 
and  Hanau  had  been  applied  to  England  and  Wales,  at 
that  date,  it  would  have  raised  an  army  of  four  hundred 
thousand  men ;  and  yet,  Britain  did  not  venture  to  draw 
from  her  own  subjects,  at  home,  for  the  defence  of  her 
own  Crown. 

Washington  rightly  conceived  that  the  whole  scheme 
would  divide  the  sentiment  of  the  British  people,  and 
that  the  success  even  of  these  mercenary  troops,  against 
their  own  blood  in  America,  would  prove  no  source  of 
pride  or  congratulation.  It  was  his  intense  love  of 
English  liberty,  exhibited  in  its  history,  that  undergirded 
his  soul  with  sustaining  faith  in  American  liberty ;  and 
he  read  the  hearts  of  the  English  people  aright. 

He  did  not  wait  long  for  its  echo.  The  Duke  of  Rich 
mond  used  this  emphatic  and  prophetic  utterance  :  "  An 
army  of  foreigners  is  now  to  be  introduced  into  the 
British  dominion ;  not  to  protect  them  from  invasion, 
not  to  deliver  them  from  the  ravages  of  a  hostile  army, 
but  to  assist  one-half  of  the  inhabitants  in  massacring 
the  other.  Unprovided  with  a  sufficient  number  of 
troops  for  the  cruel  purpose  ;  or,  unable  to  prevail  upon 
the  natives  of  the  country  [England]  to  lend  their  hands 


BRITAIN    AGAINST    AMERICA.  97 

to  such  a  sanguinary  business,  Ministers  have  applied  to 
those  foreign  princes  who  trade  in  human  blood,  and 
have  hired  mercenaries  for  the  work  of  destruction." 
His  closing  sentence  foreshadowed  the  alliance  of  Amer 
ica  with  Louis  XVI.,  of  France.  It  reads  thus:  "The 
Colonies  themselves,  after  our  example,  will  apply  to 
strangers  for  assistance." 

This  British  army  was  designed  for  four  distinct,  and 
as  nearly  as  possible,  concurrent,  operations  :  one  through 
Canada,  down  the  Hudson  River  to  Albany  and  New  York, 
with  divergent  pressure  upon  New  England  and  central 
New  York ;  one  to  occupy  Newport,  R.I.  ;  the  third  to 
control  New  York  City  and  its  related  territory  in  New 
Jersey ;  and  the  fourth  against  representative  centres 
at  the  South. 

Reference  has  been  made  to  the  anxiety  expressed  by 
Washington  as  early  as  February,  1776,  lest  the  siege  of 
Boston  might  be  protracted  until  Britain  could  invade  the 
other  colonies,  particularly  New  York,  with  an  over 
whelming  retentive  force.  As  a  fact,  only  surmised 
and  not  known  by  him  for  weeks,  Sir  Peter  Parker  and 
Earl  Cornwallis  were  ready  to  start  from  Cork,  Ireland, 
by  the  twentieth  of  January ;  but  did  not  sail  until  the 
thirteenth  of  February,  and  then  the  transports  and  ships 
were  so  buffeted  by  storms,  and  driven  back  for  refitting, 
as  not  to  reach  Wilmington,  N.C.,  until  the  third  day  of 
May.  Here,  as  before  indicated,  he  was  joined  by  Gen 
eral  Clinton,  and  both  had  the  suggestive  lesson  of 
American  courage  in  their  repulse  by  the  brave  Moultrie, 
at  Charleston,  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  June. 

And  now  we  are  to  consider  Washington's  reception  of 
the  most  formidable  of  these  expeditions. 

General  Howe  sailed  from  Halifax  on  the  tenth  of  June 
with  one  hundred  and  twenty  square-rigged  vessels  be 
sides  smaller  craft ;  and  on  the  fifth  day  of  July  the  entire 


98  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

force,  amounting  to  nine  thousand  two  hundred  men, 
was  landed  upon  Staten  Island,  in  the  lower  bay  of 
New  York.  During  the  voyage  two  transports  were 
captured  by  American  privateers,  and  General  Sir  Will 
iam  Erskine,  with  a  part  of  the  seventy-first  Highland 
Regiment,  were  made  prisoners.  The  incident  is  worthy 
of  notice  as  materially  affecting  the  correspondence 
between  Washington  and  General  Howe,  shortly  after 
the  event. 

General  Howe  reached  Sandy  Hook  in  the  despatch 
frigate  "Greyhound,"  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  June,  and 
held  a  secret  conference  with  Governor  Tryon,  on  ship 
board.  His  fleet  first  cast  anchor  at  Gravesend  Cove, 
July  1st,  but  after  conference  Avith  Governor  Tryon,  he 
changed  his  purpose.  He  would  be  too  near  Washing 
ton.  He  wrote  to  Lord  Germaine  on  July  8th  as  fol 
lows  :  "  He  declined  to  land,  as  being  so  near  the  front 
of  the  enemy's  works.  It  would  be  too  hazardous,  until 
the  arrival  of  the  troops  with  Commodore  Holthani,  daily 
expected.  He  was  also  waiting  for  the  return  of  General 
Clinton,  and  deemed  it  best  to  defer  the  possession  of 
Rhode  Island  until  the  arrival  of  the  second  embarkation 
from  Europe,  unless  Carleton  should  penetrate  early  into 
this  province  [New  York] ."  The  letter  thus  closes  :  "  As 
I  must  esteem  an  impression  upon  the  enemy's  principal 
force  collected  in  this  quarter  to  be  the  first  object  of 
my  attention,  I  shall  hold  it  steadily  in  view  without 
losing  sight  of  those  which  may  be  only  considered 
collateral." 

Admiral  Lord  Richard  Howe  arrived  on  July  12th  with 
a  powerful  squadron  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  transports 
filled  with  troops.  On  the  thirteenth  a  communication 
was  despatched  to  George  Washington,  Esqr.,  on  behalf 
of  the  Brothers  Howe,  Commissioners,  proposing  terms 
of  peace.  Washington,  in  a  letter  to  Schuyler,  face- 


BRITAIN    AGAINST    AMERICA.  99 

tiously  styled  these  gentlemen  "  Commissioners  to  dis 
pense  pardon  to  repenting  sinners."  Howe's  Adjutant- 
General,  Patterson,  called  upon  General  Washington,  on 
the  twentieth  of  July,  respecting  the  exchange  of  prison 
ers,  especially  General  Erskine,  and,  "  purely  to  effect 
the  exchange  of  these  prisoners,"  addressed  Washington 
by  his  military  title. 

Generals  Clinton  and  Cornwallis,  repulsed  at  Charles 
ton,  arrived  August  first,  and  Commodore  Holthani, 
having  arrived  on  the  twelfth,  landed  twenty-six  hundred 
British  troops,  eight  thousand  four  hundred  Hessians, 
and  camp  equipage  for  the  entire  army.  On  the  fifteenth 
Sir  Peter  Parker  arrived  with  twenty-four  sail  from  the 
south. 

The  British  army  thus  encamped  on  Staten  Island 
numbered,  all  told,  thirty-one  thousand  six  hundred  and 
twenty-five  men.  The  effective  force,  for  duty,  was 
twenty-six  thousand  nine  hundred  and  eight,  of  which 
number  twenty  thousand  accompanied  General  Howe  to 
the  attack  upon  Brooklyn  Heights.  This  was  the  largest 
army  under  one  command  during  the  war. 

Washington  was  fully  advised  of  every  movement,  and 
the  Proclamation  of  Commissioner  Howe  to  the  people 
was  circulated  with  his  full  approval.  Sensational  rumors 
were  as  common  then  as  in  modern  times.  As  late  as  the 
nineteenth  of  August  General  Roberdeau  notified  Wash 
ington,  in  all  seriousness,  that  "a post-rider  had  told  him, 
with  great  confidence,  that  General  Howe  had  proposed 
to  retire  with  the  fleet  and  army,  and  was  willing  to  settle 
the  present  dispute  on  any  terms  asked  by  Washington  : 
that  this  came  from  an  officer  who  was  willing  to  swear 
to  it ;  but  as  it  might  have  a  tendency  to  lull  the  inhabi 
tants,  he  made  it  the  subject  of  an  express."  This  was 
based  upon  another  false  rumor,  that  England  and  France 
were  at  war.  Such  "  recklessness  of  gossip-mongers " 


100  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

received  from  Washington  a  scorching  rebuke  which  he 
declared  to  be  the  "  more  important,  since  many  of  those 
who  opposed  the  war,  on  account  of  business  relations 
with  the  British  authorities,  were  most  active  in  words, 
while  lacking  in  courage  to  take  up  arms  on  either  side." 


CHAPTER    XI. 

BATTLE    OF    LONG    ISLAND. 

ONLY  a  summary  analysis  of  the  Battle  of  Long 
Island  is  required  for  explanation  of  the  general 
operations  indicated  upon  the  map.  Almost  every  hour 
had  its  incidents  of  eventful  interest,  and  few  historic 
battles,  from  its  first  conception  to  the  ultimate  result, 
more  strikingly  illustrate  the  influence  of  one  regardful 
judgment  which  could  convert  unpromising  features  into 
conditions  of  final  benefit.  The  value  of  military  disci 
pline,  of  presence  of  mind,  and  the  subordination  of  every 
will  to  one  ruling  spirit,  never  had  a  more  definite  illus 
tration.1  The  infinite  value  of  small  details,  in  prepara 
tion  for  and  the  conduct  of  so  serious  a  venture  as  to 
meet  this  great  British  army,  is  exhibited  at  every  phase 
of  its  progress. 

The  American  army  contrasted  unfavorably  with  its 
adversary  in  every  respect.  Although  the  British  forces, 
and  generally  the  American  forces  employed  during  the 
years  of  the  war,  are  to  be  found  stated  in  the  Appendix, 
the  official  roll  of  Washington's  army,  on  this  occasion, 
will  add  interest  to  the  event. 

On  the  third  of  August  its  strength  was  as  follows  :  Com 
missioned  officers  and  staff,  twelve  hundred  and  twenty- 
five  ;  non-commissioned  officers,  fifteen  hundred  and  two  ; 
present  for  duty,  ten  thousand  five  hundred  and  fourteen  ; 
sick,  present  and  absent,  three  thousand  six  hundred 

1  See  "  Battles  of  the  Revolution,"  Chapter  XXXI. 
101 


102  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

and  seventy-eight :  making  a  total  of  seventeen  thousand 
two  hundred  and  twenty-five  men. 

Less  than  one-third  of  this  force  had  served  from  the 
beginning  of  the  war.  The  artillery  battalion  of  Colonel 
Knox  numbered  less  than  six  hundred  men,  and  the  guns 
themselves  wTere  of  various  patterns  and  calibre,  to  be 
handled  by  men  who  knew  little  of  their  use  or  range. 
On  the  fifth  of  August  Governor  Trumbull  of  Connecticut 
assured  Washington  that  "  he  did  not  greatly  dread  what 
the  enemy  could  do,  trusting  Heaven  to  support  us, 
knowing  our  cause  to  be  righteous."  Washington's 
reply,  dated  the  seventh,  was  characteristic  and  practical  : 
"To  trust  in  the  justice  of  our  cause,  without  our  utmost 
exertion,  would  be  tempting  Providence."  Although 
Trumbull  had  already  sent  five  regiments  forward,  he 
soon  sent  nine  additional  regiments,  averaging  about 
three  hundred  men  each,  in  time  to  be  present  when  the 
British  eventually  landed  in  Westchester  County. 

Two  regiments  under  Colonel  Prescott,  of  Bunker  Hill 
fame,  were  on  duty  upon  Governor's  Island.  The  works 
on  Long  Island,  begun  by  General  Lee,  had  been  com 
pleted  by  General  Greene,  who  had  explored  the  country 
thoroughly  and  knew  the  range  of  every  piece.  A 
redoubt  with  seven  guns  crowned  the  Heights.  The 
exposed  point  of  Red  Hook,  a  combination  of  marsh  and 
solid  land,  was  supplied  with  five  guns.  The  intrench- 
ments,  more  than  a  half  mile  in  length,  were  protected  by 
abatis  and  four  redoubts  which  mounted  twenty  guns. 
Greene  occupied  these  redoubts  and  lines  with  two  regi 
ments  of  Long  Island  militia  and  six  regiments  of  Con 
tinental  troops,  not  one  of  which  exceeded  four  hundred 
men,  for  duty.  The  line  extended  from  Wallabout,  the 
present  Navy  Yard,  to  Gowanus  Bay. 

The  total  nominal  strength  of  the  American  army  about 
New  York  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  August,  including  the 


BATTLE    OF    LONG    ISLAND.  ion 

sick,  non-effectives,  and  those  without  arms,  was  a  little 
over  twenty-seven  thousand  men.  The  Connecticut 
regiments  which  had  just  joined  brought  such  arms  as 
they  could  provide  for  themselves,  and  were  simply  that- 
many  citizens  with  nominal  organization,  but  without 
drill. 

Meanwhile,  the  entire  line  from  Brooklyn  to  King's 
Bridge,  fifteen  miles,  with  the  navigable  waters  of  the 
Hudson,  the  Harlem,  and  East  rivers,  and  their  shore 
approaches,  had  to  be  guarded.  It  was  not  entirely 
certain  but  that  Howe  simply  feigned  an  attack  upon  the 
intrenched  position  upon  the  Heights,  to  draw  thither 
Washington's  best  troops,  and  take  the  city  by  water 
approach.  Paulus  Hook,  then  an  island,  was  fortified  in 
a  measure,  but  was  unable  to  prevent  the  passage  of  two 
vessels  which  at  once  cut  off  water  communication  with 
Albany  and  the  northern  American  army. 

Washington  had  previously  issued  orders  for  the  govern 
ment  of  sharp-shooters  ;  and  particularly,  "  not  to  throw 
away  fire.  To  fire  first  with  ball  and  shot."  This  order 
had  its  specific  significance,  and  was  illustrated  in  the 
Mexican  War,  and  early  in  1861,  in  America.  "  Buck- 
and-ball"  scattered  its  missiles,  and  wounded  many  who 
would  be  missed  by  a  single  rifle-shot ;  and  the  wounded 
required  details  of  others  for  their  care  or  removal.  "  Brig 
adiers  were  ordered  to  mark  a  circle  around  the  several 
redoubts,  by  which  officers  are  to  be  directed  in  giving 
orders  for  the  first  discharge."  He  also  ordered  "small 
brush  to  be  set  up,  to  mark  the  line  more  distinctly,  and 
make  it  familiar  to  the  men,  before  the  enemy  arrive  within 
the  circle." 

The  reader  will  recall  the  experience  ofa  Washington  in 
his  early  career,  when  similar  methods  made  his  success 
so  emphatic. 

When  advised  of  the  landing  of  the  British  on  the  twenty- 


104  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

second,  and  that  Colonel  Hand  had  retired  to  Prospect 
Hill  (now  Prospect  Park),  Washington  sent  six  regi 
ments  to  reenforce  the  garrison  of  the  Heights.  Orders 
were  also  sent  to  General  Heath,  then  at  the  head  of 
Manhattan  Island,  to  be  prepared  to  forward  additional 
troops  ;  and  five  regiments  from  the  city  force  were  ready 
to  cross  East  River  so  soon  as  it  should  be  determined 
whether  the  attack  was  to  be  made,  in  force,  against  the 
Heights. 

General  Greene,  prostrated  with  fever,  had  written  on 
the  fifteenth,  that  "  he  hoped,  through  the  assistance  of 
Providence,  to  be  able  to  ride  before  an  attack  should  be 
made,  but  felt  great  anxiety  as  to  the  result."  On  the 
twenty-third,  Washington  was  compelled  to  write  to  Con 
gress,  "  I  have  been  compelled  to  appoint  General  Sullivan 
to  the  command  of  the  island,  owing  to  General  Greene's 
indisposition."  In  a  letter  written  by  Sullivan,  on  the 
twenty-third,  respecting  a  minor  skirmish  after  the  British 
landing,  when  Hand  retired,  he  said  :  "  I  have  ordered  a 
party  out  for  prisoners  to-night.  Things  argue  well  for 
us,  and  I  hope  are  so  many  preludes  to  victory."  This 
confidence  was  hardly  less  unfounded  than  his  faith  in  the 
success  of  operations  in  Canada.  It  was  the  inverse  of 
sound  reason,  and  made  the  "  less  include  the  greater." 
He  was  immediately  superseded,  and  General  Putnam  was 
placed  in  command. 

The  following  are  some  of  Washington's  orders  issued 
to  General  Putnam  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  August,  when 
it  seemed  as  if  only  his  omnipresence  could  compel  even 
general  officers  to  understand  their  responsibility  for  the 
good  behavior  of  the  troops  : 

"  Stop  the  scattering,  unmeaning,  and  wasteful  firing, 
which  prevents  the  possibility  of  distinguishing  between 
a  real  and  a  false  alarm,  which  prevents  deserters  from 


BATTLE    OF    LONG    ISLAND.  105 

approaching  our  lines,  and  must  continue,  so  long  as 
every  soldier  conceives  himself  at  liberty  to  fire  when, 
and  at  what,  he  pleases." 

"  Guards  are  to  be  particularly  instructed  in  their 
duty." 

"  A  '  brigadier  of  the  day '  is  to  remain  constantly  on 
the  lines,  that  he  may  be  upon  the  spot,  and  see  that 
orders  are  executed." 

"  Skulkers  must  be  shot  down  upon  the  spot." 

ff  The  distinction  between  a  well-regulated  army  and  a 
mob,  is  the  good  order  and  discipline  of  the  former,  and 
the  licentiousness  and  disorderly  behavior  of  the  latter." 

tf  The  men  not  on  duty  are  to  be  compelled  to  remain 
at,  or  near,  their  respective  camps  or  quarters,  that  they 
may  turn  out  at  a  moment's  warning  ;  nothing  being  more 
probable  than  that  the  enemy  will  allow  little  time  enough 
for  the  attack." 

rf  Your  best  men  should  at  all  hazards  prevent  the 
enemy  passing  the  woods  and  approaching  your  works." 

These  orders  were  preeminently  adapted  to  the  char 
acter  of  the  American  troops.  Their  neglect  disconcerted 
the  entire  plan  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  for  an  efficient 
defence  of  the  works. 

The  American  force  on  the  Heights,  including  Stirling's 
Brigade,  which  crossed  over  the  river  to  Brooklyn  on  the 
day  of  the  battle,  was  not  quite  eight  thousand  men ; 
but  included  Atlee's  Pennsylvania  Rifles,  Small  wood's 
Maryland  and  Haslet's  Delaware  regiments,  which  then, 
and  ever  after,  were  among  Washington's  "  Invincibles." 
But  notwithstanding  Greene's  designation  of  suitable 
outposts,  and  Washington's  orders,  the  disposition  of  the 
American  advance  outposts  was  of  the  feeblest  kind.  At 
the  time  of  the  first  landing  on  the  twenty-second;  when 
Colonel  Hand  fell  back  to  Prospect  Hill  (see  map),  it 


106  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

does  not  appear  from  any  official  paper,  or  record,  that 
he  <rave  notice  of  the  landing  of  the  second  British  divi- 

o  D 

sion,  or  established  scouts  to  ascertain  and  report  subse 
quent  British  movements.  Their  landing,  division  after 
division,  had  been  as  impressive  as  it  was  successful,  and 
deserves  notice.  Four  hundred  transports  were  escorted 
by  ten  line-of-battle  ships  and  twenty  frigates.  Seventy- 
five  flat-boats,  besides  batteaux  and  galleys,  moving  in 
ten  distinct,  well-ordered  divisions,  simultaneously 
touched  the  beach  near  the  present  site  of  Fort  Hamilton, 
and  landed  four  thousand  men  in  just  two  hours,  accord 
ing  to  the  Admiral's  "  log-book,"  after  the  signal  reached 
the  topmast  of  the  "flag-ship."  Five  thousand  additional 
troops  were  landed  with  equal  celerity  and  order,  a  little 
lower  down  the  bay.  Before  twelve  o'clock,  fifteen  thou 
sand  men,  with  artillery,  baggage,  and  stores,  were  landed 
without  hindrance  or  mishap.  On  the  twenty-fifth,  De 
Heister's  Hessian  command  landed  with  equal  skill  at 
Gravesend. 

A  glance  at  the  map  indicates  that  the  long  range  of 
hills  between  Brooklyn  and  the  sea  had  four  openings 
available  for  approach  by  the  British  troops ;  the  first, 
and  shortest,  along  the  bay  by  Martense  Lane ;  the  sec 
ond,  in  front  of  Flatbush  and  the  American  intrench- 
ments ;  the  third,  by  road  northward  from  Flatbush,  to 
Bedford  and  Newtown  ;  and  a  fourth,  by  road  past  Cypress 
Hill,  which  extended  to  Flushing,  but  crossed  the  Bedford 
and  Jamaica  road  about  three  miles  eastward  from  Bed 
ford. 

General  Stirling,  who  had  been  awakened  at  three 
o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-seventh,  commanded 
the  extreme  American  right.  In  front  of  Flatbush  there 
were  intrenchnients,  and  one  redoubt,  with  one  howitzer 
and  three  field-pieces.  General  Sullivan,  second  in 
command,  was,  he  stated  after  his  capture,  "to  have  com- 


BATTLE    OF    LONG    ISLAND.  107 

manded  within  the  lines ;  but  went  to  the  hill  near  to 
Flatbush,  to  reconnoitre,  with  a  picket  of  four  hundred 
men,  when  he  was  surrounded  by  the  enemy  who  had 
advanced  by  the  very  road  he  had  paid  horsemen  fifty 
dollars  for  patrolling  by  night,  while  he  was  in  command." 
Miles'  Pennsylvania  Rifles  and  Wylie's  Connecticut  were 
at,  or  near,  the  Bedford  Pass.  The  Jamaica  road  had 
been  overlooked,  or  neglected.  Putnam,  already  some 
what  impaired  in  physical  vigor,  and  wholly  unacquainted 
with  the  outposts,  made  neither  reconnoissance  nor  change 
of  pickets,  upon  receipt  of  Washington's  orders.  Instead 
of  feeling  for,  and  finding,  the  enemy,  he  awaited  their 
arrival. 

Without  full  details,  the  following  incidents  occurred 
before  Washington  arrived  and  took  command  in  person. 
The  British  left  wing,  under  General  Grant,  crowded  Stir 
ling  and  his  small  command  of  seventeen  hundred  men 
back  nearly  to  the  Cortelyou  House ;  but  they  made  a 
gallant  fight  near  the  present  Greenwood  Cemetery.  The 
battalions  of  Smallwood,  Haslet,  and  Atlee  covered 
themselves  with  honors.  Stirling  heard  the  firing  at 

o  O 

Flatbush,  and  hastened  his  retreat. 

Cornwallis,  upon  his  first  landing,  on  the  twenty-second, 
moved  toward  Flatbush,  but  finding  it  held  by  the  American 
advance  works,  dropped  down  to  Flatlands.  De  Heister, 
however,  moved  directly  upon  Fiat  bush,  and  commenced 
cannonading  the  redoubt  and  intrenchments,  where  Sul 
livan,  being  incidentally  present,  was  in  command.  This 
advance  of  De  Heister  was  in  effect  &  feint  attack,  to  be 
made  real  and  persistent  at  the  proper  time. 

On  the  British  right,  General  Howe,  with  Clinton, 
Percy,  and  Cornwallis,  gained  the  Jamaica  road  undiscov 
ered,  rested  their  forces  until  half-past  eight  in  the  morn 
ing,  and  were  soon  directly  in  front  of  the  American  works, 
in  the  rear  of  Sullivan  and  cutting  off  his  retreat.  Corn- 


108  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

wallis  gained  position  near  the  Cortelyou  House,  in  the 
line  of  Stirling's  retreat.  De  Heister,  advised  by  Clin 
ton's  guns  that  the  British  right  had  accomplished  its 
flank  movement,  advanced  promptly  upon  both  Sullivan 
and  Stirling,  and  captured  both,  with  a  considerable 
portion  of  their  commands. 

The  Battle  of  Long  Island  had  been  fought.  Wash 
ington  had  declared  that  he  would  make  the  acquisition 
of  Brooklyn  Heights  by  the  British,  if  realized,  "  as  costly 
as  possible."  It  had  been  his  expectation  that  by  the  ad 
vance  posts  ordered,  and  careful  pickets,  he  could  prolong 
resistance,  if  not  winning  full  success.  He  had  taken 
pains  to  convince  the  troops  that  the  resistance  at  Bunker 
Hill  and  Fort  Moultrie  was  a  fair  indication  of  their  abil 
ity,  and  that  the  British  troops  understood  it  well. 
When  John  Jay  proposed  to  burn  New  York  and  leave 
it  in  ruins,  Washington  insisted  that  it  would  tend  to 
demoralize  his  army,  and  offer  to  the  people  and  to  the 
world  a  painful  contrast  with  the  successful  restoration 
of  Boston  to  her  own  people. 

The  Battle  of  Long  Island  had  to  be  fought.  As  soon 
as  it  began,  Washington  crossed  the  river  with  three  regi 
ments.  If  Howe  had  made  immediate  advance,  Washing 
ton  would  have  resisted,  with  quite  as  large  a  force  as 
Howe  could  have  handled,  in  an  assault. 

Washington  immediately,  and  in  person,  examined 
every  phase  of  the  situation.  His  first  act  was  to  organ 
ize  a  strong  detachment  to  support  Stirling  who  was 
opposing  the  advance  by  the  harbor  road ;  but  the  swift 
advance  of  the  British  Grenadiers  across  the  very  face  of 
the  intrenchments,  defeated  his  purpose.  Every  man 
was  summoned  to  roll-call  and  kept  on  the  alert.  At 
early  dawn  the  next  morning  he  went  through  all  the  in 
trenchments,  encouraging  the  men.  Before  noon,  General 
Mifflin  arrived  with  the  well-drilled  regiments  of  Glover, 


BATTLE    OF    LONG   ISLAND.  109 

Shaw,  and  Magee.  These  organizations,  which  had  been 
sneered  at  as  "  proud  of  iine  arms  and  fine  feathers,"  as 
they  marched  up  the  ascent  with  solid  ranks  and  steady 
step,  supplied  with  knapsacks,  and  trim  as  if  on  special 
parade,  were  received  by  the  garrison  with  cheers  and 
congratulations.  The  garrison  was  now  nine  thousand 
strong.  But  a  "north-easter"  set  in.  The  rain  fell  in 
torrents,  filling  the  trenches,  and  compelling  even  the 
British  regulars  to  keep  to  the  shelter  of  their  tents. 
Washington  was  everywhere,  and  took  no  sleep.  The 
British  opened  trenches  six  hundred  yards  from  the  face 
of  Fort  Putnam  (now  Washington  Park),  not  daring 
to  storm  the  position ;  but  could  work  only  during  inter 
vals  in  the  tempest. 

Washington  held  his  enemy  at  bay.  But  upon  the 
same  reasoning  which  enforced  his  first  occupation  of 
Brooklyn  Heights,  boldly  facing  the  British  army  at  its 
first  landing,  he  resolved  to  evacuate  the  position  with 
out  decisive  battle.  His  fixed  policy,  —  to  avoid  posi 
tively  determining  issues  which  were  beyond  his  im 
mediate  mastery,  so  as  to  wear  out  his  adversary  by 
avoiding  his  strokes,  and  thereby  gain  vantage-ground 
for  turning  upon  him  when  worn  out,  over-confident, 
and  off  his  guard,  —  had  its  illustration  now.  His  army 
was  not  versed  in  tactical  movements  upon  a  large  scale, 
and  was  largely  dependent  for  its  success  upon  the  super 
vising  wisdom  with  which  its  undoubted  courage  could 
be  made  available  in  the  interests  of  the  new  Nation. 

The  retreat  from  Brooklyn  was  a  signal  achievement, 
characteristic  of  Washington's  policy  and  of  the  men  who 
withdrew  under  his  guidance.  They  were  kept  closely 
to  duty,  as  if  any  hour  might  command  their  utmost 
energies  in  self-defence  ;  but  their  Conimander-in-Chief 
had  his  own  plan,  as  before  Boston,  which  he  did  not 
reveal  to  his  officers  until  it  was  ripe  for  execution.  How 


HO  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

well  he  kept  his  own  counsel  will  be  seen  by  his  action. 
The  military  ruse  by  which  he  achieved  the  result  had  its 
climax  five  years  later,  when  he  so  adroitly  persuaded  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  of  immediate  danger  to  New  York,  that 
the  capture  of  Cor nw alii s  closed  the  Avar,  and  the  sur 
render  of  New  York  followed.  And  as  the  month  of 
August,  1776,  was  closing,  Generals  Clinton  and  Cornwal- 
lis  were  reckoning,  by  hours,  upon  the  capture  of  Wash 
ington's  army  and  the  restoration  of  British  supremacy 
over  the  American  continent. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-ninth  day  of 
August,  the  following  private  note  was  placed  in  the 
hands  of  General  Heath,  then  commanding  at  Kings- 
bridge,  by  General  Mifflin,  the  confidential  messenger  of 
the  American  Commander-in-Chief : 

LONG  ISLAND,  Aug.  29,  1776. 

DEAR  GENERAL  :  We  have  many  battalions  from  New  Jersey 
which  are  coming  over  to  relieve  others  here.  You  will  therefore 
please  to  order  every  flat-bottomed  boat  and  other  craft  at  your  post, 
fit  for  transporting  troops,  down  to  New  York,  as  soon  as  possible. 
They  must  be  manned  by  some  of  Colonel  Hutchinson's  men,  and 
sent  without  the  least  delay.  I  write  by  order  of  the  General. 

MIFFLIN. 
To  MAJOR-GENERAL  HEATH. 

Commissary-General  Trumbull,  also,  at  the  same  time, 
bore  orders  to  Assistant  Quartermaster-General  Hughes, 
instructing  him  "to  impress  every  craft,  on  either  side 
of  New  York,  that  could  be  kept  afloat,  and  had  either 
oars,  or  sails,  or  could  be  furnished  with  them,  and 
to  have  them  all  in  the  East  River  by  dark."  The 
response  to  these  orders  was  so  promptly  made  that  the 
boats  reached  the  foot  of  Brooklyn  Heights  just  at  dusk 
that  afternoon.  An  early  evening  conference  of  officers 
was  ordered,  and  Washington  announced  his  plan  for 
immediate  return  to  New  York.  The  proposition  was 


BATTLE    OF    LONG    ISLAND.  HI 

unanimously  adopted.  The  Commander-in-Chief  acted 
instantly.  By  eight  o'clock  the  troops  were  under  arms. 
The  fresh  and  experienced  regiments  were  sent  to  man 
the  advance  works,  to  relieve  the  weary  troops,  including 
the  militia.  The  sick  were  promptly  gathered  for  the 
earliest  removal.  Every  indication  promised  immediate 
action ;  and  intimations  were  disseminated  among  the 
troops  that  as  soon  as  the  sick  and  inefficient  troops  were 
withdrawn,  a  sortie  would  be  made,  in  force,  against 
Howe's  investing  works.  The  ruse  of  anticipated  ree'n- 
forcements  from  New  Jersey,  upon  removal  of  the  invalids, 
cheered  both  sick  and  well.  No  possible  method  of  in 
spiring  self-possession  and  courage  for  any  endeavor 
could  have  been  more  wisely  designed* 

Colonel  Glover,  of  Marblehead,  Mass.,  whose  regi 
ment  was  composed  of  hardy  fishermen  and  seamen, 
had  charge  of  the  boats.  The  regiments  last  recruited, 
and  least  prepared  for  battle,  and  the  sick,  were  the  first 
to  be  withdrawn.  As  early  as  nine  o'clock,  and  within 
an  hour  after  the  "  general  beat  to  arms,"  the  movement 
began,  — systematically,  steadily,  company  by  company, 
as  orderly  as  if  marching  in  their  own  camp.  A  fearful 
storm  still  raged.  Drenched  and  weary,  none  complained. 
It  was  Washington's  orders.  Often  hand-in-hand,  to 
support  each  other,  these  men  descended  the  steep,  slip 
pery  slopes  to  the  water's  edge,  and  seated  themselves  in 
silence  ;  while  increasing  wind  and  rain,  with  incessant 
violence,  constantly  threatened  to  flood,  or  sink,  the  mis 
erable  flat-boats  which  were  to  convey  them  to  the  city, 
only  a  few  hundred  yards  away.  And  thus  until  mid 
night.  At  that  hour  the  wind  and  tide  became  so  violent 
that  no  vessel  could  carry  even  a  closely  reefed  sail.  The 
larger  vessels,  in  danger  of  being  swept  out  to  sea,  had 
to  be  held  fast  to  shore ;  dashing  against  each  other, 
and  with  difficulty  kept  afloat.  Other  boats >  with  muffled 


112  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

oars,  were  desperately  but  slowly  propelled  against  the 
outgoing  tide.  A  few  sickly  lanterns  here  and  there 
made  movement  possible.  The  invisible  presence  of  the 
Commander-in-Chief  seemed  to  resolve  all  clangers  and 
apparent  confusion  into  some  pervasive  harmony  of 
purpose  among  officers  and  men  alike,  so  that  neither 
leaking  boats  nor  driving  storm  availed  to  disconcert  the 
silent  progress  of  embarking  nearly  ten  thousand  men.  . 

Just  after  midnight,  both  wind  and  tide  changed.  The 
storm  from  the  north  which  had  raged  thus  long,  kept 
the  British  fleets  at  their  anchorage  in  the  lower  bay. 
At  last,  with  the  clearing  of  the  sky  and  change  of 
wind,  the  water  became  smooth,  and  the  craft  of  all  kinds 
and  sizes,  loaded  to  the  water's  edge,  made  rapid  prog 
ress.  Meanwhile,  strange  to  relate,  a  heavy  fog  rested 
over  the  lower  bay  and  island,  while  the  peninsula  of 
New  York  was  under  clear  starlight. 

For  a  few  moments,  toward  morning,  a  panic  nearly 
ensued.  An  order  to  hasten  certain  troops  to  the  river 
was  misunderstood  as  applying  to  all  troops,  including 
those  in  the  redoubts ;  and  a  rumor  that  the  British  were 
advancing,  and  had  entered  the  works,  led  even  the  cover 
ing-party  to  fall  back.  Washington  instantly  saw  the 
error,  restored  the  men  to  their  places,  and  the  British 
pickets  never  discovered  their  temporary  absence. 

The  military  stores,  and  such  guns  as  were  not  too 
heavy  to  be  taken  through  the  mud,  were  safely  placed 
on  the  transports.  With  the  last  load,  Mitiiin,  and  last 
of  all,  Washington,  took  passage. 

During  the  day,  the  troops  and  stores  on  Governor's 
Island  were  also  removed ;  and  the  evacuation  was  com 
plete.  If  the  landing  often  thousand  disciplined  troops 
by  General  Howe,  on  the  twenty-second,  over  a  placid 
sea,  and  in  bright  sunlight,  was  magnificent  for  its  beauty 
and  system,  the  safe  embarkation  of  ten  thousand  men 


BATTLE    OF    LONG    ISLAND.  113 

by  Washington,  on  the  night  of  the  twenty-ninth,  was 
sublime  for  the  implicit  faith  of  the  soldiers  and  the 
supreme  potency  of  his  commanding  will. 

The  Italian  historian  Botta  says  of  this  event :  "  Who 
ever  will  attend  to  all  the  details  of  this  retreat,  will 
easily  believe  that  no  military  operation  was  ever  con 
ducted  by  great  captains  with  more  ability  and  prudence, 
or  under  more  favorable  auspices." 

At  daybreak  of  the  thirtieth,  British  pickets  entered 
the  American  works  ;  and  the  most  advanced  were  enabled 
to  fire  a  few  shots  at  the  last  American  detachment  as 
it  landed  safely  upon  the  New  York  side. 


CHAPTER   XII. 

WASHINGTON    IN    NEW    YORK. 

"TITTASHINGTON'S  labors  were  neither  lessened  nor 

V  V  interrupted  when  he  assembled  his  army  on  the 
thirtieth  day  of  August,  17 76.  He  had  been  in  the  saddle 
or  on  foot,  without  sleep,  for  more  than  forty-eight  hours  ; 
and  it  would  require  a  large  volume  even  to  outline  the 
mass  of  minute  details  which  had  to  receive  his  attention. 
His  own  account,  as  contained  in  private  letters,  can  be 
summed  up  in  suggestive  groups — such  as,  "tools  care 
lessly  strewn  about"  ;  "  cartridges  exposed  to  the  rain"  ; 
and,  "  the  soldiers,  too  often  the  officers,  ignorant  as 
children  of  the  responsibility  of  a  single  sentry  or  gunner, 
wherever  located,  along  rampart  or  trench." 

On  the  evening  of  the  thirtieth,  he  thus  described  the 
situation :  "  The  militia  are  dismayed,  intractable,  and 
impatient  to  return  home.  Great  numbers  have  gone 
off;  in  some  instances  almost  by  whole  regiments,  by 
half  ones,  and  by  companies,  at  a  time.  With  the  deep 
est  concern  I  am  obliged  to  confess  my  want  of  confidence 
with  the  generality  of  the  troops." 

He  urged  Congress  to  establish  a  regular  army  at  once  ; 
to  enlist  men  for  the  war ;  pressed  the  immediate  aban 
donment  of  the  city,  and  put  the  plain  question,  whether 
it  "  should  be  left  standing  for  British  headquarters." 

On  the  second  day  of  September,  the  number  of  men 
present  for  duty  was  less  than  twenty  thousand.  On  the 
same  day  he  reorganized  its  formation  into  three  grand 

114 


WASHINGTON    IN    NEW    YORK.  115 

divisions,  or  corps  :  one  under  Putnam,  in  command  of 
the  city ;  one  under  Spencer,  in  the  absence  of  Greene,  at 
Harlem,  to  prevent  a  British  landing  there ;  and  the  third 
under  Heath,  at  King's  Bridge. 

On  the  third  of  September,  Congress  ordered  two 
North  Carolina  battalions,  under  General  Moore,  to 
march  with  all  possible  expedition  to  reenforce  the  army 
at  New  York ;  also  a  Continental  battalion  from  Rhode 
Island ;  and  urged  Virginia  to  forward  all  the  troops 
within  her  power  to  furnish.  On  the  same  day,  Putnam 
uro;ed  the  fortification  of  Harlem  Heights,  Mount  Wash- 

O  O 

ington,  and  the  Jersey  shore ;  if  possible,  to  prevent 
Howe's  ascending  the  Hudson  River  to  attack  the  north 
ern  army.  On  the  next  day,  the  fourth,  Washington  was 
again  compelled  to  occupy  himself  with  such  minute  details 
as  belonged  to  officers  of  the  lowest  rank.  Such  ff  diabol 
ical  practices  as  robbing  apple  orchards  and  gardens,  and 
straggling  without  aim  or  purpose,  instead  of  drilling 
and  preparing  for  their  country's  safety,"  were  officially 
reprimanded,  and  three  roll-calls  per  day  were  advised, 
to  keep  the  men  near  their  duty.  On  the  fifth  of  Sep 
tember,  Greene  advised  a  general  and  speedy  retreat  from 
the  city,  and  a  council  was  called  to  meet  on  the  day 
succeeding,  for  consideration  of  the  proposition.  The 
council  did  convene  on  the  sixth,  and  Washington 
thus  announces  to  Congress  its  action :  '  The  Council 
was  opposed  to  retiring  from  New  York,  although  they 
acknowledged  that  it  would  not  be  tenable  if  attacked  by 
artillery  "  ;  and  adds  significantly  :  "  Some,  to  whom  the 
opinion  of  Congress  was  known,  were  not  a  little  influ 
enced  in  their  opinions,  as  they  were  led  to  suspect  that 
Congress  wished  it  to  be  retained  at  all  hazards."  Gen 
eral  Putnam,  in  concurring  with  his  Commander-in-Chief, 
shrewdly  observed  :  "This  dooms  New  York  to  destruction  ; 
but  what  are  ten  or  twenty  cities,  to  the  grand  object?" 


116  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

On  the  eighth,  of  September,  Washington  reported  the 
uiilitia  of  Connecticut  as  reduced  from  six  thousand  to 
two  thousand  men ;  and  in  a  few  days  their  number  was 
but  nominal,  twenty  or  thirty  in  some  regiments.  The 
residue  were  discharged  and  sent  home  with  a  recommen 
dation  to  Governor  Trumbull,  "that  it  was  about  time  to 
begin  dealing  with  deserters." 

Although  Washington  coticurred  in  Putnam's  general 
idea  of  strengthening  the  Hudson  River  shore  by  earth 
works  and  redoubts,  he  anticipated  failure  to  make  them 
adequate  for  control  of  its  waters,  because  of  the  limited 
power  and  range  of  his  guns.  The  British  had  already 
extended  their  right  wing  as  far  as  Flushing  (see  map), 
with  posts  at  Bushwick,  Newtown,  and  Astoria,  and  had 
also  occupied  Montressor  and  Buchanan's,  now  Ward's 
and  Randall's  islands. 

Upon  appeal  to  Massachusetts,  that  Colony  made  a 
draft  of  one-fifth  of  her  population,  excepting  only  certain 
exposed  localities  and  certain  classes.  Connecticut  was  no 
less  patriotic,  and  Governor  Trumbull  made  earnest  effort 
to  place  the  Colony  foremost  in  support  of  the  cause  in 
peril.  That  Colony,  so  closely  adjoining  New  York  on 
the  west,  and  exposed  on  its  entire  southern  boundary 
to  maritime  excursions,  was  peculiarly  in  danger.  On 
the  fourteenth,  Congress  at  last  authorized  eighty-five 
regiments  to  be  enlisted  for  five  years  ;  and  the  advice  of 
Greene,  when  he  first  joined  the  army  in  1775,  and  of 
Washington,  after  assuming  command  at  Cambridge, 
began  to  be  accepted  as  sound  policy  and  essential  to 
ultimate  success. 

At  this  stage  of  the  narrative  of  Washington's  career 
as  a  Soldier,  it  is  interesting  to  consider  his  own  views  of 
the  situation  as  expressed  in  a  letter  to  the  Continental 
Congress.  He  thus  wrote  :  "  Men  of  discernment  will  see 
that  by  such  works  and  preparations  we  have  delayed  the 


WASHINGTON    IN    NEAV    YORK.  117 

operations  (British)  of  the  campaign  till  it  is  too  late  to 
effect  any  capital  incursions  into  the  country.  It  is  now 
obvious  that  they  mean  to  enclose  us  on  the  island  of 
New  York,  by  taking  post  in  my  rear,  while  their  ship 
ping  secures  the  front,  and  thus  oblige  us  to  fight  them 
on  their  own  terms,  or  surrender  at  discretion." 

Again,  "Every  measure  is  to  be  formed  with  some  ap 
prehension  that  all  of  our  troops  will  not  do  their  duty. 
On  our  side  the  war  should  be  defensive.  It  has  even 
been  called  a r  war  of  posts.'  We  should,  on  all  occasions, 
avoid  a  general  action,  and  never  be  drawn  into  the 
necessity  to  put  anything  to  risk.  Persuaded  that  it 
would  be  presumptuous  to  draw  out  our  young  troops 
into  open  ground  against  their  superior  numbers  and 
discipline,  I  have  never  spared  the  spade  and  the  pick 
axe  ;  but  I  have  never  found  that  readiness  to  defend, 
even  strong  posts,  at  all  hazards,  which  is  necessary 
to  derive  the  greatest  benefit  from  them." 

Again,  "  I  am  sensible  that  a  retreating  army  is 
encircled  with  difficulties,  that  declining  an  ensrasrement 

O  O     O 

subjects  a  general  to  reproach ;  but  when  the  fate  of 
America  may  be  at  stake  on  the  issue,  we  should  pro 
tract  the  war,  if  possible.  That  they  can  drive  us  out  is 
equally  clear.  Nothing  seems  to  remain  but  the  time  of 
their  taking  possession." 

The  thoughtful  reader  will  find  these  quotations  to 
l)e  very  suggestive  of  some  future  offensive  action  on 
the  part  of  Washington  whenever  the  British  might 
be  shut  up  in  winter  quarters  ;  and  the  reply  of  Congress, 
whereby  they  authorize  him  "  not  to  retain  New  York 
longer  than  he  thought  proper  for  the  public  service,"  was 
accompanied  by  the  following  Resolution:  "  That  General 
Washington  be  acquainted  that  Congress  would  have 
special  care  taken,  in  case  he  should  find  it  necessary 
to  quit  New  York,  that  no  damage  be  done  to  the  said 


118  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

city  by  his  troops,  on  their  leaving  it ;  the  Congress 
having  no  doubt  of  their  being  able  to  recover  the  same, 
though  the  enemy  should,  for  a  time,  have  possession 
of  it." 

The  experience  of  the  Continental  army  before  Boston 
was  now  repeated.  New  recruits  came  in  daily,  to  fill  the 
places  made  vacant  by  expiring  enlistments  ;  but  again 
the  army  seemed  to  be  "fast  wasting  away." 

The  interval  is  significant  because  of  another  effort  on 
the  part  of  General  Howe  and  his  brother,  Admiral 
Howe,  special  commissioners,  to  settle  the  controversy 
upon  terms  alike  satisfactory  to  the  American  people  and 
the  British  crown ;  but  John  Adams,  Edward  Rutledge, 
and  Benjamin  Franklin,  commissioners  appointed  by  Con 
gress,  insisted  first  upon  Independence,  and  a  subsequent 
alliance  between  the  two  nations  as  friendly  powers. 
This  ended  the  negotiations.  Such  a  settlement,  if  it  had 
been  realized,  might  have  imparted  to  Great  Britain  even 
a  prouder  destiny  than  the  succeeding  century  developed. 

At  that  juncture  of  affairs,  however,  and  as  a  key  to 
General  Howe's  importunity  in  securing  at  least  "  a  sus 
pension  of  hostilities,"  he  was  urging  upon  the  British 
Government,  with  the  same  pertinacity  as  Washington 
besought  Congress,  to  increase  his  army.  His  figures 
were  large,  and  worthy  of  notice.  He  wanted  ten  thou 
sand  men  for  the  occupation  of  Newport,  R.I.,  that 
he  might  threaten  Boston,  and  make  incursions  into 
Connecticut.  He  demanded  for  the  garrison  of  New 
York  twenty  thousand  men ;  of  which  number,  seventeen 
thousand  should  be  available  for  field  service.  He  asked 
for  ten  thousand  more,  for  operations  into  New  Jersey, 
where  Washington  had  established  a  general  Camp  of 
Instruction  for  all  troops  arriving  from  the  south ;  and 
still  another  ten  thousand  for  operations  in  the  Southern 
Colonies.  It  is  not  improbable  that  much  of  General 


WASHINGTON    IN    NEW    YORK.  H<) 

Howe's  tardiness  in  following  up  temporary  success,  in 
all  his  subsequent  campaigns,  was  based  upon  the  convic 
tion  —  embodied  in  these  enormous  requisitions  for 
troops  —  that  the  war  had  already  assumed  a  character  of 
very  grave  importance  and  a  corresponding  uncertainty 
of  the  result. 

Events  crowded  rapidly.  On  the  tenth  of  September, 
Washington  began  the  removal  of  valuable  stores.  He 
acted  as  quickly  as  if  he  were  in  Howe's  place,  seeking 
the  earliest  possible  possession  of  New  York.  On  the 
twelfth,  a  Council  of  War  decided  that  a  force  of  eight 
thousand  men  should  be  left  for  the  defence  of  Fort 
Washington  and  its  dependencies.  Of  eight  regiments 
of  the  very  best  troops,  reporting  three  thousand  three 
hundred  and  twenty-two  present,  the  sick-roll  reduced 
the  effective  strength  twelve  hundred  and  nine  men. 
On  the  fourteenth,  additional  British  vessels  passed  up 
East  River,  landing  troops  at  Kipp's  Bay  on  the  sixteenth. 
Then  occurred  one  of  the  most  stirring  incidents  of  the 
war.  One  of  the  best  brigades  in  the  army,  and  one 
which  had  previously  fought  with  gallantry  and  success, 
gave  way.  Washington,  advised  of  the  panic,  denounced 
their  behavior  as  "  dastardly  and  cowardly."  He  dashed 
among  them,  and  with  drawn  sword  mingled  with  the 
fugitives,  to  inspire  them  with  courage.  Tn  his  report  he 
says  :  "I  used  every  means  in  my  power  to  rally  them  to 
the  fight,  but  my  attempts  were  fruitless  and  ineffectual ; 
and  on  the  appearance  of  not  more  than  sixty  or  seventy 
of  the  enemy  they  ran  away  without  firing  a  shot."  In 
the  strong  language  of  General  Greene  :  "  Washington,  on 
this  occasion,  seemed  to  seek  death,  rather  than  life." 
These  same  troops,  a  part  of  Parsons'  Brigade,  afterwards 
redeemed  themselves  ;  andi  Washington  was  wise  enough 
to  give  them  opportunity,  under  his  own  eye,  as  espe 
cially  trustworthy  troops.  This  incident  found  its  counter- 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


part  in  the  career  of  Napoleon.  At  the  siege  of  Toulon, 
one  denii-brigade  fled  before  a  sally  of  less  than  one- 
fourth  its  numbers  :  but  afterwards  lost  nearly  half  its 
strength  in  storming  and  entering  the  same  fortress. 

Immediately  upon  this  unfortunate  affair,  the  whole 
army  was  withdrawn  to  Harlem  Heights.  This  position 
was  regarded  as  impregnable  ;  but  the  following  extract 
from  Washington's  report  to  Congress  exposes  the  deep 
anguish  of  his  soul  :  "  We  are  now  encamped  with  the 
main  body  of  the  army  upon  the  Heights  of  Harlem, 
where  I  should  hope  the  enemy  would  meet  with  a  re 
treat,  in  case  of  attack,  but  experience,  to  my  great  afflic 
tion,  has  convinced  me  that  this  is  a  matter  to  be  wished, 
rather  than  expect  ed.*" 

The  British  lines  were  advanced,  and  extended  from 
Bloomingdale  across  to  Horn's  Hook,  near  Hell  Gate  :  and 
General  Howe  made  his  headquarters  at  the  Beekman 
Mansion,  not  far  from  those  just  vacated  by  Washington 
on  Murray  Hill. 

And  just  then  and  there  occurred  an  incident  of  the 
war  which  made  an  indelible  impress  upon  the  great  heart 
of  the  American  Commander-in-Chief  :  and  that  was 
the  execution  of  one  of  his  confidential  messengers,  who 
had  been  sent  to  report  upon  the  British  movements  on 
Long  Island  —  young  Nathan  Hale.  The  Rev.  Edward 
Everett  Hale,  of  Roxbury,  Boston,  furnishes  the  following 
outline  of  service  which  had  greatly  endeared  Captain 
Hale  to  Washington  : 

~  Just  after  the  Battle  of  Lexington,  at  a  town-meeting, 
with  the  audacity  of  boyhood,  he  cried  out,  '  Let  us  never 
lay  down  our  arms  till  we  have  achieved  independence  !  ' 
Not  yet  two  years  out  of  Yale  College,  he  secured  release 
from  the  school  he  was  teaching  in  New  London  ;  enlisted 
in  Webb's  Regiment,  the  7th  Connecticut  ;  by  the  first 
of  September  was  promoted  from  Lieutenant  to  Captain  ; 


WASHINGTON    IN    NEW    YORK.  121 

and  on  the  fourteenth,  marched  to  Cambridge.  He  shared 
in  the  achievement  at  Dorchester  Heights,  and  his  reffi- 

O  O 

uient  was  one  of  the  first  five  that  were  despatched  to 
New  London,  and  thence  to  New  York,  by  water.  On 
the  twenty-ninth  of  August,  1776,  while  the  garrison  of 
Brooklyn  Heights  was  being  hurried  to  the  boats,  Hale, 
with  a  sergeant  and  four  of  his  men,  attempted  to  burn 
the  frigate  Plimnix  ;  and  did  actually  capture  one  of  her 
tenders,  securing  four  cannon.  At  a  meeting  of  officers, 
Washington  stated  that f  he  needed  immediate  information 
of  the  enemy's  plans.'  When  dead  silence  ensued,  Hale, 
the  youngest  of  the  Captains,  still  pale  from  recent  sick 
ness,  spoke  out:  'I  will  undertake  it.  If  my  country 
demands  a  peculiar  service,  its  claims  are  imperious.* 
During  the  second  week  in  September,  taking  his  Yale 
College  diploma  with  him,  to  pass  for  a  school-master,  he 
procured  the  desired  information ;  but  his  boat  failed  to 
meet  him.  A  British  boat  answered  the  signal,  and  his 
notes,  written  in  Latin,  exposed  him.  He  was  taken  to 
New  York  on  that  eventful  twenty-first  of  September,  when 
five  hundred  of  its  buildings  were  burned  ;  was  summarily 
tried,  and  executed  the  next  day  at  the  age  of  twenty-one. 
His  last  sentence,  when  in  derision  he  was  allowed  to 
speak  as  he  ascended  the  gallows,  was  simply  this  :  r  I  only 
regret  that  I  have  but  one  life  to  give  to  my  country.'" 

He  had  become  a  member  of  Knowlton's  Connecticut 
Rangers  ;  and  the  Beekman  House  and  Rutger's  apple 
orchard,  where  he  was  hanged  from  a  tree,  located  by 
Lossing  near  the  present  intersection  of  East  Broadway 
and  Market  streets,  were  long  regarded  with  interest  by 
visitors  in  search  of  localities  identified  with  the  Revolu 
tionary  period  of  Washington's  occupation  of  New  York. 

In  resuming  our  narrative,  we  find  the  American  army 
spending  its  first  night  upon  Harlem  Heights.  Rain  fell, 
but  there  were  no  tents.  The  men  were  tired  and 


122  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

hungry,  but  there  were  no  cooking  utensils ;  and  only 
short  rations,  at  best.  They  realized  that  through  a  per 
fectly  useless  panic  they  had  sacrificed  necessaries  of  life. 
For  four  weeks  the  army  remained  in  this  position,  not 
unfrequently  engaging  the  British  outposts,  and  on 
several  occasions,  with  credit,  making  sallies  or  resisting 
attack  ;  but  the  fresh  troops,  as  ever  before,  had  to  mature 
slowly,  under  discipline.  After  a  brilliant  action  on  the 
sixteenth,  in  which  Colonel  Knowlton,  who  had  distin 
guished  himself  at  Bunker  Hill,  was  killed,  as  well  as 
Colonel  Leich,  and  where  Adjutant-General  Reed,  of 
Washington's  staff,  equally  exposed  himself  -  "  to  ani 
mate,"  as  he  said,  "  troops  Avho  would  not  go  into  danger 
unless  their  officers  led  the  way,"  the  Commander-in-Chief 
issued  an  order  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract : 
"  The  losses  of  the  enemy,  yesterday,  would  undoubtedly 
have  been  much  greater  if  the  orders  of  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  had  not  in  some  instances  been  contradicted  by 
inferior  officers,  who,  however  well  they  meant,  ought 
not  to  presume  to  direct.  It  is  therefore  ordered,  that 
no  officer  commanding  a  party,  and  having  received 
orders  from  the  Commander-in-Chief,  depart  from  them 
without  orders  from  the  same  authority ;  and  as  many 
may  otherwise  err,  the  army  is  now  acquainted  that  the 
General's  orders  are  delivered  by  his  Adjutant-General, 
or  one  of  his  aides-de-camp,  Mr.  Tighlman,  or  Colonel 
Moylan,  the  Quartermaster-General." 

At  this  time,  Massachusetts  sent  her  drafted  men  under 
General  Lincoln.  General  Greene  assumed  command  in 
New  Jersey.  Generals  Sullivan  and  Stirling,  exchanged, 
resumed  their  old  commands. 

The  army  Return  of  October  fifth  indicated  a  total  rank 
and  file  of  twenty-seven  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
thirty-five  men,  of  whom  eight  thousand  and  seventy-five 
were  sick,  or  on  a  furlough  ;  and  requiring  to  complete 


WASHINGTON    IN    NEW    YORK.  123 

these  regiments,  eleven  thousand  two  hundred  and  sev 
enty-one  men.  On  the  eighth  of  October,  General  Moore, 
commanding  the  Camp  of  Instruction  (called  the  "  Flying 
Camp,"  because  of  its  changeable  location)  in  New  Jersey, 
reported  a  total  force  of  six  thousand  five  hundred  and 
forty-eight  men. 

On  the  ninth  of  October,  the  frigates  Phcenix  and  Roe 
buck  safely  passed  the  forts  as  for  north  as  Dobb's  Ferry. 
It  became  evident  that  General  Putnam's  methods  would  not 
control  the  Hudson  River  route  of  British  advance.  Sick 
ness  increased  in  the  camps.  The  emergency  forced  upon 
Washington  the  immediate  reorganization  of  the  medical 
department ;  and  he  ordered  an  examination  of  applicants 
before  allowing  a  commission  to  be  issued  and  rank  coiir 
ferred.  Such  had  been  the  laxity  of  this  necessary  class 
of  officers,  that  General  Greene  reported  his  surgeons  as 
"'without  the  least  particle  of  medicine";  adding:  "The 
regimental  surgeons  embezzle  the  public  stores  committed 
to  their  care,  so  that  the  regimental  sick  suffer,  and 
should  have  the  benefit  of  a  general  hospital."  Washing 
ton  issued  an  order,  after  his  own  very  lucid  style,  de 
ploring  the  fact  that  "the  periodical  homesickness,  which 
was  common  just  before  an  anticipated  engagement,  had 
broke  out  again  with  contagious  virulence." 

The  want  of  discipline,  however,  was  not  wholly  with 
the  rank  and  file.  Adjutant-General  Reed,  in  writing  to 
his  wife,  expressed  his  purpose  to  resign,  for  he  had  seen 
a  captain  shaving  one  of  his  men  before  the  house  ;  and 
added  :  "  To  enforce  discipline  in  such  cases,  makes  a  man 
odious  and  detestable,  a  position  which  no  one  will 
choose."  And  Colonel  Small  wood,  afterwards  General, 
and  one  of  the  best  soldiers  of  the  war,  in  writing  to  the 
Maryland  Council  of  Safety,  complains  of  "  the  ignorance 
and  inattention  of  officers  who  fail  to  realize  the  impor 
tance  of  that  discipline  which  is  so  excellent  in  the  Com- 


124  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

rnander-in-Chief " ;  adding :  "  It  would  be  a  happy  day 
for  the  United  States  if  there  was  as  much  propriety 
in  every  department  under  him." 

At  this  period,  General  Howe  again  wrote  to  Lord 
Germaine,  that  he  "  did  not  expect  to  finish  the  campaign 
until  spring";  "that  the  Provincials  would  not  join  the 
British  army";  and  called  for  more  foreign  troops,  and 
eight  additional  men-of-war.  The  monotony  of  these 
frequent  requisitions  of  the  British  Commander-in-Chief 
makes  a  tiresome  story  ;  but  like  the  successive  appeals 
of  Washington  —  to  Congress,  Provincial  Councils  and 
Committees  of  Safety  —  they  form  an  indispensable  part 
of  the  narrative  of  those  facts  which  tested  Washington's 
character  as  a  Soldier. 

Having  observed  increased  activity  of  the  British  ship 
ping  in  the  East  River,  and  indications  that  Howe  would 
abandon  a  direct  attack  upon  his  fortified  position  upon 
Harlem  Heights,  Washington  prepared  for  the  contin 
gency  of  more  active  duty  elsewhere,  and  announced 
October  eleventh  as  the  day  for  a  personal  inspection 
of  every  company  under  his  command. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

WASHINGTON    TENDERS,    AND    HOWE    DECLINES,    BATTLE.   —  • 
HARLEM    HEIGHTS    AND    WHITE    PLAINS. 


E  steady  hold  of  Harlem  Heights  against  Howe's 
-JL  advance  on  the  sixteenth  day  of  September,  some 
times  called  the  Battle  of  Harlem  Heights,  was  another 
"  object  lesson  "  for  General  Howe's  improvement,  and  he 
observed  its  conditions.  His  adversary  invited  and  he 
declined  the  invitation  to  attack  the  American  position. 
His  next  plan  was  self-suggestive,  to  cut  the  American 
army  from  its  Connecticut  supplies,  since  his  fleet  con 
trolled  the  Hudson  River,  and  by  a  flank  and  rear  move 
ment  to  pen  it  up  for  leisurely  capture.  He  began  this 
movement  October  twelfth. 

The  Guards,  Light  Infantry,  Reserve,  and  Donop's 
Hessians,  landed  at  Throgg's  Neck  (see  map).  But 
Hand's  American  Rifles  had  already  destroyed  the  bridge 
to  the  main-land  ;  and  even  at  low  tide  the  artillery  could 
not  safely  effect  a  crossing.  Colonel  Prescott,  with 
others,  especially  detailed  by  Washington,  watched  every 
movement,  and  held  firmly  their  posts  without  flinching  ; 
so  that  Howe  placed  his  troops  in  camp,  "  awaiting  reen- 
forcements."  OR  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth,  several 
brigades  from  Flushing,  with  the  Grenadiers,  landed  at 
Pell's  Point.  Even  here,  Washington  had  anticipated 
his  advance  ;  for  Colonel  Glover  made  such  resistance 
from  behind  stone  fences,  then  common  to  that  region, 
that  this  last  command  also  went  into  camp,  "  waiting  for 

125 


126  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

reenforcements."  On  the  twenty-first,  Howe  advanced 
his  right  and  centre  columns  beyond  New  Roehelle,  where 
he  again  went  into  camp,  "  waiting  for  reenforcements." 

During  the  week,  General  Knyphausen  reached  Staten 
Island  from  Europe  with  additional  Hessian  troops ;  and 
these,  with  the  British  Light  Dragoons,  landed  at  Myer's 
Point  near  New  Roehelle.  De  Heister  also  came  up  from 
Howe's  first  camping-ground,  and  the  entire  army  ad 
vanced  parallel  with  the  River  Bronx,  to  within  four 
miles  of  White  Plains. 

Much  had  been  expected  of  the  Light  Dragoons  and 
their  charges  on  horseback,  with  drawn  sabres,  to  cut  to 
pieces  the  undisciplined  rebels.  But  they  inspired  no 
terror.  It  was  the  rebels'  opportunity.  Washington 
reminded  the  army,  "that  in  a  country  where  stone 
fences,  crags,  and  ravines  were  so  numerous,  the  Ameri 
can  riflemen  needed  no  better  chance  to  pick  oft'  the  riders 
and  supply  ithe  army  with  much-needed  horses."  He- 
offered  a  "  reward  of  one  hundred  dollars  to  any  soldier 
who  would  bring  in  an  armed  trooper  and  his  horse." 
Colonel  Haslet  crossed  the  Bronx  and  attacked  the 
Queen's  Rangers,  captured  thirty-six,  and  left  as  many 
on  the  field,  besides  carrying  away  sixty  muskets. 
Colonel  Hand  next  had  a  lively  skirmish  with  the  Hes 
sian  Yagers,  who,  accustomed  to  marching  in  close  array, 
met  an  experience  similar  to  that  of  Braddock's  command 
years  before. 

Besides  all  that,  it  was  a  constant  inspiration  to  the 
American  troops,  and  not  least  to  the  Militia,  thus  to 
distribute  themselves  along  the  extended  British  columns, 
and  shoot,  when  they  pleased,  at  some  live  target.  Howe 
had  already  sent  ships-of-war  up  the  Hudson,  and  pro 
posed  to  swing  to  the  left  at  White  Plains,  and  sweep 
the  entire  American  army  back  upon  the  Harlem. 

When  Washington   learned   from  his  scouts  that  the 


HARLEM    HEIGHTS    AND    WHITE    PLAINS.         127 

British  army  was  thus  extended  along  the  Sound,  he 
hurried  all  supplies  forward  to  White  Plains ;  pushed 
forward  his  own  army,  division  by  division,  along  the 
west  bank  of  the  Bronx,  always  on  high  ground ;  estab 
lished  earthworks  at  every  prominent  point,  and  made  a 
small  chain  of  communicating  posts  throughout  the  entire 
distance.  His  purpose  was  to  crowd  the  British  army 
upon  the  coast,  where  innumerable  sea-inlets  made 
progress  difficult ;  and  by  using  the  shorter,  interior  line 
to  White  Plains,  to  place  himself  in  position  to  fight  to 
advantage,  upon  ground  of  his  own  selection.  Of  course 
time  became  an  element  of  determining  value.  Howe 
gained  a  start  on  the  twelfth  ;  but  lost  five  days  at  Throgg's 
Neck,  and  four  days  more  at  New  Rochelle.  As  Wash 
ington  already  had  a  depot  of  Connecticut  supplies  at 
White  Plains,  he  advanced  to  that  point  with  vigor,  so 
soon  as  he  perceived  that  Howe  would  not  attack  from 
the  east,  as  he  had  declined  to  attack  from  the  south. 
On  the  twelfth,  General  Greene  asked  permission  to 
join  from  New  Jersey,  and  on  the  fourteenth  General 
Lee  reported  for  duty.  Some  reference  to  this  officer  is 
of  immediate  interest.  On  that  very  morning  he  had 
written  a  letter  to  General  Gates,  who,  as  well  as  him 
self,  had  seen  military  service  in  the  British  army,  each 
holding  commissions  in  the  American  army  subordinate 
to  Washington,  —  Lee,  as  senior  Major-General.  The 
insubordination  and  arrogance  of  this  letter  are  patent. 
The  following  is  an  extract : 

FORT  CONSTITUTION,  Oct.  14,  1776. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL  GATES  :  I  write  this  scroll  in  a  hurry.  Col 
onel  Wood  will  describe  the  position  of  our  army,  which  in  my 
breast  I  do  not  approve.  Inter  nos,  the  Congress  seems  to  stumble 
at  every  step.  I  don't  mean  one  or  two  of  the  cattle,  but  the  whole 
stable.  I  have  been  very  free  in  delivering  my  opinions,  and  in  my 
opinion  General  Washington  is  much  to  blame  in  not  menacing  'em 
with  resignation,  unless  they  refrain  from  unhinging  the  army  in 
their  absurd  interference. 


128  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  October,  while  General  Howe 
was  still  awaiting  reinforcements  two  miles  above  New 
Rochelle,  General  Heath's  division  made  a  night  march, 
reached  Chatterton  Hill  at  daylight,  and  began  to 
strengthen  the  defences  at  White  Plains.  Sullivan's 
division  arrived  the  next  night,  and  General  Lord  Stir 
ling's  immediately  after.  On  the  twenty-third,  Lee's 
Grand  Division  joined  from  New  Jersey,  and  the  entire 
American  army,  with  its  best  officers  and  troops,  awaited 
the  action  of  General  Howe.  McDougalPs  Brigade  and 
Lieutenant  Alexander  Hamilton,  with  two  guns,  occupied 
Chatterton  Hill.  (See  map.) 

Washington's  position  was  not,  intrinsically,  the  best 
for  final  defence  ;  but  he  had  selected  an  ultimate  position 
which  Howe  could  not  assail  without  loss  of  communica 
tion  Avith  New  York. 

The  American  left  was  protected  by  low  ground,  acces 
sible  only  with  difficulty.  The  right  was  met  by  a  bend 
in  the  River  Bronx.  One  line  of  breastworks  controlled 
the  Connecticut  road.  Two  successive  lines  in  the  rear 
were  upon  a  gradual  ascent,  capable  of  vigorous  defence. 
Washington  also  controlled  all  roads  that  lead  westward 
to  the  Hudson  River.  But  more  important  than  all, 
somewhat  advanced  to  the  south-west,  was  Chatterton 
Hill,  commanding  the  L  of  the  river,  in  which  angle  the 
army  of  Howe  had  taken  position.  Behind  the  American 
army  was  still  higher  ground,  which  commanded  the 
passes  through  the  hills  by  the  Peekskill  and  upper 
Tarrytown  roads. 

Washington  was  now  superior  to  his  adversary  in 
respect  of  numbers,  and  was  in  one  of  his  moods  when  he 
invited  attack.  On  the  twenty-eighth  of  October,  the  two 
armies  confronted  each  other.  But  a  direct  advance  by 
Howe  required  first  that  he  dislodge  the  Americans  from 
-Chatterton's  Hill.  Otherwise,  Howe  would  leave  his 


HARLEM    HEIGHTS    AND    WHITE    PLAINS.         129 

Supplies  exposed,  as  well  as  his  left  wing,  to  an  attack 
from  the  rear.  He  decided  to  storm  the  hill.  The  guns 
of  Hamilton  and  the  steepness  of  the  ascent  foiled  the 
first  attempt.  Then  Colonel  Rahl,  afterwards  killed  at 
Trenton,  and  Donop,  with  their  Hessian  brigades,  turned 
the  American  right  by  another  route,  and  the  Americans 
retired  just  as  General  Putnam  was  starting  other  troops 
to  their  support.  The  British  brigade  of  General  Leslie 
lost  one  hundred  and  fifty-four  men,  and  the  Hessian 
casualties  increased  the  entire  loss  to  two  hundred  and 
thirty-one.  The  American  casualties  were  one  hundred 
and  thirty. 

On  the  twenty-ninth,  both  armies  rested.  On  the  thir 
tieth,  Lord  Percy  arrived  with  his  division,  and  the  next 
day  was  designated  for  the  advance.  But  the  day  was 
stormy  and  the  movement  was  suspended.  The  next  day 
following,  Avas  named  in  Orders  for  advance  all  along  the 
lines,  "•  weather  permitting,"  the  British  improving  their 
time  by  strengthening  their  own  position. 

The  next  day  came.  The  British  army  was  by  itself. 
During  the  night,  Washington  had  retired  in  good  order, 
five  miles,  to  North  Castle  Heights,  from  which  the  entire 
British  army  could  not  dislodge  him.  Such  Avas  the  his 
torical  battle  of  White  Plains,  more  properly,  the  Battle  of 
Chattertoirs  Hill,  where  the  fighting  took  place. 

Howe  immediately  abandoned  New  Rochelle  as  his 
base,  left  White  Plains  on  the  fifth,  encamped  at  Dobb's 
Ferry  on  the  sixth,  and  thus  gained  communication  with 
his  ships  on  the  Hudson. 

On  the  same  day,  the  sixth,  Washington  advised  Con 
gress  that  "he  expected  a  movement  of  General  Howe 
into  New  Jersey."  He  called  a  Council  of  War,  under 
that  conviction,  the  same  afternoon,  and  decided  to  throw 
a  considerable  body  of  troops  into  that  Province. 

The  retention  of  Fort  Washington  was  a  question  of 


130  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

much  embarrassment.  Even  its  capture  by  Howe  would 
not  be  a  compensation  to  him,  or  to  Great  Britain,  for 
the  escape  of  Washington's  army.  On  the  twenty-ninth 
of  October,  General  Greene  prepared  a  careful  itinerary 
for  a  march  through  New  Jersey,  minutely  specifying 
the  proposed  distance  for  each  day's  progress,  and  the 
requisite  supplies  for  each.  That  itinerary  furnishes  a 
remarkable  model  of  good  Logistics.  Washington  wrote 
to  Congress,  that  "  General  Howe  must  do  something  to 
save  his  reputation ;  that  he  would  probably  go  to  New 
Jersey"  ;  and  then  urged,  "  that  the  militia  be  in  readiness 
to  supply  the  places  of  those  whose  terms  of  service  would 
soon  expire."  To  Greene  he  wrote:  "They  can  have  no 
other  capital  object,  unless  it  be  Philadelphia."  It  was 
then  known  that  General  Carleton  retired  from  Crown 
Point  November  second,  so  that  there  was  no  danger  of 
a  British  movement  up  the  Hudson.  He  again  wrote  to 
Greene  as  to  Fort  Washington :  "  If  we  cannot  prevent 
vessels  from  passing  up,  and  the  enemy  are  in  possession 
of  the  surrounding  country,  what  valuable  purpose  can  it 
answer  to  hold  a  post  from  which  the  expected  benefit 
cannot  be  had  ?  I  am  therefore  inclined  to  think  that  it 
will  not  be  prudent  to  hazard  the  men  and  stores  at  Fort 
Washington ;  but  as  you  are  on  the  spot,  leave  it  to  you 
to  give  such  orders  as  you  deem  best,  and,  so  far  revok 
ing  the  order  to  Colonel  McGee,  to  defend  it  to  the  last." 
At  this  time,  more  than  half  of  the  enlistments  of  the 
army  were  on  their  extreme  limit  of  service.  Howe 
promised  the  militia  of  New  York,  many  of  whom  were 
in  the  garrison  of  the  fort,  that  "  he  would  guarantee  to 
them  their  liberties  and  properties,  as  well  as  a  free  and 
general  pardon."  Many  decided  not  to  reenlist.  On 
the  ninth  of  November,  having  in  mind  the  eventualities 
of  a  New  Jersey  campaign,  Washington  moved  one 
division  of  the  army  across  the  Hudson  at  Peekskill, 


HARLEM    HEIGHTS    AND    WHITE    PLAINS.         131 

;ind  ordered  a  second  to  move  the  day  following.  On 
the  tenth  he  placed  General  Lee  in  charge  of  the  general 
camp,  with  careful  instructions  as  to  the  discipline  of  the 
men;  and  notified  him,  in  case  the  enemy  should  re 
move  the  whole  or  the  greater  part  of  their  force  to  the 
west  side  of  the  Hudson,  to  follow  with  all  possible  de 
spatch,  leaving  the  militia  to  cover  the  frontiers  of  Con 
necticut,  in  case  of  need. 

On  the  eve  of  his  own  departure  he  also  notified  Gov 
ernor  Trumbull  of  Connecticut,  that  "  the  campaign  into 
New  Jersey  would  withdraw  Lee  and  his  division  from 
the  Hudson  "  ;  and  made  arrangements  for  the  "  care  and 
storage  for  the  winter,  of  all  tents  and  stores  that  might 
remain  on  hand  after  the  discharge  of  enlisted  men  whose 
term  should  expire." 

The  following  terse  order  was  then  issued  to  all  the 
divisions  which  were  to  accompany  him  in  this,  his  "  First 
New  Jersey  campaign  "  : 

"  Colonels  will  examine  the  baggage  of  troops  under 
marching  orders  ;  tents  and  spare  arms,  to  go  in  the  first 
wagons,  then  the  proper  baggage  of  the  regiment ;  no 
chairs,  tables,  or  heavy  chests,  or  personal  baggage,  to 
be  put  in,  as  it  will  certainly  be  put  off  and  left.  No 
officer  of  any  rank  to  meddle  with  a  wagon  or  a  cart 
appropriated  for  any  other  regiment,  or  use  ;  that  no 
discharged  man  be  allowed  to  carry  away  arms,  camp 
kettles,  utensils,  or  any  other  public  stores  ;  recruiting 
officers,  as  detailed,  to  proceed  with  their  duty  ;  no  boys, 
or  old  men,  to  be  enlisted,  and  if  so,  to  be  returned  at  the 
hands  of  the  officer,  with  no  allowance  for  any  expense 
he  may  be  at." 

On  the  twelfth  of  November,  before  crossing  the 
Hudson  River,  Washington  placed  General  Heath  in 
command  of  the  Highlands,  and  proceeded  to  Fort  Lee, 
opposite  Fort  Washington.  The  British  army  had  already 


132  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

removed  from  Dobb's  Ferry  to  King's  Bridge.  At  this 
time,  three  hundred  British  transports  with  a  large  force 
on  board,  lay  at  Sandy  Hook,  and  their  destination  was 
suspected  to  be  either  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  Philadel 
phia,  or  South  Carolina. 

Washington  established  his  headquarters  about  nine 
miles  from  Fort  Lee.  It  is  not  desirable  to  burden  the 
narrative  with  the  details  of  the  capture  of  Fort  Wash 
ington.  The  fort  had  been  built  to  control  the  river, 
and  it  was  weak,  landward;  depending  upon  the  river, 
even  for  water,  having  no  well.  The  ground  fell  off 
rapidly ;  but  there  were  neither  trenches  nor  regular 
bastions,  and  only  one  redoubt.  Washington  wrote  to 
Congress,  after  reaching  Fort  Lee  :  "  It  seems  to  be  gen 
erally  believed  that  the  investing  of  Fort  Washington,  is 
one  object  they  have  in  view.  I  propose  to  stay  in  this 
neighborhood  a  few  days  ;  in  which  time  I  expect  the  design 
of  the  enemy  will  be  more  disclosed,  and  their  incursions 
made  in  this  quarter,  or  their  investure  of  Fort  Wash 
ington,  if  they  are  intended."  While  the  assault  was  in 
preparation,  Washington  took  boat  to  cross  and  exam 
ine  for  himself  the  condition  of  the  works  ;  but  meeting 
Generals  Putnam  and  Greene,  who  satisfied  him  that  there 
would  be  a  stout  defence,  he  returned  without  landing. 
Three  assaults  were  made,  Generals  Knyphausen,  Percy, 
Cornwallis  and  Matthews  commanding  divisions.  These 
repeated  charges  up  the  very  steep  ascents  from  the 
rear,  and  from  the  open  face  of  the  work  northward, 
were  very  costly  to  the  British  and  Hessian  columns. 
When  their  forces  first  gained  the  interior  lines,  sur 
render,  or  rescue,  was  inevitable.  To  the  demand  for  sur 
render  Magaw  replied  with  a  request  for  five  hours'  delay. 
A  half  hour  only  was  granted.  Magaw  received  a  billet 
from  Washington  stating  that  if  he  could  hold  out 
awhile,  he  would  endeavor  to  bring  off  the  garrison  at 


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HARLEM    HEIGHTS    AND    WHITE    PLAINS.         133 

night ;  but  no  delay  was  permitted,  and  the  garrison  sur 
rendered.  It  was  for  many  years  an  unexplained  fact, 
how  the  British  troops  appeared  so  suddenly  at  the  open 
face  of  the  fort,  northward,  below  which  was  a  deep 
ravine,  itself  almost  a  protection.  But  William  Du- 
mont,  Magaw's  Adjutant,  deserted,  two  weeks  before  the 
investment,  and  placed  detailed  drawings  of  all  the  de 
fences  in  the  hands  of  General  Howe.  This  fact  affords 
the  key  to  General  Howe's  otherwise  very  singular  excuse 
to  the  British  Government  for  not  following  Washington's 
army  from  AVhite  Plains  to  North  Castle  Heights,  — 
" political  reasons "  having  been  assigned  by  General 
Howe,  as  "controlling  his  action." 

The  British  loss  in  the  assault  was  one  hundred  and 
twenty-eight ;  and  that  of  the  Hessian  troops,  three 
hundred  and  twenty-six.  The  American  loss  was  one 
hundred  and  twenty,  killed  and  wounded,  and  two  thou 
sand  six  hundred  and  thirty-four,  prisoners.  The  loss  in 
cannon,  tents,  arms  and  military  stores,  was  very  severe. 

Fort  Lee  was  of  necessity  abandoned,  its  powder  and 
principal  supplies  being  first  removed  in  safety. 

The  first  New  Jersey  campaign  immediately  ensued. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE     FIRST    NEW    JERSEY    CAMPAIGN.  TRENTON. 

HISTORICAL  accuracy  must  recognize  the  First 
Campaign  of  Washington  in  New  Jersey,  as  a 
masterly  conduct  of  operations  toward  American  Independ 
ence.  The  loss  of  Fort  Washington  has  been  a  frequent 
topic  of  discussion,  as  if  its  retention  or  loss  had  deter 
mining  value.  As  already  indicated  by  Washington's 
letters,  there  was  no  substantial  benefit  to  be  realized  by 
the  detachment  of  troops  to  retain  it,  so  long  as  British 
ships  controlled  its  water-front.  Behind  it  was  New 
England,  which  could  furnish  no  base  of  American  opera 
tions  for  a  general  war  ;  and  yet,  in  order  to  prosecute  the 
war  to  success,  the  American  army  must  be  established 
where  it  could  harass  and  antagonize  British  operations 
at  and  out  from  New  York.  Fort  Washington  could  do 

o 

neither,  but,  so  long  as  held,  must  drain  resources  which 
wrere  more  valuable  elsewhere. 

It  has  already  been  noticed,  that  Washington  prepared 
New  England  for  its  own  immediate  defence ;  and  the 
assembling  of  supplies  ordered  was  in  anticipation  of  the 
campaign  of  1777.  The  new  system  of  enlistments,  also, 
provided  for  five  years  of  contingent  service.  The  rapid 
organization  of  regiments  at  the  South,  and  the  authorized 
increase  of  the  army,  in  excess  of  any  possible  British 
accessions  from  Europe,  had  induced  the  establishment  of 
the  Camp  of  Observation  before  alluded  to,  and  indicated 
New  Jersey  as  the  essential  centre  of  operations  for  all 

134 


THE    FIRST    NEW    .JERSEY    CAMPAIGN.  135 

general  military  purposes.  British  operations  from  Can 
ada,  or  against  the  Southern  Colonies,  could  be  success 
fully  met  only  by  a  closely  related  and  compactly  ordered 
base  of  operation  and  supply. 

It  is  therefore  a  misnomer  to  dwell  with  emphasis 
upon  Washington's  next  movement,  as  simply  a  "  masterly 
retreat/'  The  extracts,  few  out  of  many  available,  already 
cited,  are  declarations  of  a  clearly  defined  strategic  system, 
which  would  admit  of  no  permanent  failure  so  long  as 
Congress  and  the  American  people  completely  filled  the 
measure  of  his  demands  for  men  and  money. 

A  glance  at  the  disposition  of  both  armies  is  invited. 
All  operations  in  the  northern  department  were  practically 
suspended  with  Carleton's  withdrawal  to  Canada.  But  on 
the  ninth  of  November,  the  official  returns  of  that  northern 
army  showed  a  force  of  seven  thousand  three  hundred  and 
forty-live  rank  and  tile,  present  for  duty ;  with  three 
thousand  nine  hundred  and  sixty-one  sick,  present,  and 
absent.  Enlistments  were  to  expire  with  the  year,  but 
weeks  were  to  intervene.  Lee's  Grand  Division,  at  North 
Castle  Heights,  at  date  of  the  loss  of  Fort  Washington, 
and  as  late  as  November,  reported  rt  seven  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  twenty-four  of  effective  rank  and  file,  present 
for  duty  and  on  command."  Enlistments  here,  also,  were 
near  their  limit :  but  Lee  ultimately  crossed  into  New 
Jersey  with  thirty-four  hundred  effective  troops.  Wash 
ington  had  the  right  to  expect,  and  did  expect,  that  this 
force  was  available  upon  call.  The  division  of  General 
Heath,  commanding  upon  the  Hudson,  with  headquarters 
at  Fishkill,  numbered,  on  November  twenty-fourth,  five 
thousand  four  hundred  and  ten  men  for  duty.  Leaving 
to  the  governors  of  New  England  and  New  York  the 
responsibility  of  maintaining  their  quotas  when  enlist 
ments  should  expire,  the  time  had  come  for  American 
operations  in  the  middle  zone  of  military  action. 


136  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

Cornwallis  was  detached  from  his  immediate  command 
and  sent  into  New  Jersey,  with  a  strong  force,  to  attack 
Washington.  The  American  army  abandoned  the  space 
between  the  Hackensack  and  Passaic  rivers  ;  crossed  the 
latter  at  Aquackonock  on  the  twenty-first  of  November ; 
burned  the  bridge  after  a  slight  skirmish,  and  followed  the 
right  bank  of  the  Passaic  to  Newark,  reaching  that  city  on 
the  twenty-third.  At  this  point,  a  muster  of  the  army 
was  ordered  by  Washington,  and  five  thousand  four  hun 
dred  and  ten  reported  for  duty.  New  Brunswick  was 
reached  on  the  twenty-ninth.  Here  another  skirmish 
with  the  army  of  Cornwallis  took  place.  But  Cornwallis 
halted  his  command  under  orders  of  Howe  to  "  proceed 
no  further  than  New  Brunswick." 

Washington  moved  on  to  Princeton,  and  then  to  Tren 
ton,  where  he  arrived  on  the  third  day  of  December. 
He  immediately  gathered  from  Philadelphia  all  available 
boats,  and  for  a  stretch  of  seventy  miles  cleared  both 
banks  of  the  Delaware  River  of  everything  that  could 
float,  and  took  them  into  his  own  charge. 

The  reader  should  appreciate  that  these  movements 
were  not  in  the  original  design  of  the  American  Com- 
mander-in-Chief.  He  would  have  made  a  stand  at  both 
Hackensack  and  New  Brunswick,  if  Lee's  Division,  con 
fidently  expected,  had  joined  him  as  ordered ;  and  at 
least,  the  enemy's  progress  would  have  been  retarded. 

Having  left  the  Delaware  regiment  and  five  Virginia 
regiments  at  Princeton,  under  Lord  Stirling,  he  moved 
all  heavy  military  stores  behind  the  Delaware,  and 
returned  to  Princeton.  Meeting  Lord  Stirling,  who  was 
falling  back  before  a  superior  force  of  the  enemy,  he  re- 
crossed  the  Delaware  at  Trenton,  established  headquar 
ters,  and  fixed  the  base  for  future  action. 

In  writing  to  Congress  on  the  fifth,  he  used  this  language  : 
"As  nothing  but  necessity  obliged  me  to  retire  before 


THE    FIRST    NEW    JERSEY    CAMPAIGN.  137 

the  enemy  and  leave  so  much  of  New  Jersey  unprotected, 
I  conceive  it  my  duty,  and  it  corresponds  with  my  inclin 
ation,  to  make  head  against  them  so  soon  as  there  shall  be 
the  least  probability  of  doing  so  with  propriety." 

On  the  twelfth,  he  learned  that  General  Lee  had  en 
tered  New  Jersey  with  his  division.  As  early  as  Novem 
ber  twenty-fifth,  he  had  ordered  General  Schuyler  to 
forward  to  him  all  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  troops 
then  in  the  Northern  Department. 

A  glance  at  the  plans  and  movements  of  the  British 
army  is  now  of  interest.  Howe  reported  his  move 
ments  as  follows  :  "  My  first  design  extended  no  further 
than  to  get,  and  keep  possession  of,  East  New  Jersey. 
Lord  Cornwallis  had  orders  not  to  advance  beyond 
Brunswick ;  but,  on  the  sixth,  I  joined  his  lordship  with 
the  Fourth  Brigade  of  British,  under  General  Grant.  On 
the  seventh,  Cornwallis  marched  with  his  corps,  except  the 
Guards  who  were  left  at  Brunswick,  to  Princeton,  which 
the  Americans  had  quitted  the  same  day.  He  delayed 
seventeen  hours  at  Princeton,  and  was  an  entire  day  in 
marching  to  Trenton.  He  arrived  there,  just  as  the  rear 
guard  of  the  enemy  had  crossed  ;  but  they  had  taken  the 
precaution  to  destroy,  or  secure  to  the  south  side,  all  the 
boats  that  could  possibly  have  been  employed  for  cross 
ing  the  river." 

Cornwallis  remained  at  Pennington  until  the  fourteenth, 
when  the  British  army  was  placed  in  winter  quarters  ; 
rfthe  weather,"  says  General  Howe,  "having  become  too 
severe  to  keep  the  field." 

On  the  previous  day,  the  thirteenth,  General  Charles 
Lee,  next  in  rank  to  Washington,  while  leisurely  resting 
at  a  country  house  at  Baskenridge,  three  miles  from  his 
troops,  was  taken  prisoner  by  a  British  scouting  detach 
ment.  It  may  be  of  interest  to  the  reader  to  be  reminded, 
that  this  Major-Genejuat-^?emiired  from  Congress  an 


138  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

advance  of  thirty  thousand  dollars,  to  enable  him  to  trans 
fer  his  English  property  to  America,  before  he  accepted 
his  commission,  and  was  disappointed  that  he  was  made 
second,  instead  of  first,  in  command.  When  captured, 
he  was  in  company  with  Major  Wilkinson,  a  messenger 
from  his  old  Virginia  friend,  General  Horatio  Gates,  who 
had  just  been  ordered  by  Washington  to  accompany  cer 
tain  reinforcements  from  the  northern  army,  to  increase 
the  force  of  the  Commander-in-Chief.  This  Major  Wil 
kinson  escaped  capture,  but  the  British  scouts  used  his 
horse  for  Lee's  removal.  On  the  table  was  a  letter,  not 
yet  folded,  which  the  messenger  was  to  convey  to  General 
Gates.  It  reads  as  follows  (omitting  the  expletives),  - 

BASKENKIDGE,  December  13,  1776. 

MY  DEAR  GATES:  The  ingenious  manoeuvre  of  Fort  Washington 
has  completely  unhinged  the  goodly  fabrick  we  had  been  building. 

There    never   was  so  a   stroke.     Entre  nous,  a  certain  great 

man  is deficient.     He  has  thrown  me  into  a  position  where  I 

have  my  choice  of  difficulties.  If  I  stay  in  the  Province,  I  risk  my 
self  and  my  army ;  and  if  I  do  not  stay,  the  Province  is  lost  forever. 
Our  councils  have  been  weak,  to  the  last  degree.  As  to 
what  relates  to  yourself,  if  you  think  you  can  be  in  time  to  aid  the 
general,  I  would  have  you,  by  all  means,  go.  You  will  at  least  save 
your  army. 

No  comment  is  required,  except  to  state  that  repeated 
orders  had  been  received  and  acknowledged  by  Lee,  to 
join  Washington  ;  but  he  had  determined  not  to  join  him, 
and  to  act  independently  with  his  division,  regardless  of 
the  orders  of  his  Commander-in-Chief,  and  of  Congress. 
Two  extracts  only  are  admissible.  Washington  had 
reprimanded  Lee  for  interfering  with  the  independent 
command  of  General  Heath,  on  the  Hudson.  On  the 
twenty-sixth  of  November,  Lee  wrote  to  Heath  :  r<:  The 
Commander-in-Chief  is  now  separated  from  us.  I,  of 
course,  command  on  this  side  the  water ;  for  the  future  I 
will,  and  I  must,  be  obeyed."  On  the  twenty-third  of 


THE    FIRST    NEW    JERSEY    CAMPAIGN.  139 

November,  in  order  to  induce  New  England  to  trust 
him,  and  distrust,  Washington,  he  wrote  the  following 
letter  to  James  Bowdoin,  President  of  the  Massachusetts 
Council  : 

Before  the  unfortunate  affair  at  Fort  Washington,  it  was  my 
opinion,  that  the  two  armies,  that  on  the  east  and  that  on  the  west 
side  of  the  North  River,  must  rest,  each,  on  its  own  bottom;  that  the 
idea,  of  detaching  and  reenforcing  from  one  side  to  the  other,  on 
every  motion  of  the  enemy,  was  chimerical ;  but  to  harbor  such  a 
thought,  in  our  present  circumstances,  is  absolute  insanity.  .  .  . 
We  must  therefore  depend  upon  ourselves.  Should  the  enemy  alter 
the  present  direction  of  their  operation,  I  would  never  entertain  the 
thought  on  being  succored  from  the  western  army  (that  across 
the  Hudson,  with  Washington).  Affairs  appear  in  so  important  :i 
crisis,  that  I  think  even  the  resolves  of  Congress  must  be  no  longer 
nicely  weighed  with  us.  There  are  times  when  we  must  commit 
treason  against  the  laws  of  the  State,  for  the  salvation  of  the  State. 
The  present  crisis  demands  this  brave,  virtuous  kind  of  treason. 
For  my  part,  and  I  flatter  myself  my  way  of  thinking  is  congenial 
with  that  of  Mr.  Bowdoin,  I  will  stake  my  head  and  reputation  on 
the  measure. 

James  Bowdoin  loved  Massachusetts  ;  but  no  seltish  or 
local  considerations,  such  as  were  those  of  Lee,  could 
impair  his  confidence  in  the  wisdom  and  patriotism  of  the 
American  Commander-in-Chief. 

The  capture  of  Lee  was  thus  mildly  noticed  by  Wash 
ington  :  "  It  was  by  his  own  folly  and  imprudence,  and 
without  a  view  to  effect  any  good,  that  he  was  taken." 

General  Sullivan  succeeded  to  the  command  of  Lee's 
Division.  Gates  joined  from  the  northern  army,  and  on 
the  twentieth  of  December,  the  Continental  Army  was  re 
organized  for  active  service. 

o 

General  Howe  had  returned  to  New  York  December 
20th.  The  British  cantonments  for  the  winter  embraced 
Brunswick,  Trenton,  Burlington,  Bordentown,  and 
other  places  ;  with  the  Hessian,  Dpnop,,  in_cqmniand  at 
Bordentown,  and  Rahl  at  Trenton . 


140  WASHINGTON    TPIE    SOLDIER. 

The  month  had  been  one  of  great  strain  upon  the 
American  Commander-in-Chief.  He  was,  practically,  on 
trial.  The  next  in  command,  who,  by  virtue  of  previous 
military  training,  largely  commanded  public  confidence, 
had  failed  him,  simply  because  Washington,  with  the 
modesty  of  a  true  aspirant  for  excellence  in  his  profes 
sion,  would  not  pass  judgment,  and  enforce  his  own  will, 
in  disobedience  of  the  will  of  Congress.  But,  by  this 
time  Congress  itself  began  to  realize  that  a  deliberate 
civil  body  was  not  the  best  Commander-in-Chief  for  field 
service,  and  that  it  would  have  to  trust  the  men  who  did 
the  fighting.  It  adjourned  on  the  twelfth  of  December, 
quite  precipitately,  but  Resolved  "  That,  until  Congress 
shall  otherwise  order,  General  Washington  be  possessed 
of  full  power  to  order  and  direct  all  things  relative  to  the 
department  and  to  the  operations  of  war." 

Repair  of  bridges  below  Trenton,  by  the  British  troops, 
led  Washington  jto  suspect  that  some  move  might  be 
made  against  Philadelphia,  from  the  east  side  of  the 
Delaware  River.  He  therefore  divided  the  entire  river 
front  into  divisions  under  competent  commanders,  on  the 
day  of  the  adjournment  of  Congress.  Light  earth 
works  were  thrown  up,  opposite  all  ferries  and  places  of 
easy  landing,  with  small  guards  at  frequent  intervals  ; 
and  constant  patrols  were  ordered  to  be  in  motion, 
promptly  to  report  any  suspicious  signs  of  British  ac 
tivity,  or  the  movement  of  other  persons  than  soldiers  of 
the  army.  Points  of  rendezvous  were  also  established,  to 
resist  any  sudden  attempt  of  persons  to  cross ;  all  boats 
were  kept  in  good  order,  and  under  guard  ;  and  rations  for 
three  days  were  distributed  and  required  to  be  kept  up 
to  that  standard,  by  night  and  by  day.  On  the  same  day 
he  promulged  an  order  that  affected  Philadelphia  itself; 
viz.,  "requiring  all  able-bodied  men  in  the  city,  not 
conscientiously  scrupulous  as  to  bearing  arms,  to  report 


THE    FIRST    NEW    JERSEY    CAMPAIGN.  141 

at  the  State  House  yard  the  next  day,  with  arms  and 
equipments  ;  that  all  persons  who  have  arms  and  accoutre 
ments,  which  they  cannot,  or  do  not  mean  to  employ  in 
defence  of  America,  are  hereby  ordered  to  deliver  the 
same  to  Mr.  Robert  Tower,  who  will  pay  for  the  same  ; 
and  that  those  who  are  convicted  of  secreting  any  arms, 
or  accoutrements,  will  be  severely  punished." 

On  the  fourteenth,  he  also  definitely  resolved  to  "  face 
about  and  meet  the  enemy,"  —  a  purpose  which  only  the 
conduct  of  General  Lee  had  made  impracticable  before. 
He  wrote  to  Governor  Trumbull,  General  Gates,  and 
General  Heath,  in  confidence,  of  his  purpose,  "  to  take  the 
offensive."  To  Congress,  he  wrote  sternly,  stating  that 
"  ten  days  will  put  an  end  to  the  existence  of  this  army  "  ; 
adding:  "This  is  not  a  time  to  stand  upon  expense.  A 
character  to  lose  ;  an  estate  to  forfeit ;  the  inestimable 
blessing  of  liberty  at  stake,  and  a  life  devoted,  must  be 
my  excuse." 

At  this  juncture,  Washington  definitely  resolved  to 
establish  his  permanent  base,  as  against  New  York  ;  and 
selected  Morristown,  which  had  already  been  made  the 
rendezvous  of  the  'New  Jersey  troops.  General  Maxwell, 
who  was  familiar  with  the  country,  was  assigned  to  the 
command  of  this  new  position.  Three  regiments  from 
Ticonderoga  were  ordered  to  halt  at  the  new  post.  On 
the  twenty-third  of  December,  Washington  sent  a  confi 
dential  communication  to  Adjutant-General  Reed,  then 
with  General  Cadwallader,  in  which  he  designated 
"Christmas  night,  an  hour  before  day,  as  the  time  fixed 
for  an  attack  upon  Trenton."  Reed  had  fully  shared  in 
the  desire  for  active,  offensive  duty,  and  in  one  letter  thus 
concurred  in  the  Commander-in-Chief 's  opinion,  that  "  to 
repossess  ourselves  of  Xew  Jersey,  or  any  part  of  it, 
would  have  more  effect  than  if  we  had  never  left  it." 
The  purpose  of  Washington  was  so  to  combine  tlie 


142  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

movements  of  various  divisions,  including  one  under 
Putnam  from  Philadelphia,  as  practically  to  clear  the 
east  bank  of  the  Delaware  of  all  Hessian  o-arrisons. 

_  ^   _  , ._   .       .   O 

Putnam  feared  that  the  Tory  element  would  rise  during 
his  absence,  and  that  order  Avas  suspended.  The  right 
wing,  under  Cadwallader,  was  to  cross  at  Bristol  (see 
map)  ;  but  owing  to  ice,  which  prevented  the  landing  of 
artijlery^jie  returned  to  Bristol,  and  reported  to  Wash 
ington.  After  expressing  regret  over  his  failure,  he  thus 
closes  : ' "  I  imagine  the  badness  of  the  night  must  have 
prevented  you  from  passing  over  as  you  intended." 
Ewing  was  to  cross  over  just  below  Trenton,  to  intercept 
any  reinforcements  that  might  approach  the  garrison 
from  Bordentown  ;  but  .the.  violence  of  the  storm  pre 
vented  that  movement  also.  Washington  took  chanre 

c  O 

of  the  left  wing,  consisting  of  twenty-four  hundred  men, 
which  was  to  cross  at  McConkey's  Ferry,  nine  miles 
above  Trenton,  accompanied  by  Sullivan  and  Greene  as 
division  commanders.  When  preparations  were  com 
plete,  and  Washington  in  his  saddle,  Major  Wilkinson,  of 
the  staff  of  Gates,  notified  him  that  General  Gates  had 
gone  to  Baltimore  to  visit  Congress.  This  was  a  delib 
erate  "absence,  without  leave,"  at  an  hour  when  he  knew, 
and  in  advance,  that  Washington  intended  to  force  a 
battle  ;  but  Stark,  of  Breed's  Hill,  was  there.  Glover, 
the  man  of  Marblehead  and  hero  of  the  Long  Island 
retreat,  was  there  ;  and  William  Washington,  and  James 
Monroe,  were  there  ! 

The  Hessian  garrison  of  fifteen  hundred  and  forty  men 
had  enjoyed  a  right  "  merry  Christmas,"  after  the  style 
of  their  own  'r  old  country  "  fashion  ;  and  the  night,  in 
clement  without,  was  bright  within,  as  dance  and  song 
with  every  cheery  accompaniment  dispelled  thoughts  of 
watchfulness  of  ice-bound  Delaware  and  driving  tempest. 
It  was  indeed  a  night  for  within-door  relish,  and  the 


WASHINGTON   BEFORE   TRENTON. 
[From  Dael's  painting.] 


THE    FIRST    NEW    JERSEY    CAMPAIGN.  143 

season  of  the  year  was  most  conducive  to  the  abandon 
ment  of  all  care  «nd  worry.  "  Toasts  were  drank  "  with 
gleesome  delight ;  and  the  hilarity  of  the  happy  Hessian 
soldiers,  officers  and  men,  only  ceased  when  the  worn-out 
night  compelled  them  to  seek  relief  in  rest.  The  garri 
son  were  sleeping  as  soundly  when  the  stormy  morning 
broke  into  day,  as  if  they  had  compassed  a  hard  day's 
march  during  the  night  hours.  The  usual  detail  for 

O  £T> 

guard  was  distributed,  but  no  other  sign  of  life  appeared 
on  the  streets  of  Trenton.  Before  Colonel  Rahl's  head- 
quarters,  two  guns,  stationed  there  more  as  a  recognition 
of  his  commanding  position  than  for  use,  were  partly 
buried  in  SIIOAV.  A  battery  of  four  guns  was  in  open 
ground,  not  far  from  the  Friends'  Meeting-house  ;  but 
neither  earthworks  nor  other  defences  had  been  deemed 
essential  to  the  security  of  the  British  winter  quarters. 

General  Grant  had  indeed  written  from  Brunswick  on 
the  twenty-fourth  :  "  It  is  perfectly  certain  there  are  no 
more  rebel  troops  in  New  Jersey  ;  they  only  send  over 
small  parties  of  twenty  or  thirty  men.  On  last  Sunday, 
Washington  told  his  assembled  generals  that  the  '  British 
are  weak  at  Trenton  and  Princeton.'  I  wish  the  Hessians 
to  be  on  guard  against  sudden  attack  ;  but,  at  the  same  time, 
I  give  my  opinion  that  nothing  of  the  kind  will  be  under 
taken."  General  Grant  did,  it  would  seem,  compliment 
Washington's  sagacity,  without  comprehending  his  will 
power  to  realize  in  action  every  positive  conviction  of 
possible  duty.  And  so  it  was,  that  the  garrison  of  Tren 
ton  on  that  Christmas  night  slept  at  ease,  until  morning' 
dawned  and  Washington  paid  his  unexpected  visit. 

Under  cover  of  high  ground,  just  back  of  McConkey's 
Ferry,  on  Christmas  afternoon,  1776,  Washington  held  a 
special  evening  parade.  Neither  driving  wind  nor  be 
numbing  cold  prevented  full  ranks  and  prompt  response 
to  ff  roll-call,"  as  company  after  company  fell  into  line  ; 


144  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

and  when  darkness  obscured  the  closing  day,  all  was  in 
motion.  It  had  been  his  design  to  complete  the  crossing 
by  midnight,  and  enter  Trenton  at  five  o'clock  in  the 
morning.  He  was  to  lead,  in  person,  and  announced 
as  the  countersign,  "Victory  or  Death!  "  The  order  to 
march  to  the  river  bank,  by  divisions  and  sub-divisions, 
each  to  its  designated  group  of  boats,  was  communicated 
by  officers  especially  selected  for  that  duty,  so  that  the 
most  perfect  order  attended  each  movement.  The  few 
days  of  mild  weather  which  had  opened  the  ice,  had  been 
succeeded  by  a  sudden  freeze,  and  a  tempest  of  hail  and 
sleet  that  checked  the  swift  current  and  made  a  safe  pas 
sage  of  daring  and  doubtful  venture.  The  shore  was 
skirted  with  ice,  while  the  floating  blocks  of  old  ice 
twisted  and  twirled  the  fragile  boats  as  mere  playthings 
in  their  way.  But  no  one  grumbled  at  cold,  sleet  or 
danger.  The  elements  were  not  the  patriot's  foe  that 
night  of  nights.  All  faces  were  set  against  their 

o  O  o 

country's  foes.  They  were,  at  last,  to  pursue  their  old 
pursuers.  The  "  man  of  retreats,"  as  Washington  had 
been  called  in  derision  by  such  men  as  Gates  and  Lee, 
was  ffuidinff,  and  leading  to  "Victory  or  Death  ! 

O  C?  '  O  «/ 

The  landing  of  the  artillery  was  not  effected  until  three 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  with  nearly  nine  miles  yet  to 
march.  At  four  o'clock  the  advance  was  ordered.  The 
snow  ceased,  but  the  hail  and  sleet  returned,  driven  by  a 
fierce  wind  from  the  north-east.  A  mile  and  a  quarter 
brought  them  to  Bear  Tavern  (see  map).  Three  and  a 
half  miles  more  brought  them  to  Birmingham.  Here  a 
messenger _from  General  Sullivan  informed  Washington 
that  his  men  reported  "their  arms  to  be  wet."  '*  Tell 
your  general,"  replied  Washington,  "to  use  the  bayonet, 
and  penetrate  into  the  town.  The  town  must  be  taken. 
I  am  resolved  to  take  it." 

From  this  point  Sullivan  took  the  river  road.   Washing- 


THE    FIRST    NEW    JERSEY    CAMPAIGN.  145 

ton  and  Greene,  bearing  to  the  left,  crossed  to  the  old 
Scotch  road,  and  then  entered  the  Pennington  road,  only 
one  mile  from  Trenton.  The  distance  by  each  road  was 
aTxmt  the  same,  four  and  one-half  miles.  Washington 
moved  at  once  to  the  head  of  King  and  Queen  streets, 
where  they  joined  at  a  sharp  angle ;  and  here,  under 
direction  of  General  Knox,  Forrest's  Battery  was  placed 
in  position,  to  sweep  both  streets,  even  down  to  the  river. 
ff  Tt  was  exactly  eight  o'clock,"  says  Washington,  "  and 
three  minutes  after,  I  found  from  the  firing  on  the  lower 
road  that  that  division  had  also  got  up."  The  en 
tire  movement  was  with  the  utmost  silence,  to  enable 
Sullivan  and  Stark  to  pass  through  the  lower  town  and 
take  the  Hessians  in  the  rear  and  by  surprise. 

The  battle  was  over  in  an  hour.  The  Hessian  troops 
burst  from  their  quarters,  half  dressed,  but  in  the  narrow 
streets  already  swept  by  Forrest's  guns,  any  regular  for 
mation  was  impossible.  The  two  guns  before  Rahl's 
headquarters  were  manned ;  but  before  they  could  deliver 
a  single  round  Capt.  William  Washington  and  Lieut. 
James  Monroe  (subsequently  President  Monroe),  with  a 
small  party,  rushed  upon  the  gunners  and  hauled  the 
guns  away  for  use  elsewhere.  Sullivan  had  entered  the 
town  by  Front  and  Second  streets.  Stark  led  his  column 
directly  to  the  Assanpink  Bridge,  to  cut  off  retreat  to  Bor- 
dentown ;  and  then  swung  to  the  left,  and  attacked  the 
Hessians,  who  were  gallantly  attempting  to  form  in  the 
open  ground  between  Queen  Street  and  the  Assanpink. 
Hand's  Rifles  and  Scott's  and  Lawson's  Virginia  regi 
ments  were  conspicuous  for  gallantry.  All  did  well. 

The  American  casualties  were  two  killed  and  three 
wounded,  —  Captain  Washington  and  Lieutenant  Monroe 
being  among  the  latter.  The  Hessian  loss  in  killed  and 
wounded,  besides  officers,  was  forty-one.  The  number 
of  prisoners,  including  thirty  officers,  was  one  thousand 


146  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

and  nine.  Colonel  Rahl  fell,  mortally  wounded,  while 
using  his  bravest  energies  to  rally  his  men  for  an  attack 
on  Washington's  position  at  the  head  of  King  Street ;  but 
the  surprise  was  so  complete,  and  the  cooperation  of  the 
American  divisions  was  so  timely  and  constant,  that  no 
troops  in  the  world  could  have  resisted  the  assault.  Six 
bronze  guns,  over  a  thousand  stand  of  arms,  four  sets 
of  colors,  twelve  drums,  and  many  valuable  supplies  were 
among  the  trophies  of  war. 

The  American  army  countermarched  during  the  night 
after  the  battle,  reaching  the  old  headquarters  at  Xewtown 
with  their  prisoners  before  morning ;  having  made  the 
entire  distance  of  fully  thirty  miles  under  circumstances 
of  such  extreme  hardship  and  exposure,  that  more  than 
one  thousand  men  were  disabled  for  duty  through  frozen 
limbs  and  broken-down  energies. 

The  Hessian  troops  were  proudly  escorted  through 
Philadelphia,  and  the  country  began  to  realize  the  value 
of  a  Soldier  in  command.  Fugitives  from  Trenton  reached 
Bordentown,  where  Colonel  Donop  had  already  been 
so  closely  pressed  by  Colonel  Griffiths  in  an  adventurous 
skirmish,  as  to  require  the  services  of  his  entire  garrison 
to  meet  it.  He  abandoned  Bordentown  instantly,  leaving 
the  sick  and  wounded,  and  the  public  stores  ;  marched 
with  all  haste  to  Princeton,  via  Crosswicks  and  Allen- 
town,  and  started  the  next  day  for  South  Amboy,  the 
nearest  port  to  New  York. 

On  the  twenty-seventh,  Cadwallader  crossed  at  Bristol 
with  eighteen  hundred  men,  not  knowing  that  Washing 
ton  had  recrossed  the  Delaware.  Generals  Miinin  and 
Ewing  followed  writh  thirteen  hundred  men ;  but  Mt. 
Holly  and  Black  Horse  had  also  been  abandoned  by  the 
Hessian  garrisons. 

While  the  American  army  rested,  its  Commander-in- 
Chief  matured  his  plans  for  further  offensive  action.  A 


THE    FIRST    NEW    JERSEY    CAMPAIGN.  U7 

letter  from  Colonel  De  Hart,  at  Morristown,  advised  him 
that  the  regiments  of  Greaton,  Bond,  and  Porter  would 
extend  their  term  of  service  two  weeks.  The  British 
post  at  Boundbrook  and  vicinity  had  been  withdrawn  to 
Brunswick.  Generals  McDougall  and  Maxwell,  then  at 
Morristown,  were  instructed  by  Washington  rt  to  collect 
as  large  a  body  of  militia  as  possible,  and  to  assure  them, 
that  nothing  is  wanting  but  for  them  to  lend  a  hand,  and 
drive  the  enemy  from  the  whole  Province  of  New  Jersey." 
On  the  twenty-eighth,  he  wrote  thus  to  Maxwell  :  "As  I 
ani  about  to  enter  the  Jerseys  with  a  considerable  force, 
immediately,  for  the  purpose  of  attempting  a  recovery  of 
that  country  from  the  enemy ;  and  as  a  diversion  from 
your  quarter  may  greatly  facilitate  this  event,  by  dividing 
and  distracting  their  troops,  I  must  request  that  you  will 
collect  all  the  forces  in  your  power,  and  annoy  and  dis 
tress  them  by  every  means  which  prudence  may  suggest." 

To  General  Heath,  he  wrote  :  fr  I  would  have  you  ad 
vance  as  rapidly  as  the  season  will  permit,  with  the 
eastern  militia,  by  the  way  of  the  Hackensack,  and  pro 
ceed  downwards  until  you  hear  from  me.  I  think  a  fair 
opportunity  is  offered  of  driving  the  enemy  entirely 
from,  or,  at  least  to  the  extremity  of  New  Jersey." 

On  the  thirtieth,  having  again  crossed  to  Trenton, 
Washington  was  able  to  announce  that  "  the  eastern  Con 
tinental  troops  had  agreed  to  remain  six  weeks  longer, 
upon  receipt  of  a  bounty  of  ten  dollars  ;  and  the  services 
of  eminent  citizens  were  enlisted  in  an  effort  to  use  the 
success  at  Trenton,  as  a  stimulus  to  recruiting,"  and,  "to 
hasten  the  concentration  of  the  militia."  Washington 

D 

intensely  realized  that  in  a  few  weeks,  at  furthest,  he  was 
to  begin  again  the  instruction  of  a  new  army ;  and  deter 
mined  to  get  the  largest  possible  benefits  from  the  presence 
of  four  thousand  veterans  who  had  consented  to  remain 
for  a  short  period  beyond  their  exact  term  of  enlistment. 


148  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  December,  Congress  clothed 
Washington  with  full  dictatorial  authority  in  the  matter  of 
raising  troops,  and  in  all  that  pertained  to  the  conduct  of 
the  war,  for  the  period  of  six  months  ;  reciting  as  the 
foundation  of  such  action,  that  affairs  were  in  such  a 
condition  that  the  very  existence  of  civil  liberty  depended 
upon  the  right  exercise  of  military  powers  ;  and,  "  the 
vigorous,  decisive  conduct  of  these  being  impossible  in 
distant,  numerous,  and  deliberative  bodies,  it  was  con 
fident  of  the  wisdom,  vigor,  and  uprightness  of  George 
Washington." 

It  was  under  the  burden  of  this  vast  responsibility  that 
Washington  rested,  when  he  closed  the  year  1776  in  camp 
near  Trenton.  He  responded  to  this  confidence  on  the 
part  of  the  Continental  Congress,  in  this  simple  manner  : 
"  Instead  of  thinking  myself  freed  from  all  civil  obliga 
tion,  I  shall  immediately  bear  in  mind  that  as  the  sword 
was  the  last  resort  for  the  preservation  of  our  liberty,  so 
it  ought  to  be  the  first  thing  laid  aside,  when  those  liberties 
are  finally  established.  I  shall  instantly  set  about  making 
the  most  necessary  reforms  in  the  army." 

Thus  rapidly,  in  as  natural  and  orderly  sequence  as 
seemed  desirable,  omitting  incidents,  correspondence,  and 
names  of  persons  that  do  not  seem  essential  in  the  illustra 
tion  of  qualities  which  attach  to  the  career  of  Washington 
as  a  Soldier,  the  reader  is  brought  to  the  midnight  hour  of 
December  31,  1776. 

All  his  struggles  in  camp,  in  field,  on  the  march,  have 
closed  with  one  tremendous  blow  struck  at  British  prestige 
and  British  power.  The  greatest  soldiers  and  statesmen 
of  that  period  recognized  its  significance,  and  rendered 
unstinted  praise  to  the  "  wisdom,  constancy,  and  intre 
pidity  of  the  American  Commander-in-Chief." 

But,  at  that  midnight  hour,  the  Soldier  who  had  been 
the  kind  and  faithful  guardian  of  the  humblest  men  in  the 


THE    FIRST    NEW    JERSEY    CAMPAIGN.  149 

ranks,  as  well  as  the  example  and  instructor  of  the  proudest 
veteran,  waited  with  swelling  breast  and  aching  heart  for 
the  morning's  dawn  ;  realizing  the  solemnity  of  its  certain 
ordeal,  when  the  organization  of  a  new  army,  and  more 
herculean  efforts  of  the  British  crown,  were  to  test  not 
only  his  own  capacity  and  will,  but  test  the  readiness  and 
fitness  of  the  American  people  to  rise  to  the  emergencies 
of  one  supreme  issue  —  "  Victory  or  Death  !  " 


CHAPTER   XV. 

THE     FIRST     NEW     JERSEY     CAMPAIGN      DEVELOPED. 

PRINCETON. 

WASHINGTON'S  surprise  of  the  garrison  of  Tren 
ton,  equally  surprised  General  Howe  at  New 
York ;  and  he  made  immediate  requisition  for  twenty 
thousand  additional  troops.  His  last  previous  requisition 
for  foreign  auxiliaries  met  with  little  favor  on  the  Conti 
nent,  and  only  thirty-six  hundred  men  were  secured  for 
service,  both  in  Canada  and  other  American  Colonies. 
In  the  meantime,  Clinton  made  no  demonstration  from 
Newport ;  and  Massachusetts  had  recovered  from  the  tem 
porary  effect  of  his  occupation  of  that  post.  Under  the 
impulse  of  the  success  at  Trenton,  new  foundries  were 
established;  and  systematic  effort  was  made  to  secure  a 
complete  artillery  outfit  for  the  army,  on  the  new  basis  of 
eighty-eight  battalions. 

But  on  the  first  day  of  January,  1777,  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  did  not  pause  in  the  use  of  the  means  just  at 
hand.  He  realized  that  General  Howe  could  not  afford 
to  remain  passive  under  the  new  conditions  which  his  own 
offensive  movement  had  imposed  upon  the  British  army. 
Lord  Cornwallis,  on  the  eve  of  returning  to  England, 
was  at  once  sent  with  a  strong  division  to  reoccupy 
Trenton.  But  Washington,  instead  of  retaining  his 
former  position  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Delaware,  estab 
lished  himself  behind  the  small  river  Assanpink,  which 
enters  the  Delaware  just  south  of  Trenton,  on  the  New 

150 


FIRST  NEW  JERSEY   CAMPAIGN  DEVELOPED.      151 

Jersey  side.  It  was  a  bold  act.  Below  him,  toward  Phila 
delphia,  were  the  forces  of  Cadwallader  and  Mimin  ;  and 
these  he  ordered  to  his  support.  Their  arrival,  thirty- 
six  hundred  strong,  on  the  morning  of  January  second, 
increased  his  command  to  about  five  thousand  men.  This 
little  Assanpink  River,  swollen  by  the  melted  snow,  was 
impassable  except  by  a  bridge  near  its  junction  with  the 
Delaware.  Along  its  steep  and  wooded  banks,  the 
American  army  was  distributed  for  a  distance  of  two 
miles.  Watchful  guards  and  several  pieces  of  artillery 
were  stationed  at  every  available  fording-place,  and  these 
were  supported  by  some  of  the  most  reliable  Continental 
troops.  Behind  the  first  line,  and  on  a  little  higher 
ground,  a  second  line  was  established. 

In  order  to  secure  ample  wrarning  of  the  arrival  of  the 
enemy  and  delay  their  approach,  Washington  established 
several  small  posts  along  the  road  to  Princeton.  The 
first,  about  a  mile  advanced,  occupied  rising  ground  well 
flanked  by  wroods  and  supported  by  two  pieces  of  artil 
lery.  Colonel  Hand's  Rifles  were  pushed  forward  as  far  as 
Five  Mile  Creek;  and  even,  off  the  road,  a  small  support 
ing  party  held  a  defensive  position  at  Shebakonk  Creek, 
where  heavy  timber  and  broken  ground  afforded  a  good 
position  for  skirmishers  to  annoy  an  advancing  force. 
General  Greene  was  placed  in  command  of  these  out 
posts.  (See  map.) 

So  many  writers  have  worried  themselves  and  their 
readers  in  dealing  with  Washington's  movements  during 
the  first  week  in  January,  1777,  as  so  many  revolutions 
of  a  lottery  wheel  of  chance  in  which  he  was  remarkably 
lucky,  that  it  is  desirable  to  understand  his  own  plans,  and 
how  far  he  anticipated  the  contingencies  which  actually 
happened.  His  mind  not  only  grasped  possibilities  which 
aroused  confidence,  at  home  and  abroad  ;  but  embraced 
strategic  conceptions  which  affected  the  entire  war. 


152  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

The  Delaware  was  still  filled  with  floating  ice.  Large 
masses  were  banked  within  its  curves,  so  that  retreat 
across  the  river,  in  the  presence  of  a  powerful  adversary, 
would  be  impracticable.  And  yet,  he  had  not  hesitated 
to  take  position  at  Trenton,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river. 
To  have  remained  on  the  west  bank  would  have  made  it 
impossible  for  him  to  prevent  Cornwallis  from  passing 
down  the  east  bank  to  Philadelphia,  or  at  least  from  driv 
ing  both  Cadwallader  and  Mifflin  to  that  city,  in  disorder. 
To  have  retired  his  own  army  to  Philadelphia,  would  have 
been  the  abandonment  of  New  Jersey,  and  of  all  the  pres 
tige  of  his  exploit  on  Christmas  night.  He  resolved  to 
save  his  army  ;  and  leave  Philadelphia  to  the  contingencies 
of  the  campaign.  If  compelled  to  fight,  he  would  choose 
the  ground ;  but  he  did  not  intend  to  fight  under  condi 
tions  that  would  force  him  to  abandon  the  aggressive  cam 
paign  which  he  had  planned.  During  December,  he  had 
secured  a  careful  reconnoissance  of  the  roads  to  Brunswick, 
had  learned  the  strength  of  its  garrison,  and  formed  an 
estimate  of  the  value  of  the  large  magazines  which  Gen 
eral  Howe  had  located  at  that  post.  He  believed  that  a 
quick  dash  would  secure  their  destruction  or  capture. 

While  awaiting  the  advance  of  Cornwallis,  he  called  a 
council  of  officers,  and  this  bold  strategic  movement  was 
fully  indorsed  by  them.  But  no  time  was  to  be  lost. 
The  initiative  must  be  taken  before  the  armies  were 
brought  to  a  deadly  struggle  for  the  very  ground  already 
occupied  by  his  camp.  Battle  must  be  deferred  until 
another  day.  The  baggage-wagons  which  accompanied 
the  commands  of  Cadwallader  and  Mifflin,  now  parked  in 
the  rear  of  the  army,  were  moved  to  its  extreme  right, 
toward  Princeton,  and  the  army  waited. 

Washington  visited  the  advance  posts,  where  Greene 
was  on  the  alert,  and  being  advised  by  him  that  he  could 
keep  Cornwallis  back  until  late  in  the  afternoon,  or  until 


FIRST  NEW  JERSEY  CAMPAIGN  DEVELOPED.      153 

night,  returned  to  headquarters.  The  advance  of  Corn- 
wallis  was  so  successively  annoyed  by  the  outposts,  that 
he  halted  until  additional  regiments  joined  him.  Greene 
opened  fire  with  his  two  guns,  under  orders  from  Wash 
ington  to  "  so  check  the  enemy  as  to  prevent  battle  until 
the  next  day  " ;  and  Cornwallis  again  came  to  a  halt. 
He  knew  that  the  Delaware  River  was  behind  Washing- 

O 

ton,  and  felt  sure  of  his  prey.  Already  the  British  had 
made  a  tiresome  march ;  and  at  this  second  halt,  orders 
were  sent  back  to  Princeton  to  bring  up  a  part  of  the 
force  left  at  that  place.  Cornwallis  had  not  been  neglect 
ful  of  his  flanks,  however,  but  sent  skirmishers  along  the 
Assanpink,  and  even  threw  both  shot  and  shell  into  the 
woods  in  the  direction  of  the  American  lines. 

When  the  day  closed,  and  Cornwallis  encamped  on  the 
north  bank  of  the  Assanpink,  his  pickets  could  see  the 
Americans  at  work  throwing  up  intrenchments  behind 
the  bridge,  and  at  one  point  further  up  the  stream.  All 
along  the  American  lines  immense  camp-fires  burned,  and 
these  were  abundantly  replenished,  during  the  night,  by 
fence-rails  from  the  country  near  by.  The  British  and 
Hessians  also  maintained  their  camp-fires.  A  sudden 
freeze  made  these  fires  comfortable.  It  also  hardened 
the  ground,  so  that  the  American  artillery  and  baggage- 
wagons  could  move  more  readily  than  on  the  previous 
day. 

Washington  hurried  a  messenger  to  General  Putnam, 
at  Philadelphia,  advising  him  of  his  proposed  movement, 
and  instructing  him  to  send  troops  to  occupy  Crosswicks, 
a  short  distance  above  Bordentown,  and  thus  take  charge 
of  some  baggage  which  has  been  sent  in  that  direction. 
All  this  time,  the  army,  except  its  wide-awake  and  con 
spicuous  sentries  at  the  bridge,  and  its  active  fire-builders 
along  the  Assanpink,  was  on  the  march  for  Princeton. 
When  the  vanguard  reached  Stony  Brook,  Washington 


154  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

re-formed  his  columns,  and  sent  General  Mercer,  who  had 
served  with  him  in  the  Indian  War  of  1756-66,  to  the  left, 
by  the  Quaker  Road,  intending  to  advance  with  the  main 
army  directly  to  the  village,  by  a  lower  road,  under  cover 
of  rising  ground,  and  thus  expedite  his  march  upon 
Brunswick,  now  weakened  in  its  garrison  by  the  presence 
of  Cornwallis  at  Trenton.  But  General  Mercer's  small 
command  was  suddenly  confronted  by  a  part  of  Colonel 
Mawhood's  British  regiment  hastening  to  reenforce  Corn- 
wallis.  This  precipitated  the  action,  known  as  the  "  Bat 
tle  of  Princeton."  As  soon  as  firing  was  heard,  Wash 
ington  hastened  to  the  scene  and  took  part  in  the  fight. 
A  British  bayonet-charge  was  too  much  for  the  American 
advance  guard.  The  officers  in  vain  attempted  to  rally 
the  men.  Washington  at  once  appreciated  the  ruin  that 
would  result  from  protracted  battle  ;  and,  as  at  Kipp's 
Bay,  dashed  into  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  and  with 
bared  head  urged  the  men  to  rally.  He  passed  directly 
across  the  fire  of  the  British  troops,  and  the  Americans 
responded  to  his  appeal.  Stirling,  St.  Clair,  Patterson 
and  others  promptly  brought  their  troops  into  action  ;  cut 
off  the  retreat  of  a  portion  of  the  enemy  to  Princeton, 
and  fought  them  again,  just  south  of  Nassau  Hall,  Prince 
ton  College. 

The  short  action  was  costly  in  precious  lives.  Colonel 
Haslet  and  General  Mercer  both  fell,  while  endeavoring 
to  rally  their  men,  and  the  total  American  loss  was  about 
one  hundred.  The  British  loss  was  more  than  one  hun 
dred,  besides  two  hundred  and  twenty  prisoners.  The 
part  taken  by  Washington  in  the  action  requires  no 
further  details  of  its  incidents  than  its  result.  But  the 
day  was  not  over.  At  early  dawn,  at  Trenton,  the  "  All 's 
well ! "  which  had  been  echoed  across  the  little  Assanpink 
and  along  its  banks  the  night  before,  ceased.  The  fires 
still  crackled  and  blazed  with  fresh  wood  added  to  the 


FIRST  NEW  JERSEY   CAMPAIGN   DEVELOPED.      155 

glowing  coals  ;  but  no  pacing  sentry,  nor  picketed  horses, 
nor  open-mouthed  cannon  were  in  view  from  the  British 
outposts.  And  yet,  the  sullen  boom  of  cannon  far  in  their 
rear,  from  the  direction  of  Princeton,  caught  the  quick 
ear  of  Gen.  Sir  William  Erskine.  In  an  instant  he  was 
in  the  presence  of  Cornwallis,  with  the  sharp  cry,  "  Wash 
ington  has  escaped  us  ! "  The  beat  "  To  arms  !  "  was  im 
mediate.  There  was  no  time  even  to  pack  supplies  already 
unloaded  for  battle.  The  troops  were  resting,  after  hard 
marching  at  the  dead  of  winter,  but  the  presence  of 
Washington's  army  at  the  head  of  King  Street  would  not 
have  more  thoroughly  awakened  them  to  duty.  The  dis 
tance  was  only  ten  miles ;  while  Washington,  by  his 
circuit,  had  marched  sixteen  miles.  But  every  moment 
of  delay  imperilled  their  great  magazines  of  supply  for 
the  whole  winter  at  Brunswick.  All  that  had  been  stored 
in  the  Trenton  depot  passed  into  Washington's  possession 
on  Christmas  night.  They  brought  with  them,  the  day 
before,  only  sufficient  for  a  short  morning's  capture  of 
their  American  adversary.  Battalions  marched  toward 
Trenton  singly,  as  formed ;  artillery  following  so  soon  as 
ready. 

The  British  vanguard  reached  Stony  Brook  just  as 
the  Americans  disappeared  up  the  road,  after  destruction 
of  the  bridge.  Cornwallis  halted,  to  bring  up  artillery. 
Washington,  however,  had  already  reached  Kingston, 
three  miles  beyond  Princeton,  and  had  crossed  Millstone 
River.  Here,  a  council  was  held  as  to  future  action. 
British  fugitives  in  the  direction  of  Brunswick  had,  most 
assuredly,  warned  the  garrison  of  its  danger.  At  this 
moment,  the  sound  of  cannon  at  Stony  Brook  showed 
that  Cornwallis  was  pressing  forward  with  despatch. 
The  rear-guard  left  at  Stony  Brook  was  not  yet  in  sight ; 
but  the  entire  army  was  put  in  marching  order,  and 
General  Greene  led  the  advance  up  the  Millstone.  As 


156  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

soon  as  the  rear-guard  joined,  the  British  not  appearing, 
the  bridge  was  destroyed,  and  the  army  moved  through 
woods,  thickets,  and  improvised  openings,  under  the  lead 
of  well-posted  scouts,  for  the  hilly  country  to  the  north 
ward.  When  Cornwallis  reached  the  Millstone,  he  had 
another  bridge  to  build.  A  few  horsemen  toward  Bruns 
wick  were  all  that  indicated  the  presence  or  whereabouts 
of  Washington's  army.  He  pushed  his  men  by  a  forced 
march,  to  save  Brunswick,  and  fight  Washington.  He 
did  indeed  save  Brunswick  ;  but  Washington  and  his  army 
were  resting  in  a  strong  position  near  Pluckemin,  beyond 
his  reach. 

The  American  soldiers  were  foot-sore,  unshod,  Aveary 
and  hungry.  There  had  not  been  time  to  distribute 
rations,  after  breaking  camp  at  Trenton.  More  than  one- 
half  of  the  troops  had  only  just  arrived  with  Cadwallader 
from  Bordentown,  when  the  niofht  march  be^an.  The 

c  O 

imagination  falters  and  cannot  conceive  the  experiences 
of  these  faithful  men,  so  many  of  whom  instead  of  return 
ing  immediately  home  after  New  Year's  day,  were  volun 
tarily  serving  beyond  their  enlistment,  at  the  simple 
request  of  their  heroic  Commander-in-Chief. 

On  the  fifth  of  January,  Washington  sent  his  report  to 
Congress,  and  despatches  to  others  elsewhere  in  com 
mand.  Two  of  these  despatches  are  to  be  noticed.  He 
ordered  Putnam,  then  at  Philadelphia  :  "  Give  out  your 
strength  twice  as  great  as  it  is.  Keep  out  spies.  Put 
horsemen  in  the  dress  of  the  country,  and  keep  them 
going  backwards  and  forwards  for  that  purpose.  Act 
Avith  great  circumspection,  so  as  not  to  meet  with  a 
surprise."  He  ordered  General  Heath,  then  on  the 
Hudson,  "to  collect  boats,  for  the  contingency  of  the 
detail  of  a  part  of  his  forces  to  New  Jersey"  ;  and  also 
instructed  him,  that  "it  had  been  determined  in  council 
that  he  should  move  down  toward  New  York  with  a  con- 


FIRST  NEW   JERSEY   CAMPAIGN   DEVELOPED.      157 

siderable   force,   as   if  with  a   sudden  design   upon  that 
city." 

On  the  seventh  of  January,  the  American  army  reached 
Morristown  ;  where  huts  were  erected  and  the  Headquarters 
of  the  Continental  Army  of  the  United  States  were  estab 
lished.  That  army  was  resting,  and  working  ;  working, 
and  resting,  — but  its  Commandcr-in-Chief  knew  no  rest. 
On  the  same  day,  additional  orders  were  issued  to  Gen 
eral  Heath  ;  to  General  Lincoln,  who  had  reached  Peeks- 
kill  with  four  thousand  Xew  England  militia ;  and  to 
other  officers,  north  and  south,  in  anticipation  of  ulterior 
movements  through  every  probable  field  of  the  rapidly 
expanding  war.  This  was  also  the  first  occasion  for 
Washington's  exercise  of  the  high  prerogative  conferred 
by  Congress, — full  control  of  all  military  operations 
without  consultation  with  that  body. 

Washington  could  reprimand,  when  necessary  ;  while 
always  prompt  to  commend,  when  commendation  Avas 
both  deserved  and  timely.  Heath  was  before  Fort  Inde 
pendence  on  the  eighteenth  day  of  January.  General 
Lincoln  advanced  by  the  Hudson  River  road  ;  General 
Scott  by  White  Plains ;  and  Generals  Wooster  and 
Parsons,  from  New  Rochelle  and  Westchester.  A  few 
prisoners  were  taken  at  Valentine's  Hill.  General  Heath, 
with  grave  dignity,  announced  to  the  Hessian  garrison  of 
two  thousand  men  that  he  would  allow  them  "twenty 
minutes  in  which  to  surrender,"  or  they  must  "  abide  the 
consequences."  Twenty  minutes,  thirty  minutes,  and 
gradually,  ten  days  elapsed.  This  large  American  force, 
half-organized,  as  they  were  —  without  barracks,  in  mid 
winter,  under  conditions  of  terrible  exposure  —  endured  it 
all,  without  flinching,  and  hardest  of  all,  unrelieved  by 
fighting.  Suddenly,  the  Hessians  made  a  sortie  upon 
the  advanced  regiment,  and  the  whole  army  was  retired. 
Its  fighting  pluck  had  been  frittered  away.  The  com- 


158  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

bined  divisions  had  arrived  with  admirable  concert  of 
time.  The  plan  was  well-conceived  and  well-initiated  ; 
but  failed,  because  a  soldier  was  not  in  immediate  com 
mand.  As  a  demonstration  toward  New  York,  it  did 
affect  Howe's  movements,  and  compelled  him  to  keep  his 
forces  well  in  hand  ;  but  its  chief  purpose  was  not  realized. 

On  the  third  day  of  February,  the  American  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  again  wrote  to  General  Heath,  as  fol 
lows  :  "  This  letter  is  additional  to  my  public  one  of  this 
date.  It  is,  to  hint  to  you,  and  I  do  it  with  concern,  that 
your  conduct  is  censured,  and  by  men  of  sense  and  judg 
ment  who  have  been  with  you  in  the  expedition  to  Fort 
Independence,  as  being  fraught  with  too  much  caution ; 
by  which  the  army  has  been  disappointed  and  in  some 
degree  disgraced.  Your  summons,  as  you  did  not 
attempt  to  fulfil  your  threats,  was  not  only  idle,  but  far 
cical,  and  will  not  fail  of  turning  the  laugh  exceedingly 
upon  us." 

During  the  winter  and  spring,  the  skirmishes  were  fre 
quent,  and  often  with  benefit  to  the  American  troops. 
They  began  to  acquire  confidence,  and  the  conviction  that, 
man  for  man,  on  fair  terms,  they  were  a  match  for  either 
British  or  Hessians,  and  did  not  care  which  invited  a 
fight.  Washington  issued  a  counter-proclamation  to  that 
which  Howe  promulged  when  the  American  army  ad 
vanced  into  New  Jersey  ;  and  then,  all  offensive  opera 
tions  of  the  British  army  came  to  a  sudden  halt. 

The  eminently  impartial  Italian  historian,  Botta,  thus 
sums  up  his  description  of  this  offensive  movement : 

"Washington,  having  received  a  few  fresh  battalions, 
and  his  little  army  having  recovered  from  their  fatigue, 
soon  entered  the  field  anew,  and  scoured  the  whole  country 
as  far  as  the  Raritan.  He  even  crossed  the  river  and  entered 
the  county  of  Essex  ;  made  himself  master  of  Newark,  of 
Elizabethtown,  and  finally  of  Woodbridge ;  so  that  he 


FIRST  NEW  JERSEY   CAMPAIGN   DEVELOPED.      159 

commanded   the  entire   coast  of  New  Jersey  in  front  of 
Staten  .Island. 

"  He  so  judiciously  selected  his  positions,  and  fortified 
them  so  formidably,  that  the  royalists  shrunk  from  all 
attempts  to  dislodge  him  from  any  of  them."  . 
"  But  the  British  army,  after  having  overrun,  victoriously, 
the  State  of  New  Jersey  quite  to  the  Delaware,  and  caused 
even  the  City  of  Philadelphia  to  tremble  for  its  safety, 
found  itself  now  restricted  to  the  only  posts  of  Brunswick 
and  Amboy,  which,  moreover,  could  have  no  communica 
tion  with  New  York,  except  by  sea. 

"Thus,  by  an  army  almost  reduced  to  extremity,  Phila 
delphia  was  saved  ;  Pennsylvania  protected  ;  New  Jersey 
nearly  recovered ;  and  a  victorious  army  laid  under  the 
necessity  of  quitting  all  thoughts  of  acting  offensively,  in 
order  to  defend  itself." 


CHAPTER  XVT. 

THE    AMERICAN    BASE    OF    OPERATIONS    ESTABLISHED.  

THE    SECOND    NEW    JERSEY    CAMPAIGN. 

THE  narrative  of  Washington's  career  as  a  Soldier,  up 
to  the  time  when  he  foiled  the  best  efforts  of  Howe 
and  Cornwallis  to  capture  his  weary  band  of  Continentals 
and  militia,  has  been  a  continuous  story  of  love  of  country 
and  devotion  to  her  brave  defenders.  The  most  assidu 
ous  care  for  their  discipline,  their  health,  their  moral  de 
portment,  and  their  loyalty  to  duty,  has  been  the  burden 
of  his  soul.  Pleading,  remonstrance,  and  even  reprimand, 
however  earnest  and  pungent,  have  never  worn  a  selfish 
garb,  nor  breathed  of  arrogance  or  fitful  temper.  Pre 
sumptuous  denunciations  by  his  chief  antagonist  have 
never  impaired  the  dignity  of  his  carriage,  his  felicity  of 
utterance,  nor  the  serenity  of  his  faith. 

The  indiscretions  of  his  subordinates,  their  jealousies, 
and  their  weaknesses,  have  been  so  condoned,  or  accom 
modated  to  the  eventful  hours  of  camp  or  field  service, 
that  while  he  rests  in  camp,  during  the  opening  week  of 
the  second  year  of  battling  with  the  might  of  Britain,  he 
has  in  mind,  only  words  of  thanksgiving  for  mercies  real 
ized,  and  a  bold  challenge  to  the  American  Congress  and 
the  American  people  for  men  and  means  whereby  to  make 
their  sublime  Declaration  of  Independence  a  realized  fact. 

And  yet,  never  before  has  there  gathered  about  his 
pathway  such  ominous  mutterings  of  a  threatening  tem 
pest.  It  is  no  longer  the  spectacle  of  a  half-organized 

160 


AMERICAN  BASE  OF  OPERATIONS  ESTABLISHED.     [(}{ 

army  parrying  the  strokes  of  a  compact  enemy,  well 
equipped  for  war.  He  has  halted,  faced  the  foe,  and  as 
sumed  the  aggressive.  Washington  has  been  fencing. 
His  first  lunge  in  return  draws  blood.  He  will  fight  to 
the  finish. 

Already,  he  understands  that  his  first  New  Jersey  cam 
paign  indicates  the  real  field  of  endeavor  in  which  the 
fate  of  his  country  is  to  be  settled.  Whatever  may  be  in 
store  of  sacrifice,  or  battle,  he  must  now  plan  for  victory  ; 
and  to  ensure  its  happy  realization,  he  must  so  neutralize 
the  domination  of  New  York,  that  its  occupation,  whether 
by  himself  or  Great  Britain,  will  cease  to  be  a  controlling 
factor  in  the  momentous  struggle. 

Even  the  battle-issue  is  no  longer  to  be  with  its  strong 
garrison ;  but  from  Lake  Cham  plain  to  Savannah,  along 
the  entire  Atlantic  coast,  and  wherever  great  cities  or 
seaboard  towns  fight  strongest  for  liberty,  he  is  to  be 
their  standard-bearer ;  and  there  the  people  are  to  bleed 
and  triumph.  Like  Habib  in  the  Arabian  tale,  when  he 
drew  from  its  scabbard  the  talismanic  sword  of  Solomon, 
and  there  flashed  upon  the  glittering  steel  the  divine  word 
"Power,"  so  he  had  the  faith  to  know  that  "  the  substance 
of  things  hoped  for  "  was  to  be  the  trophy  won. 

Thus  far,  the  recital  of  marchings  and  fightings  has 
proved  his  ability  to  command  the  confidence  of  his 
countrymen,  of  Congress,  and  of  disinterested  mankind. 
Hereafter,  the  details  of  battles  must  be  relegated  to 
fuller  records ;  and  this  account  will  be  more  closely 
restricted  to  the  potential  part  borne  by  him  in  their  con 
duct,  general  management,  and  improvement. 

A  reference  to  the  accompanying  map  will  furnish  a 
simple  key  to  the  progress  of  the  War  for  American  In 
dependence.  Concentric  circles  about  New  York,  as  a 
radius  point,  indicate  the  immediate  sweep  of  the  British 
arm  of  offence.  Similar  circles  about  Morristown  and 


162     ,rn<    WASHINGTON   THE    SQLDIER, 

Middlebrook  indicate,  that  as  a  fortified  centre  this 
section,  like  the  hub  of  a  wheel,  would  endanger 
along  its  divergent  spokes  all  operations  out  from  New. 
Yprk  as  far  up  the  Hudson  River  as  West  Point,  and 
throughout  the  Province  of  New  Jersey.  It  would 
compel  Great  Britain  to  maintain  a  permanent  garrison 
of  sufficient  strength  for  all  such  excursions;  and  a  cor 
respondingly  large,  half-idle  fotfce  for  the  protection  of 
its  own/  headquarters  and  its  general  depot  of  supplies. 
It  was  like  a  mountain  peak  for  an  observatory ;  and 
such  was  the  systematic  organization  of  scouts,  mes 
sengers  and  runners,  in  the  confidence  and  pay  of  the 
American  Commander-in-Chief,  that  almost  daily  infor 
mation  was  furnished  him  of  the  minutest  occurrence 
in  and  about  the  British  headquarters;  and  a  regular 
Shipping  List  was  supplied  by  competent  spies,  of 
every  movement  of  British  men-of-war,  transports,  and 
tenders,  as  far  out  as  Sandy  Hook. 

One  of  the  most  noteworthy  facts  connected  witli  the 
American  civil  conflict  of  18Gl-'65,  was  the  measure 
ment  of  generals  on  either  side  by  knowledge  of 
their  antecedent  education,  qualities  and  characteristics. 
McClellan  would  have  taken  Vicksburg,  as  surely  as  did 
General  Grant :  the  mathematics  of  a  siege  are  irresist 
ible.  But  he  never  could  have  marched  to  the  sea,  as  did 
Sherman,  or  swept  like  a  tornado  to  the  rear  of  Lee,  as 
did  Sheridan.  It  appears  from  the  correspondence  of 
Washington,  that  he  carefully  studied  the  antecedents 
and  followed  the  operations  of  his  chief  antagonists  ;  that 
in  several  of  the  most  critical  periods  of  the  war  he  antic 
ipated  their  plans  as  fully  as  if  he  had  shared  their  con 
fidence  in  advance.  But  he  did  not  merely  interpret  the 
lessons  of  campaigns  as  objectives  for  his  own  action. 
He  penetrated  the  secret  chambers  of  Howe's  brain.  He 
cross-examined  himself:  "If  I  were:  in  Howe's  place 


ASSIGNMENTS  AND  MINOR  INCURSIONS.          KJ3 

what  would  I  do?  "  "In  his  own  place,  what  will  Howe 
do?  "  "  What  must  the  British  Ministry  do,  to  conquer 
America  —  in  the  way  of  ships,  men,  and  money?"  "Can 
they  do  it?"  "Can  they  risk  their  West  India  Colonies, 
by  the  diversion  of  adequate  means  to  conquer  America?  " 
The  expectancies  of  aid  from  France ,  partly  realized  through 
the  purchase  of  arms  and  munitions  of  war  as  early  as 
1776,  were  never  out  of  his  thought.  To  maintain  one 
central  army  intact,  and  wear  out  his  adversary,  was  the 
pivot  on  which  hinged  American  destiny.  In  the  hills  of 
New  Jersey  he  worked  this  problem  to  its  solution. 

Washington  remained  at  the  Morristown  headquarters 
until  the  twenty-fourth  of  May. 

On  the  twenty-first  day  of  January,  Howe  withdrew 
two  thousand  troops  from  Newport,  R.I.,  to  reenforce 
the  garrison  of  New  York.  Generals  Spencer  and 
Arnold,  then  at  Providence,  R.I.,  with  about  four  thou 
sand  troops,  were  ordered  by  Washington,  whenever 
practicable,  to  attempt  the  capture  of  Newport ;  but  they 
regarded  their  force  as  inadequate  for  the  purpose.  Gen 
eral  Parsons,  then  upon  recruiting  service  in  Connecticut, 
was  also  instructed  to  make  a  descent  upon  Long  Island  : 
but  his  force  was  hardly  equal  to  the  movement,  for  want 
of  suitable  boats.  All  these  external  signs  of  American 
watchfulness  and  activity  were  as  nettles  to  irritate  the 
British  Commander-in-Chief,  while  he  sat,  powerless,  in 
his  sumptuous  headquarters  at  New  York. 

Knox  was  sent  by  Washington  to  Massachusetts  to  en 
list  a  battalion  of  artillery,  and  during  his  trip  mentioned 
Springfield. as  the  proper  site  for  the  establishment  of  a 
laboratory  and  gun-factory.  General  Schuyler,  of  the 
northern  army,  was  instructed  to  draw  from  New  England 
the  entire  force  required  to  resist  the  anticipated  advance 
of  Carleton  from  Canada.  Washington  assigned  as  a 

o  o 

special  reason  for  this  limitation,  that  "troops  of  extreme 


164  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

sections  could  not  be  favorably  combined."  Besides  this, 
he  proportionately  relieved  New  England  from  sending 
troops  of  her  own  from  her  borders,  which  would  be  most 
exposed  in  case  the  invasion  from  Canada  materialized. 
General  Maxwell  was  stationed  at  Elizabethtown  to  watch 
tories  and  the  movements  of  the  British.  Orders  were 
issued  repressing  plundering  done  by  the  militia,  of  which 
complaint  had  been  made.  Similar  outrages  had  been 
perpetrated  by  British  and  Hessian  troops  in  the  vicinity 
of  New  York  ;  and  Washington  followed  up  his  .own  ideas 
of  civilized  warfare,  by  sending  to  General  Howe  a  pro 
test,  and  a  demand  for  similar  remedial  action  on  his 
part. 

At  this  period,  a  correspondence  occurred  as  to  the 
position  of  General  Charles  Lee,  then  a  prisoner  of  war 
in  General  Howe's  custody.  It  was  for  a  time  quite  in 
doubt  whether  Lee  would  be  treated  as  a  prisoner  of  war, 
or  be  shot  as  a  deserter  from  the  British  ,  army.  The 
pledge  of  Washington,  that  he  would  hang  an  officer  of 
equal  rank  if  Lee  were  executed,  ultimately  secured 
Lee's  exchange. 

During  the  month  of  March,  a  ship  from  France  landed 
at  Portsmouth,  N.H.,  another  invoice  of  military  sup 
plies  ;  and  a  second  soon  after  reached  Philadelphia  with 
a  large  cargo.  These  timely  accessions  of  material  of 
war  amounted  to  twenty-three  thousand  fusees,  one  thou 
sand  barrels  of  powder,  and  blankets  and  other  stores. 

On  the  second  of  March,  Washington  communicated 
to  Robert  Morris,  of  Philadelphia,  some  of  his  personal 
studies  of  General  Howe  and  his  plans.  The  following 
are  pertinent  extracts  : 

"  General  Howe  cannot,  by  the  best  intelligence  I  have 
been  able  to  get,  have  less  than  ten  thousand  men  in  New 
Jersey,  and  on  board  of  transports  at  Amboy.  Our 
number  does  not  exceed  four  thousand.  His  are  well- 


ASSIGNMENTS   AND  MINOR  INCURSIONS.  105 

disciplined,  well-officered  and  well-supplied ;  ours,  raw 
militia,  badly  officered  and  under  no  government.  His 
numbers  cannot  be,  in  short  time,  augmented ;  ours  must 
be,  very  considerably,  and  by  such  troops  as  we  can  have 
some  reliance  on,  or  the  game  is  at  an  end.  His  situation 
as  to  horses  and  forage  is  bad,  very  bad ;  but  will  it  be 
better?  No,  on  the  contrary,  worse  ;  and  therefore,  if  for 
no  other,  to  shift  quarters.  General  Howe's  informants 
are  too  numerous,  and  too  well  acquainted,  to  suffer,  him 
to  remain  in  ignorance  of  them.  With  what  propriety, 
then,  can  he  miss  so  favorable  an  opportunity  of 'striking 
a  capital  stroke  against  a  city  from  which  we  draw  so 
many  advantages,  the  carrying  of  which  would  give  such 
eclat  to  his  arms,  and  strike  such  a  damp  to  ours.  Nor 
is  his  difficulty  of  moving  so  great  as  is  imagined.  All  the 
heavy  baggage  of  the  army,  their  salt  provisions,  flour 
and  stores,  might  go  round  by  water,  while  their  superior 
numbers  would  enable  them  to  make  a  sweep  of  the 
horses  for  many  miles  around  them,  not  already  taken  off 
by  us." 

The  separate  movements  suggested  by  Washington, 
some  of  which  have  been  referred  to,  indicated  his  pur 
pose  to  keep  officers  in  the  field  wherever  there  promised 
opportunity  for  aggressive  action,  while  at  the  same  time 
enuring  the  militia  to  active  field  service. 

O 

Although  Congress  had  granted  the  Commander-in-Chief 

O  O  O 

full  powers  for  the  conduct  of  the  war,  it  did  assert  its 
general  prerogatives  very  freely  in  the  matter  of  promo 
tions  and  appointments  without  consulting  him.  Ambi 
tion  for  rapid  promotion  and  honorable  commands  was  as 
conspicuous  then  as  since.  The  promotions  made  during 
the  month  of  March  were  a  source  of  much  jealousy 
and  bitter  conflict.  Among  the  new  Major-Generals,  much 
to  Washington's  disgust,  the  name  of  Arnold  was  omitted. 
General  Wooster  was  at  home  in  command  of  the  Con- 


166  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

necticut  militia,  having  resigned  his  commission  in  the 
regular  service.  Gen.  George  Clinton  was  assigned  to 

o  o  o 

command  the  forts  in  the  Highlands  ;  and  General  Mc- 
Doujjall  succeeded  General  Heath  at  Peekskill.  General 

o 

Sullivan  considered  these  details  as  so  many  independent 
commands  ;  and  fretted  over  it  so  constantly  and  freely, 
that  Washington  administered  a  rebuke  which  illustrates 
the  directness  and  frankness  with  which  he  handled  such 
provoking  interruptions  of  the  domestic  harmony  of  the 
army.  He  writes  as  follows  :  ff  Why  these  unreasonable 
and  unjustifiable  suspicions,  which  can  answer  no  other 
end  than  to  poison  your  own  happiness  and  add  vexation 
to  that  of  others?  I  know  of  but  one  separate  command, 
properly  so-called,  and  that  is  in  the  Northern  Depart 
ment ;  and  General  Sullivan,  General  St.  Clair,  or  any 
other  general  officer  at  TicOnderoga,  will  be  considered 
in  no  other  light,  while  there  is  a  superior  officer  in  the 
department,  than  if  he  were  placed  at  Chatham,  Basken- 
ridge  or  Princeton.  I  shall  quit,  with  an  earnest  expos 
tulation  that  you  will  not  suffer  yourself  to  be  teased 
with  evils  that  only  exist  in  the  imagination,  and  with 
slights  that  have  no  existence  at  all ;  keeping  it  in  mind, 
that  if  there  are  to  be  several  distinct  armies  to  be  formed, 
there  are  several  gentlemen  before  you  in  point  of  rank 
who  have  a  right  to  claim  preference." 

General  Greene  was  sent  to  Congress  to  urge  relief  for 
the  suffering  army;  and  all  governors  were  urged  to 
furnish  supplies  and  troops  for  the  ensuing  campaign. 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  April,  Governor  Try  on  of  New 
York  made  an  incursion  into  Connecticut  with  two  thousand 
men,  and  fought  with  Wooster  and  Arnold  at  Ridgefield ; 
where  Arnold  distinguished  himself,  and  Wooster  was  mor 
tally  wounded.  The  loss  of  sixteen  hundred  tents  was 
also  a  serious  affair  at  the  time.  General  Greene  was 
despatched  to  inspect  the  Highlands  and  its  defences.  A 


THE   SECOND   NEW   JERSEY   CAMPAIGN.  167 

British  fleet  had  ascended  the  Hudson  as  far  as  Peekskill ; 
and  as  spring  advanced,  every  possible  preparation  was 
made  for  active  duty,  in  all  departments  where  British 
troops  could  gain  access  by  land  or  sea.  On  the  twenty- 
third  of  May,  Colonel  Meigs  crossed  from  Guilford  to 
Long  Island,  and  destroyed  twelve  brigs  and  sloops,  one 
of  them  carrying  twelve  guns,  and  a  large  quantity  of 
British  stores,  the  small  detachment  guard  having  been 
recalled  to  New  York  two  days  before. 

It  had  become  apparent  to  Washington  that  General 
Howe,  having  withdrawn  so  many  troops  from  advanced 
posts,  would  enter  New  Jersey  in  force ;  and  on  the 
twenty-ninth  of  May,  he  moved  his  headquarters  to  the 
well-fortified  position  at  Middlebrook.  On  the  seventh  of 
June,  Arnold  was  placed  in  command  at  Philadelphia,  to 
act  with  General  Mifflin  in  anticipation  of  Howe's  possible 
movement  in  that  direction.  On  the  twelfth,  General 
Howe,  reenforced  by  two  additional  regiments  recalled 
from  Newport,  R.I.,  marched  from  Brunswick  towards 
Princeton  with  an  aggregate  force  of  seventeen  thousand 
men. 

This  second  New  Jersey  campaign  was  short  in  dura^ 
tion,  and  of  small  results.  Howe  intrenched  near  Somer 
set  Court  House,  where  the  Raritan  River  was  not  ford- 
able  ;  and  neither  army  could  attack  the  other.  He  was 
between  Washington  and  Philadelphia.  It  was  a  chal 
lenge  to  the  abandonment  of  Middlebrook,  risking  an 
open,  circuitous  march,  if  the  American  army  intended  to 
prevent  a  British  movement  upon  the  American  capital. 
Howe  expected  to  cut  off  the  division  of  Sullivan,  which 
was  at  Princeton,  but  that  officer  had  moved  to  the  hills 
to  the  north-west,  near  Flemington.  Cornwallis  advanced 
as  far  as  Hillsborough,  when  he  found  that  no  enemy 
remained  at  Princeton.  The  British  left  was  on  the 
Millstone,  and  their  right  rested  at  Brunswick.  A  glance 


168  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

at  the  map  —  "  Operations  in  New  Jersey"  —  will  show  that 
any  movement  of  the  American  army  to  the  west  or 
south-west  would  uncover  their  defences  at  Middlebrook 
to  any  attack  by  the  road  running  due  north  from  Bruns 
wick.  Washington,  anticipating  the  possibility  of  a  gen 
eral  action,  and  resolved  to  select  a  good  opportunity 
to  bring  it  on,  ordered  all  of  the  Continental  troops  at 
Peekskill,  except  one  thousand  effective  men,  to  march 
in  three  divisions,  at  one  day's  interval,  under  Generals 
Parsons,  McDougall  and  Glover,  to  his  support ;  the  first 
two  columns  to  bring,  each,  two  pieces  of  artillery. 

It  certainly  wras  General  Howe's  impression  that  Wash 
ington  would  have  such  fears  for  the  safety  of  Philadel 
phia  as  to  risk  an  action  south  of  the  Rarita.n.  On  the 
succeeding  fifth  of  July  he  wrote  to  Lord  Germaine,  that 
his  "  only  object  was  to  bring  the  American  army  to  a 
general  action."  But  Washington  only  strengthened  his 
works,  and  never  believed  that  Howe  was  making  Phila 
delphia  the  object  of  his  movement.  The  following  letter 
explains  his  views  :  "  Had  they  designed  for  the  Dela 
ware,  on  the  first  instance,  they  probably  would  have 
made  a  secret,  rapid  march  of  it,  and  not  have  halted  as 
they  have  done,  to  awaken  our  attention  and  give  us  time 
for  obstructing  them.  Instead  of  this,  they  have  only 
advanced  to  a  position  to  facilitate  an  attack  on  our  right : 
which  is  the  part  they  have  the  greatest  likelihood  of 
injuring  us  in.  In  addition  to  this  consideration,  they 
have  come  out  as  light  as  possible,  in  leaving  all  their 
baggage,  provisions,  boats,  and  bridges,  at  Brunswick, 
which  plainly  contradicts  the  idea  of  their  pushing  for  the 
Delaware." 

On  the  morning  of  the  nineteenth,  Howe  suddenly  re 
turned  to  Brunswick.  Greene  and  Maxwell  were  advanced 
by  Washington  to  a  position  between  Brunswick  and 
Amboy.  Howe  marched  early  in  the  morning  of  the 


THE    SECOND  NEW   JERSEY   CAMPAIGN.  l(jy 

twenty-second.  Morgan  and  Wayne  drove  in  the  Hes 
sian  rear-guard  upon  the  main  army,  after  a  spirited 
skirmish.  It  had  been  Greene's  intention  to  have  Max 
well  strike  the  column  near  Piscataway.  Washington 
advanced  his  entire  army  as  far  as  Quibbletown,  now  New 
market,  upon  the  advice  of  his  officers  that  the  retreat  was 
genuine  ;  yet  not  without  a  suspicion,  afterward  verified, 
that  the  whole  was  a  ruse  to  entice  him  from  his  strong 
hold. 

On  the  twenty-sixth,  Howe  put  his  whole  army  in  mo 
tion  to  resume  the  offensive.  Cornwallis,  with  the  ex 
treme  right,  was  to  gain  the  passes  to  Middlebrook. 
Four  battalions,  with  six  pieces  of  artillery,  were  to 
demonstrate  on  Washington's  left.  Without  further  de 
tails,  the  action  is  outlined  as  follows  :  Cornwallis  found 
himself  confronted  by  Stirling.  A  lively  skirmish  ensued, 
near  Westfield,  now  Plainfield.  The  Americans  were 
overmatched  in  numbers,  and  lost  nearly  two  hundred  men 
in  casualties  and  prisoners,  besides  three  brass  guns,  but 
steadily  fought  on,  while  slowly  retiring.  Washington, 
comprehending  the  whole  movement,  retired  Maxwell's 
Division,  without  loss,  and  regained  the  passes  threatened  ; 
and  the  prolonged  resistance  of  Stirling  delayed  Corn 
wallis  until  too  late  for  him  to  gain  the  American  rear. 
On  the  afternoon  of  the  twenty-seventh,  Cornwallis,  after 
a  loss  of  seventy  men,  passed  through  Sampton  un 
opposed,  and  joined  Howe  who  had  already  retired  from 
Washington's  front.  The  American  Commander-in-Chief 
dictated  the  choice  of  battlefield.  Howe,  representing 
Great  Britain,  declined  his  terms.  On  the  thirtieth, 
Howe  crossed  to  Staten  Island,  and  his  last  military  opera 
tions  in  New  Jersey  came  to  an  end.  He  afterwards 
claimed  that  his  forces  were  numerically  inferior  to  those 
of  Washington ;  but  both  friends  and  critics,  in  the  pro 
tracted  controversy  which  afterwards  arose  as  to  this 


170  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER.     . 

costly  and  fruitless  march  into  New  Jersey,  admit  that 
the  disparity  of  force,  in  all  respects,  was  with  the  Am 
erican  army. 

The  simple  fact  remains  unobscured,  that  as  General 
Howe's  acquaintance  with  Washington's  methods  matured, 
he  better  appreciated  his  qualities  as  a  Soldier. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

BRITISH  INVASION    FROM  CANADA. — OPERATIONS  ALONG  THE 

HUDSON. 

OX  the  twentieth  of  June,  Washington  learned  that 
Burgoyne  was  approaching  St.  John's ;  and  that  a 
detachment  of  British  and  Canadian  troops,  accompanied 
by  Indians,  had  been  organized  for  the  occupation  of  the 
Mohawk  Valley,  west  of  Albany,  under  Colonel  St.  Leger. 
This  would  enable  them  to  court  the  alliance  of  the 
''  Six  Nations,"  and  to  suppress  the  enlistment  into  the 
American  army  of  the  scattered  white  population  of 
that  region.  On  the  same  day,  he  ordered  General 
Putnam  to  hold  in  readiness  to  move  up  the  river,  at  a 
moment's  notice,  four  regiments  of  Massachusetts  troops 
which  were  then  at  his  headquarters  at  Peekskill,  and 
also  to  \  hire  sloops  at  Albany  for  their  transportation 
northward. 

The  briefest  possible  history  of  these  expeditions  is  all 
that  can  rind  space  in  this  narrative.  Lieutenant-General 
Burgoyne  left  London  on  the  twenty-ninth  day  of  March, 
and  reached  Quebec  on  the  sixth  day  of  May.  He 
promptly  notified  General  Howe  of  his  instructions,  and 
recognized  Albany  as  his  chief  objective  point,  so  soon  as 
he  might  recapture  the  posts  on  Lake  Champlain,  then 
occupied  by  the  American  forces.  The  organization  and 
strength  of  the  force  with  which  he  undertook  his  memo 
rable  campaign  is  noticed  elsewhere.1  His  confident 

1  See  Appendix.  ;.     .... 

171 


172  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

expectation  of  obtaining  an  adequate  Canadian  force  of 
teams,  teamsters,  axe-men,  horses,  wagons,  and  guides 
familiar  with  the  country,  proved  unwarranted.  Instead 
of  two  thousand,  less  than  two  hundred  reported  for  duty. 
This  was  not  the  fault  of  General  Carleton,  for  of  him 
Burgoyne  said,  "  He  could  not  have  done  more  for  his 
own  brother  "  ;  but  the  Canadians  themselves  Avere  more 
desirous  of  peace  with  their  New^  England  neighbors  than 
to  be  involved  in  war  with  them.  The  proclamation  of 
Burgoyne  to  the  people  of  New  England  and  New  York 
was  arrogant  and  repellant,  instead  of  being  sympathetic 
and  conciliatory.  Washington  at  once  furnished  the 
antidote  by  the  following :  "  Harassed  as  we  are  by  un 
relenting  persecution  ;  obliged  by  every  tie  to  repel  vio 
lence  by  force ;  urged  by  self-preservation  to  exert  the 
strength  which  Providence  has  given  us,  to  defend  our 
natural  rights  against  the  aggressor,  we  appeal  to  the 
hearts  of  all  mankind  for  the  justice  of  our  course ;  its 
event  WQ  leave  with  Him  who  speaks  the  fate  of  nations, 
in  humble  confidence  that  as  His  omniscient  eye  taketh 
note  even  of  a  sparrow  that  fallcth  to  the  ground,  so  He 
will  not  withdraw  His  confidence  from  a  people  who 
humbly  array  themselves  under  His  banner,  in  defence 
of  the  noblest  principles  with  which  He  has  adorned 
humanity." 

General  Burgoyne  was  equally  infelicitous  in  his  nego 
tiations  with  the  Iroquois,  Algonquins,  Abenagies  and 
Ottawa  Indians,  whom  he  met  on  the  twenty-second  day 
of  June.  In  fact,  General  Burgoyne  had  no  sympathy 
with  the  British  policy  which  ordered  the  hire  of  Indian 
allies.  The  following  declaration  stands  to  his  perpetual 
credit,  and  should  appear  in  every  volume  that  may  ever 
be  published  which  refers  to  his  campaign  in  America. 
His  words  were  these :  "  The  Indian  principle  of  war  is 
at  once  odious  and  unavailing,  and  if  encouraged,  I  will 


BRITISH    INVASION    FROM    CANADA.  173 

venture  to  pronounce  its  consequences,  will  be  sorely  re 
pented  by  the  present  age  and  be  universally  abhorred  by 
posterity."  And  afterwards,  in  the  presence  of  the  Earl 
of  Harrington,  when  St.  Luc  claimed  that  "Indians  must 
fight  their  own  way,  or  desert,"  Burgoyne  answered  :  "  I 
would  rather  lose  every  Indian  than  connive  at  their  enor 
mities."  And  still  another  incident  is  to  be  noticed, 
especially  as  it  places  before  the  reader  a  very  character 
istic  utterance  of  General  Gates,  his  adversary  in  that 
campaign.  The  latter  wrote  to  General  Burgoyne  as  fol 
lows  :  "The  miserable  fate  of  Miss  McCrea,  massacred  by 
Indians,  was  peculiarly  aggravated  by  her  being  dressed 
to  receive  her  promised  husband,  but  met  her  murderers 
instead,  employed  by  you.  Upward  of  one  hundred  men, 
women  and  children,  have  perished  by  the  hands  of 
ruffians  to  whom  it  is  asserted  you  have  paid  the  price  of 
blood."  To  this,  the  gallant  general  replied:  "I  would 
not  be  conscious  of  the  acts  you  presume  to  impute  to 
me,  for  the  whole  continent  of  America ;  though  the 
wealth  of  worlds  was  in  its  bowels,  and  a  paradise  upon 
its  surface." 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  March,  General  Gates  relieved 
General  Schuyler  from  command  of  the  Northern  Depart 
ment  ;  but  the  latter  was  promptly  restored,  after  present 
ing  his  case  before  Congress.  General  Schuyler  promptly 
tendered  to  General  Gates  the  command  of  Ticonderoga ; 
but  it  was  sneer ingly  and  disrespectfully  declined.  To  a 
requisition  upon  Washington  for  tents,  made  by  Gates, 
Washington  replied  :  "  As  the  northern  troops  are  hutted, 
the  tents  must  be  used  for  southern  troops  until  a  supply 
can  be  obtained."  The  reply  of  Gates  is  an  illustration 
of  his  ambition  and  jealousy,  and  points  the  trend  of  his 
subsequent  career.  It  reads  as  follows  :  "  Refusing  this 
army  what  you  have  not  in  your  power,  is  one  thing ;  but 
saying  that  this  army  has  not  the  same  necessities  as  the 


174  WASHINGTON    THE  -SOLDIER. 

southern  army,  is  another.  I  can  assure  your  excellency, 
the  services  of  the  northern  army  require  tents  as  much 
as  any  service  I  ever  saw."  To  Mr.  Lovell,  of  the  New 
England  delegation  in  Congress,  Gates  wrote  :  "  Either  I 
am  exceedingly  dull,  or  unreasonably  jealous,  if  I  do  not 
discover  by  the  style  and  tenor  of  the  letters  from  Morris- 
town,  how  little  I  have  to  expect  from  thence.  Generals 
are  like  parsons,  they  are  all  for  christening  their  own 
child,  first ;  but  let  an  impartial,  moderating  power  decide 
between  us,  and  do  not  suffer  southern  prejudice  to  weigh 
heavier  in  the  balance  than  the  northern."  Washington, 
of  course,  used  the  term  "  southern  "  simply  in  its  geo 
graphical  sense  ;  but  this  subtle  appeal  to  Congressmen  by 
Gates  was  exactly  the  counterpart  of  that  of  his  most 
intimate  friend  General  Charles  Lee ;  and  both  alike,  ulti 
mately,  paid  the  penalty  of  their  unsoldierly  conduct. 
On  the  ninth  of  June,  Gates  took  a  "leave  of  absence  " 
and  left  the  department. 

Schuyler  ordered  all  forts  to  be  put  in  condition  for 
service  ;  appealed  to  the  States  to  forward  militia  ;  and  on 
the  twentieth  proceeded  to  inspect  each  post  for  himself. 
Although  the  garrison  of  Fort  Ticonderoga  consisted  of 
only  twenty-five  hundred  and  forty-six  Continental  troops 
and  nine  hundred  militia,  it  was  deemed  advisable  to 
"  protract  defence  until  reinforcements  could  arrive,  or  the 
stores  be  removed."  St.  Clair  "did  not  consider  it  prac 
ticable  to  fortify  Sugar  Loaf  Hill,"  which,  subsequently 
occupied  by  Burgoyne,  placed  the  garrison  at  his  mercy. 
Meanwhile,  the  personal  inspection  by  Schuyler  realized 
his  worst  apprehensions  as  to  the  actual  condition  of  the 
troops  in  the  Northern  Department.  Supplies,  other  than 
pork  and  flour,  had  not  been  accumulated,  and  there  was 
nothing  to  sustain  the  belief  of  the  American  people  that 
Ticonderoga  had  been  made  a  real  fortress.  Schuyler 
hastened  to  Albany,  to  forward  troops  and  supplies. 


BRITISH    INVASION    FROM    CANADA.  175 

St.  Clair  wrote  as  late  as  the  last  of  June  :  "  Should  the 
enemy  attack  us,  they  will  go  back  faster  than  they  came." 
But  on  the  first  day  of  July,  Burgoyne  was  before  Ticon- 
deroga,  and  St.  Clair  abandoned  the  post  without  pro 
longed  resistance.  The  absence  of  General  Schuyler  at 
so  critical  a  time  was  the  subject  of  a  Court  of  Inquiry, 
called  at  his  own  request,  in  view  of  very  harsh  criticisms, 
chiefly  from  New  England ;  but  he  was  acquitted,  with 
"the  highest  honor  for  services  already  rendered." 

The  close  observation  of  the  American  Commander- 
in-Chief,  and  the  movements  of  Burgoyne's  army,  drew 
from  him,  when  so  many  were  despondent,  the  follow 
ing  extraordinary  prophetic  letter  to  General  Schuyler, 
dated  July  22d :  f  Though  our  affairs  have  for  some 
days  past  worn  a  dark  gloomy  aspect,  T  yet  look 
forward  to  a  fortunate  and  happy  change.  I  trust 
General  Burgoyne's  army  will  meet,  sooner  or  later, 
an  important  check ;  and  as  I  have  suggested  before 
[letter  of  July  15th],  that  the  success  he  has  had,  will 
precipitate  his  ruin.  From  your  accounts,  he  appears 
to  be  pursuing  that  line  of  conduct  which  of  all  others  is 
most  favorable  to  us  :  —  I  mean,  acting  in  detachments. 
This  conduct  will  certainly  give  room  for  enterprise  on 
our  part  and  expose  his  parties  to  great  hazard.  Could 
we  be  so  happy  as  to  cut  one  of  them  off,  though  it  should 
not  exceed  four,  five,  or  six  hundred  men,  it  would  inspirit 
the  people,  and  do  away  much  of  this  present  anxiety. 
In  such  an  event,  they  would  lose  sight  of  past  misfort 
unes,  and,  urged  at  the  same  time  by  a  regard  for  their 
own  security,  they  would  fly  to  arms  and  afford  every  aid 
in  their  power."  This  forecast  of  the  Battle  of  Benning- 
ton  was  realized  in  its  best  promise:  That  battle,  fought 
on  the  sixteenth  day  of  August,  in  which  General  Stark 
and  Colonel  Warner  won  enviable  renown,  brought  to  the 
former  his  well-earned  promotion.  Other  nearly  concur- 


17(>  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

rent  events  in  the  Mohawk  Valley  —  the  gallant  defence 
of  Fort  Schuyler  and  the  Battle  of  Oriskany,  aroused 
the  militia  to  action  ;  and  General  Schuyler  succeeded  in 
organizing  and  preparing  for  the  field  a  force  fully  ade 
quate  to  meet  Burgoyne's  entire  force,  with  the  assurance 
of  victory.  That  he  was  superseded  by  Gates,  and  lost 
the  command  of  the  northern  army  on  the  eve  of  its  antic 
ipated  triumph,  was  no  discredit  to  him,  but  an  inci 
dent  of  political  management  which  Washington  himself, 
at  that  period,  was  powerless  to  control. 

On  the  seventeenth  day  of  October,  Burgoyne  surren 
dered  his  army,  numbering  five  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  fifty-three  men.  The  total  strength  of  the  American 
army  opposed  to  him  was  eighteen  thousand  six  hun 
dred  and  twenty-four ;  of  which  number  nine  thousand 
nine  hundred  and  ninety-three  Continental  troops,  besides 
militia,  were  present. 

Of  the  incidents  most  memorable  in  the  entire  cam 
paign,  was  the  monumental  daring  of  Arnold  on  the 
seventeenth  of  September.  Tedious  discussions  have  in 
vain  attempted  to  deny  him  due  credit  for  bravery  at  a 
critical  hour  of  that  battle-issue ;  as  if  his  subsequent 
treason  were  to  be  reflected  back  to  his  discredit.  His 
eventual  promotion,  and  the  congratulations  of  Washing 
ton  when  it  was  attained,  and  the  latest  duly  authenticated 
documents,  are  conclusive  in  his  favor. 

This  brief  outline  of  the  invasion  of  Burgoyne  only 
intensifies  the  interest  with  which  the  mind  returns  to  the 
headquarters  of  the  American  Commander-in-Chief. 
Every  possible  effort  had  been  made  by  him,  and  with 
success,  to  supply  the  northern  army  with  men  and  means 
to  meet  that  invasion.  The  side  issues,  especially  that 
of  Bennington,  had,  as  Washington  predicted,  imparted 
courage  to  other  Colonies  than  those  which  were  immedi 
ately  affected ;  for  the  cause  was  the  common  cause  of  alL 


BRITISH    INVASION    FROM    CANADA.  177 

The  location  of  Washington's  headquarters  in  the  fastnesses 
of  New  Jersey  had  already  so  restricted  the  movements  of 
the  garrison  at  New  York,  and  threatened  the  city  itself, 
as  to  prevent  the  promised  support  which  Burgoyne  had 
regarded  as  essential  to  the  success  of  his  invasion.  A 
careful  perusal  of  his  evidence  before  the  House  of  Com 
mons,  his  field-notes,  itineraries,  and  correspondence 
with  General  Howe  and  the  British  War  Office,  leave  no 
doubt  that  he  regarded  his  movement  as  having  for  its 
ultimate  result  the  entire  control  of  the  Hudson  River 
and  the  practical  conquest  of  New  England.  But  Gen 
eral  Howe,  having  in  vain  attempted  to  force  the 
American  Commander-in-Chief  to  abandon  New  Jersey 
and  his  perpetual  menace  to  New  York,  or  engage  in  a 
general  action  without  choice  of  time  and  place,  resolved 
to  move  by  sea  to  Philadelphia  and  force  him  to  fight  for, 
or  lose  without  battle,  the  American  seat  of  government 
itself.  His  own  views  as  to  such  an  expedition  are  worthy 
of  notice.  While  practically  ready  to  sail  for  the  capture 
of  Philadelphia,  he  made  other  demonstrations,  and  wrote 
a  specious  autograph  letter,  which  was  designed  to  reach 
Washington,  and  put  him  off  his  guard.  Washington 
was  not  deceived  by  it.  It  reads  as  follows,  addressed 
to  General  Burgoyne : 

NEW  YORK,  July  2,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR  :  I  received  your  letter  of  the  14th  of  May  from  Que 
bec,  and  shall  fully  observe  its  contents.     The  expedition  to  B 

[Boston]  will  take  the  place  of  that  up  the  North  River.  If,  accord 
ing  to  my  expectations,  we  may  succeed  rapidly  in  the  possession  of 

B [Boston] ,  the  enemy  having  no  force  of  consequence  there,  I 

shall,  without  loss  of  time,  proceed  to  cooperate  with  you  in  the  de 
feat  of  the  rebel  army  opposed  to  you.  Clinton  is  sufficiently  strong 
to  amuse  Washington  and  Putnam.  I  am  now  making  a  demonstra 
tion  southward,  which  I  think  will  have  the  full  effect  in  carrying 
our  plan  into  execution.  Success  attend  you. 

W.  HOWE. 


178  WASHINGTON    THE  .SOLDIER. 

The  allusion  of  Howe  to  General  Putnam  indicated  a 
better  knowledge  of  the  methods  of  that  officer  than 
appreciation  of  the  character  of  Washington.  The  head 
quarters  of  General  Putnam,  who  then  commanded  the 
Highland  range  of  the  defences  of  the  Hudson,  were  at 
Peekskill.  Forts  Clinton  and  Montgomery  were  located 
upon  a  high  spur  of  the  range,  on  the  west  side  of  the 
river,  separated  by  the  Poplen,  a  small  creek.  Both 
were  above  the  range  of  guns  from  ships-of-war,  and 
so  surrounded  by  ravines  and  crags  as  to  be  difficult  of 
approach,  even  by  land.  A  boom  and  heavy  chain  ex 
tended  from  the  foot  of  the  cliff  to  a  sharp  promontory 
opposite,  known  as  "  St.  Anthony's  Nose."  So  many 
troops  had  been  sent  to  the  support  of  Gates,  that  the 
garrison  consisted  mainly  of  militia.  Advices  had 
already  been  received  that  an  expedition  had  been  or 
ganized  at  New  York  for  a  diversion  of  troops  from  any 
further  reinforcement  of  the  American  Northern  army. 
Governor  Clinton  therefore  ordered  a  considerable  militia 
force  to  report  to  General  Putnam  for  strengthening  the 
garrisons  of  the  river  posts.  But  General  Putnam  fur- 
loughed  the  men  during  harvest  and  seeding,  because  the 
New  York  garrison  seemed  to  rest  so  peacefully  in  their 
city  quarters.  Hearing  of  this  extensive  furlough, 
Governor  Clinton  promptly  modified  his  own  order, 
allowing  one-half  to  remain  upon  their  farms ;  but  for 
the  other  half  to  report  at  Peekskill  and  the  forts  named. 
Before  this  modified  order  could  take  effect,  the  expedition 
of  Clinton  was  under  way  ;  while  the  entire  force  assembled 
at  the  two  forts  was  less  than  six  hundred  and  fifty  men. 

Clinton's  expedition  left  New  York  on  the  third  of 
October,  and  intentionally  "  made  every  appearance  of 
their  intention  to  land  only  at  Fort  Independence  and 
Peekskill."  Putnam  and  ; his  army,  and  his  immediate 
surroundings,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Hudson,  were  osten- 


OPERATIONS   ALONG   THE  HUDSON.  179 

tatiously  announced  as  Clinton's  objective,  and  Putnam 
acted  upon  that  basis.  Governor  Clinton  was  not  so  de 
ceived,  but  adjourned  the  Legislature,  then  in  session  at 
Kingston,  and  hastened  to  Fort  Montgomery  to  assist 
in  its  defence,  and  advise  its  garrison  as  to  the  available 
approaches  to  the  post  through  the  mountains,  with  which 
he  was  familiar.  (See  map,  "  Attacks  of  Forts  Clinton 
and  Montgomery.") 

Both  Governor  Clinton  at  Montgomery  and  Gen. 
James  Clinton  at  Fort  Clinton  distinguished  themselves 
by  a  stubborn  resistance  and  great  gallantry  ;  but  both 
posts  were  taken  on  the  night  of  the  fifth.  The  American 
loss  was  nearly  three  hundred  —  killed,  wounded  and  miss 
ing  ;  and  two  hundred  and  thirty-seven  were  taken  pris 
oners.  The  British  loss  was  forty  killed  and  one  hundred 
and  fifty-one  wounded.  General  Clinton  was  wounded 
in  a  bayonet  charge,  but  escaped  to  the  mountains  ;  and 
Governor  Clinton  escaped  by  a  skiff  and  joined  Putnam. 
That  officer  was  so  confident  of  attack  upon  his  own  posi 
tion  that  he  had  fallen  back  to  the  heights  behind  Peeks- 
kill.  He  thought  it  impracticable  to  leave  that  position 
to  attack  General  Clinton,  who  first  landed  upon  the  east 
side  of  the  river,  but  did  make  a  reconnoissance  south 
ward  when  too  late.  He  says,  in  his  Report :  "  On 
my  return  from  this  reconnoissance  with  General  Par 
sons  we  were  alarmed  by  a  very  heavy  and  hot  firing, 
both  of  small-arms  and  cannon,  at  Fort  Montgomery. 
Upon  which,  I  immediately  detached  five  hundred  men 
to  reenforce  the  garrison ;  but  before  they  could  possibly 
cross  to  their  assistance,  the  enemy,  superior  in  numbers, 
had  possessed  themselves  of  the  fort." 

The  British  advanced  above  Peekskill  and  destroyed 
some  stores  at  Connecticut  Village,  and  General  Vaughan 
destroyed  Esopus  (Kingston).  The  forts  were  dis 
mantled,  and  General  Clinton  returned  to  New  York. 


180  WASHINGTON    THfc    SOLDIER. 

General  Putnam,  reenforced  By  militia  from  Connecti 
cut,  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  soon  rcoccupied  Peeks- 
kill  ;  where  he  was  shortly  afterwards  strengthened  by 
Continental  troops  from  the  northern  army.  The  pres 
ence  of  an  intelligent  commanding  officer  of  reasonable 
military  skill,  or  the  absolute  control  of  both  posts  by 
Governor  Clinton,  would  .have  prevented  their  loss. 
The  limited  range  of  this  expedition  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
confirms  Stedman's  statement,  that  he  had  no  intention 
of  pressing  north  to  the  aid  of  General  Burgoyne. 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

PENNSYLVANIA    INVADED.  BATTLE    OF    BRANDYWINE. 

THE  British  Commander-in-Chief  entertained  no 
doubts  of  the  success  of  Burgoyne's  invasion  from 
Canada.  His  reiterated  appeals  to  Britain  for  reenforce- 
nients  were  not  heeded,  and  he  certainly  knew  that  troops 
could  not  be  furnished  up  to  his  demand.  But  he  still 
hoped  that  the  invasion  from  the  north  would  so  drain 
New  England  and  New  York  of  their  able-bodied  militia, 
as  to  render  it  impossible  for  either  section  to  forward  its 
respective  full  quota  to  the  Continental  army  of  Wash 
ington.  Two  campaigns  into  New  Jersey  had  sufficiently 
satisfied  him  that  he  never  could  bend  Washington  to  his 
knees ;  and  yet  he  must  get  Washington  away  from  his 
position  near  New  York,  and  then  defeat  that  army 
utterly,  before  British  supremacy  could  be  restored.  This 
conviction,  once  before  noticed,  was  reflected  in  a  letter 
to  Lord  Germaine,  from  which  extracts  have  interest. 
He  had  "  not  overlooked  New  England,"  but  says  in  this 
letter,  that  "  Burgoyne's  movement  would  draw  Washing 
ton's  army  northward,  where  the  population  was  dense 
and  the  spirit  of  defence  was  animated."  "  In  Connecti 
cut,"  he  continues,  "there  was  no  object  for  which  he 
would  be  willing  to  risk  a  general  action ;  and  only  two 
or  three  places  upon  the  coast  of  Long  Island  Sound  could 
be  kept  in  the  winter."  But  he  adds  that,  if  his  "  reen- 
forcements  had  been  forthcoming,  New  England  would 
have  'had  a  share  "in  the  general  operations  of  the  cam- 


& 

181 


182  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

paign,  while  the  main  army  acted  toward  the  southward." 
rt  To  have  moved  up  the  Hudson,  in  force,  would  have 
imperiled  New  York,  or  sacrificed  all  other  operations 
to  a  union  with  Burgoyne,  who  was  expected  to  force  his 
own  way  to  Albany."  !'  To  enter  Pennsylvania,  was  not 
only  to  assail  the  capital,  but  attempted  the  surest  road 
to  peace,  the  defeat  of  the  rebel  army." 

All  these  considerations,  thus  tersely  communicated  to 
the  British  Government,  were  sound  in  military  policy ; 
and  yet  all  of  them  had  been  anticipated  by  the  American 
Commander-in- Chief,  as  prudent  on  the  part  of  General 
Howe.  Even  very  insignificant  incidents  were  weighed 
by  him,  as  of  determining  value  in  a  nearly  balanced 
scale ;  so  that  the  number,  character  and  distribution  of 
pickets  from  the  New  York  garrison  became  valuable 
indications  to  the  keen  espionage  with  which  Washing 
ton  conducted  his  search  for  the  real  intent  of  General 
Howe's  published  or  unpublished  designs. 

The  British  fleet  had  actually  sailed  from  New  York 
before  Washington  received  Howe's  letter  of  the  second. 
Clinton  returned  to  the  city  on  the  tenth.  On  the 
fifteenth,  an  express  from  Burgoyne  informed  General 
Howe  of  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga,  and  stated,  that tf  his 
army  was  in  good  health,  and  [which  was  never  realized] 
that  Ticonderoga  would  be  garrisoned  by  troops  from 
Canada,  which  would  leave  his  force  complete  for  further 
operations."  Howe's  expedition  southward  left  New  York 
on  the  twenty-third  of  July,  and  did  not  arrive  off  the 
Delaware  until  the  thirtieth. 

Upon  the  first  disappearance  of  the  fleet,  Washington, 
suspecting  some  ruse  —  its  possible  return  and  a  move 
ment  in  support  of  Burgoyne,  or  a  descent  upon  New 
England,  or  even  New  Jersey,  started  his  army  for 
Coryell's  Ferry ;  to  be  ready  to  march  northward,  or 
eastward,  in  the  prospect  of  an  active  campaign.  When 


PENNSYLVANIA    INVADED.  183 

assured  that  the  entire  fleet  had  positively  sailed  south 
ward,  he  marched  with  exceeding  celerity  to  Philadelphia. 
Active  measures  were  initiated  for  gathering  the  militia, 
sinking  obstructions  in  the  Delaware,  and  picketing 
every  spot  along  the  river  which  might  be  utilized  for  the 
landing  of  troops.  But  the  appearance  of  the  British 
fleet  in  Delaware  Bay,  its  speedy  withdrawal,  and  its 
long  absence  clue  to  contrary  wTinds,  foiled  all  calcu 
lations  of  Washington  as  to  its  ultimate  destination.  At 
a  Council  of  War,  held  on  the  twenty-first  of  August,  it 
was  unanimously  concluded  that  Howe  had  sailed  for 
Charleston,  S.C.  But,  on  the  twenty-second,  at  half- 
past  one  in  the  afternoon,  Washington  received  the  fol 
lowing  despatch  from  President  Hancock  :  "This  moment 
an  express  arrived  from  Maryland  with  an  account  of  near 
two  hundred  sail  of  General  Howe's  fleet  being  anchored 
in  Chesapeake  Bay." 

This  information  was  received  with  the  most  intense  in 
terest.  In  the  face  of  slow  enlistments,  scarcity  of  funds, 
and  deficiencies  in  clothing  and  all  military  supplies,  the 
transfer  of  British  military  operations  from  the  Hudson 
wras  regarded  as  an  indication  that  New  Jersey  had  been 
substantially  recovered  from  British  aggression,  and  that 
Washington  had  outgeneraled  his  adversary.  The  opera 
tions  of  Burgoyne  northward  could  be  taken  care  of  by  the 
rapidly  increasing  flow  of  New  England  militia  to  resist 
his  advance  ;  and  the  Pennsylvania  people  were  wide  awake. 

The  army  of  Washington  paraded  through  Philadelphia, 
gayly  decorated  with  evergreens.  The  enthusiasm  of  the 
soldiers,  rank  and  file,  received  fresh  inspiration  from  the 
almost  wild  demonstrations  of  thousands  who  bordered 
their  course  of  march.  Incessant  cheering,  loud  greet 
ings  of  encouragement,  as  well  as  bountiful  gifts  of  deli 
cacies  and  of  useful  conveniences  for  the  camp  or  march, 
sent  them  forward  hopeful  and  happy. 


184  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

The  American  army  which  finally  marched  against 
General  Howe's  well  equipped  force  of  nearly  eighteen 
thousand  men  was  of  the  nominal  strength  of  fourteen 
thousand ;  but  the  entire  roster  added  up  not  quite 
eleven  thousand  "  effectives,  present  for  duty." 

The  thoughtful  reader,  of  whatever  age  or  training,  is 
prompted  to  linger  here  a  moment,  and  catch  a  parting 
view  of  this  column  of  earnest  men,  so  proudly  and  joy 
fully  marching  to  meet  in  battle  the  magnificent  array  of 
Britain's  chief  captains  and  most  honored  battalions,  the 
famous  Grenadiers  of  Hanau,  and  the  dragoons  and  lancers 
of  Hesse.  When  all  are  waiting  for  the  advance,  who  is 
that  man  who  swiftly  rides  past  the  column  to  its  front, 
erect  in  saddle,  calm,  self-reliant,  imposing  in  presence, 
and  with  face  radiant  in  confidence  and  trust?  What  sort 
of  faith  is  that  which  inspires  the  utterance,  which  rings 
like  that  of  the  Hebrew  Captain  when  about  to  face  the 
horsemen  and  chariots  of  the  P^gyptian  Pharaoh :  "  Tell 
the  people  that  they  go  forward  "  ?  How  dare  this  Ameri 
can  soldier  reckon  upon  chances  for  victory  in  such  an 
unequal  measurement  of  physical  force,  unless  he  discern; 
through  plainest  garb,  the  proof-panoply  of  those  whose 
cause  is  just?  And  whence  the  inspiration  of  those  men 
of  brawn,  whose  nerves  seemed  turned  to  steel,  that  they 
are  so  firmly  and  confidently  ready  to  enter  into  the  try 
ing  ordeal  of  battle. 

It  i8  the  Continental  Army  of  America,  with  Washing 
ton  in  command! 

Only  short  halts  at  Derby,  Chester  and  Wilmington 
delayed  their  march  ;  and  after  each  halt,  that  single  word, 
"  Forward  !  "  as  it  ran  down  the  lines,  brigade  after  brigade, 
again  brought  shouts  from  spectators  and  soldiers  alike. 

General  Sullivan,  who  had  been  detained  in  New  Jersey 
to  make  an  attack  upon  the  British  posts  on  Staten  Island 
which  failed  of  its  anticipated  success,  joined; the  com- 


PENNSYLVANIA    INVADED.  185 

luand  just  in  time  for  Brandywine.  There  was  no  timidity 
in  this  advancing  army.  Every  heart  beat  with  steady 
cadence.  Maxwell,  with  a  selected  corps  of  one  hundred 
men  from  each  brigade,  supplied  the  place  of  Morgan's 
Rifles,  then  with  the  northern  army.  He  pushed  forward 
even  to  Elk  River,  accompanied  by  the  youthful  Lafay 
ette,  hoping  to  save  some  stores  gathered  there  before  the 
British  could  effect  a  landing,  and  possibly  to  obstruct 
the  landing  itself. 

This  was  on  September  third ;  but  too  late  to  save  the 
stores,  for  the  British  were  already  encamped.  A  sharp 
skirmish  with  Cornwallis  was  reported  by  General  rllbwe 
to  have  resulted  in  a  British  loss  of  two  officers  and 
twenty-two  men,  killed  or  wounded. 

On  the  seventh,  the  entire  army  reached  Newport,  arid 
took  position  along  Red  Clay  Creek.  On  the  same  day, 
General  Howe  occupied  Iron  Hill,  within  eight  miles 
of  Red  Clay,  and  again  the  American  Rifles  hajl  a  skir 
mish  with  the  British  advance.  These  picked  men  delib 
erately  took  up  position  after  position,  and  only  yielded 
to  superior  force  as  they  slowly  retired.  The  confidence 
of  Washington  was  everywhere  fully  realized.  On  the 
eighth,  the  British  army  demonstrated  in  force  ;  with  view 
to  turning  the  right  of  Washington,  and  to  cut  him  oft* 
from  communication  with  Philadelphia.  At  half-past 
nine  of  the  morning  of  the  ninth,  pursuant  to  the  unani 
mous  vote  of  a  council  of  officers,  Washington  took  up  a 
new  position,  selected  by  General  Greene,  on  the  east 
bank  of  the  Brandywine  and  on  high  ground,  just  back 
of  Chadd's  Ford,  and  commanding  the  Chester  and  Phila 
delphia  road.  The  Battle  of  Brandywine  followed.  The 
space  which  has  been  allowed  for  this  narrative  can  admit 
only  such  leading  incidents  as  unfold  Washington's  gen 
eral  management,  and  the  ultimate  results. 

A  reference  to  the  map  will  aid  the;  reader  to  under- 


180  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

stand  the  relative  positions  of  the  opposing  armies.  The 
American  army  was  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  river, 
which  was  quite  rugged  of  approach  and  easily  defended. 
Its  left  wing,  southward,  began  with  Armstrong's  Penn 
sylvania  militia.  At  the  next  ford,  Chadd's,  and  nearly 
as  far  as  Brinton's,  are  Weedon,  Muhlenburg  and  Wayne, 
with  Proctor's  artillery  in  their  rear,  behind  light  earth 
works  thrown  up  in  haste.  In  their  rear,  on  still  higher 
ground,  is  the  reserve  division  of  General  Greene,  with 
Washington's  headquarters.  Next  in  order,  up  the  river, 
are  the  divisions  of  Sullivan,  Stephen  and  Stirling,  each 
of  two  brigades  —  with  Sullivan  in  virtual  command,  and 
Stirling,  next  in  rank,  commanding  the  right  division  — • 
and  practically  reaching  Jones'  Ford.  Major  Spear  had 
charge  of  scouts  extended  as  far  as  the  forks  of  the 
Brandywine  and  the  adjacent  fords,  both  below  and  above 
the  forks.  The  upper  ford,  Jeffries,  was  not  thoroughly 
watched,  and  its  distance  almost  precluded  the  liability 
of  its  use.  A  road  from  Jones'  Ford  runs  perpendicularly 
to  the  riyer,  over  to  the  Dilworth  and  Winchester  road, 
and  just  before  reaching  the  Birmingham  Meeting  House, 
passes  high,  rough  and  wooded  ground,  where  the  chief 
fighting  took  place.  The  British  encampment  on  the 
tenth  is  indicated  at  the  left  of  the  map. 

On  the  morning  of  the  eleventh,  Maxwell  crossed  at 
Chadd's  Ford ;  advanced  to  Kennett  Meeting  House,  and 
skirmished  with  Knyphausen,  until  compelled  by  a  supe 
rior  force  to  fall  back  to  high  ground  near  the  river. 
Porterfield  and  Waggoner  crossed  at  his  left  and  attacked 
Ferguson's  Rifles.  Knyphausen  brought  up  two  brigades, 
with  guns ;  and  this  force,  with  the  Queen's  Rangers,  on 
Knyphausen's  extreme  right,  compelled  both  American 
detachments  to  recross  the  river.  The  American  casu 
alties  were  sixty,  and  those  of  the  Hessian  and  British 
troops  about  one  hundred  and  thirty.  A  fog  along  the 


BATTLE    OF    BRANDYWINE.  187 

river  had  facilitated  Maxwell's  operations ;  but  it  pre 
vented  the  American  scouts  from  gaining  accurate  data  as 
to  the  movements  of  the  British.  While  Knyphausen  was 
demonstrating  as  if  to  force  a  crossing  at  Chadd's  Ford, 
Cornwallis  was  reported  to  be  moving  with  five  thousand 
men  and  artillery  toward  a  ford  near  the  forks  of  the 
Brandy  wine.  Bland  had  crossed  at  Jones'  Ford,  between 
nine  and  ten  in  the  morning,  and  reported  this  movement 
of  Cornwallis.  Washington  ordered  Sullivan  to  cross 
and  attack  CornwTallis,  while  he  intended  to  cross  at 
Chadd's  Ford,  in  person,  and  attack  Knyphausen,  assign 
ing  to  General  Greene  an  intermediate  crossing,  to  strike 
the  left  of  the  Hessian  general.  When  the  fog  disap 
peared,  there  was  no  evidence  of  the  whereabouts  of  the 
British  column.  It  seemed  hardly  possible  that  it  had 
gone  further  up  the  river ;  while,  if  it  had  joined  Kny 
phausen,  the  force  was  too  strong  to  be  attacked.  Wash 
ington  therefore  revoked  his  orders,  and  withdrew  the 
skirmish  party  that  had  already  made  the  crossing.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  movement  of  Cornwallis  was  but  a 
flanking  support  to  the  advance  of  the  entire  British 
army ;  while  Knyphausen's  advance  towards  Chadd's 
Ford,  although  prepared  to  cross,  if  opportunity  favored, 
was  a  ruse  to  draw  attention  from  General  Howe's  splen 
did  manoeuvre.  That  officer  left  Kennett  Square  at  day 
light,  marched  seventeen  miles,  and  by  two  o'clock  had 
crossed  the  upper  fork  of  the  Brandy  wine,  and  was 
moving  down  upon  the  right  of  the  entire  American 
army. 

As  soon  as  advised  that  the  British  were  advancing, 

o  ' 

Washington  ordered  Sullivan  to  bring  the  entire  right 
wing  into  position  to  oppose  their  progress.  The  woods 
were  dense  and  the  surface  was  rocky,  so  that  three  divi 
sions  must  swing  back  and  present  to  the  British  advance 
a  new  front,  almost  perpendicular  to  that  with  which  they 


188  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

had  previously  faced  the  river.  But  it  would  bring  them 
to  the  high  ground,  before  noticed,  between  Birmingham 
Meeting  House  and  the  river.  This  movement,  which 
practically  involved  one  of  the  most  difficult  elements  of 
Grand  Tactics,  —  defined  in  the  Preface  as  the  "Art  of 
handling  force  on  the  battlefield,"  —  was  not  within  Gen 
eral  Sullivan's  capacity.  The  best  troops  in  the  world 
would  have  found  it  slow  of  execution,  while  no  less 
vital  to  success  in  the  existing  emergency.  It  required 
of  the  division  commanders  just  that  kind  of  familiarity 
with  combined  movements  of  brigades  and  divisions, 
Avhich  is  required  of  regiments  in  a  single  brigade,  or  of 
companies  in  a  regiment.  Sullivan  could  not  at  the 
same  time  command  the  Grand  Division,  or  Corps,  and 
his  own  division  proper,  unless  able  to  place  that  division 
in  charge  of  a  brigadier-general  who  was  fully  competent 
to  command  a  division.  It  is  also  to  be  borne  in  mind 
that  the  woods,  rocks,  undergrowth,  and  suddenness  of 
the  order  complicated  the  movement.  Stirling  and 
Stephen  succeeded  in  gaining  the  new  position,  barely 
in  time  to  meet  the  assault  of  Cormvallis,  without  time 
for  intrenching  to  any  effect.  Sullivan's  Division  fell 
into  such  disorder,  that  after  sending  four  aides,  and  then 
a  personal  appeal,  he  gave  up  the  attempt  to  rally  his 
division.  He  says  :  "  Some  rallied,  others  could  not  be 
brought  even  by  their  officers  to  do  anything  but  fly." 
Only  three  of  his  regiments  —  those  of  Hazen,  Dayton 
and  Ogden,  ever  reliable  —  gained  and  firmly  held  the 
new  position  throughout  the  battle. 

The  enemy,  which  had  formed  behind  Osborne's  Hill, 
advanced  rapidly,  Cornwallis  in  the  lead.  The  resistance 
was  stubborn  and  well  maintained,  as  General  Howe 
admitted,  from  three  o'clock  until  sunset.  Sullivan,  upon 
finding  himself  powerless  to  rally  and  move  his  own 
division,  while  he  was  responsible  for  the  entire  combined 


BATTLE    OF    BRANDYWINE.  189 

movement,  went  to  the  battlefield  and  was  conspicuous 
for  bravery  during  the  day.  The  resistance  of  Stirling 
and  Stephen  was  admirable  ;  but  the  brigade  of  Deborre, 
a  French  general,  broke  and  fled,  in  wild  disorder.  The 
absence  of  Sullivan's  Division  left  a  gap  on  the  American 
left  of  nearly  half  a  mile,  and  Deborre's  cowardice  shat 
tered  the  right  wing. 

As  soon  as  the  right  wing  gave  way,  Washington 
hastened,  with  Greene,  to  the  front.  There  was  no  retreat 
except  toward  Dilworth.  By  a  direct  march  of  nearly 
four  miles  in  fifty  minutes,  and  a  wheel  to  the  left,  of 
half  a  mile,  Washington  was  enabled  to  occupy  a  defile 
from  which  to  open  a  passage  for  the  retreating  battal 
ions.  He  then  closed  in  upon  their  rear,  and  prolonged 
the  resistance  with  vigor.  In  an  orchard  beyond  Dil 
worth,  three  regiments  made  another  stand.  Night  sep 
arated  the  twTo  armies.  Stirling  and  Stephen  saved  both 
artillery  and  baggage.  Armstrong's  brigade,  on  the  ex 
treme  left,  below  Chadd's  Ford,  was  not  engaged :  but, 
together  with  Maxwell's,  and  Wayne,  who  was  compelled 
to  abandon  his  guns,  joined  the  main  army,  without  fur 
ther  loss.  They  had,  however,  kept  Knyphausen  beyond 
the  river.  The  entire  army  fell  back  to  Chester.  The 
American  casualties  were  seven  hundred  and  eighty,  and 
those  of  the  British  were  six  hundred.  Lafayette  lost 
a  horse,  and  was  himself  wounded,  in  this  his  first  service 
after  receipt  of  his  commission. 

Deborre  was  dismissed  for  cowardice.  Conflicts  as  to 
the  defective  reconnoissance  that  nearly  sacrificed  the 
army  arose,  which  need  not  be  discussed.  In  justice  to 
General  Sullivan,  Washington  wrote  a  letter  responsive 
to  his  request  for  some  testimonial  to  submit  to  Congress, 
which  is  here  given  in  part :  "  With  respect  to  your  other 
query,  whether  your  being  posted  on  the  right  was  to 
guard  that  flank,  and  whether  you  had  neglected  it,  I  can 


190  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

only  observe  that  the  only  obvious  if  not  the  declared  pur 
pose  of  your  being  there,  implied  every  necessary  pre 
caution  for  the  security  of  that  flank.  But  it  is  at  the 
same  time  to  be  remarked,  that  all  the  fords  above 
Chadd's  from  which  we  were  taught  to  apprehend  danger 
were  guarded  by  detachments  from  your  division,  and 
that  we  were  led  to  believe  by  those  whom  we  had  every 
reason  to  think  well  acquainted  with  the  country,  that  no 
ford  above  our  picket-lines  could  be  passed  without  mak 
ing  a  very  circuitous  march."  The  British  army  re 
mained  on  the  field  ;  and  the  wounded  of  both  armies  were 
properly  cared  for  by  General  Howe.  His  skill  as  a 
scientific  soldier  was  again  illustrated,  as  well  as  his  habit 
ual  failure  to  follow  up  a  first  success  ;  but  he  was  under 
peculiar  conditions  which  must  have  influenced  his  judg 
ment.  His  army  had  left  its  ships,  which  had  been 
ordered  to  go  to  the  Delaware  ;  as  his  objective  was  the 
capture  of  Philadelphia,  after  first  destroying  the  Ameri 
can  army.  That  army  had  retreated  in  remarkable  order 
and  under  good  control.  Humanity  alone  would  have 
persuaded  Howe  to  care  for  the  wounded,  and  a  night 
pursuit,  of  the  Americans  through  that  country,  would 
have  been  a  wild  venture. 

Washington's  despatch  to  President  Hancock  announc 
ing  his  retreat  to  Chester,  was  dated  from  that  place  at 
midnight,  September  11,  1777.  The  wonderful  presence 
of  mind  of  the  American  Comrnander-in-Chief,  his  aptitude 
for  emergencies,  and  his  extraordinary  capacity  for  mak 
ing  the  most  of  raw  troops,  were  never  more  thoroughly 
evinced  during  his  entire  public  career.  The  uneven 
ground,  dense  woods,  and  facilities  for  good  rifle-practice, 
were  features  favorable  to  inspire  his  troops  with  special 
resisting  capacity  :  and  it  is  not  beyond  a  fair  presump 
tion  to  suggest  that,  if  the  main  army  had  been  allowed 
two  hours  for  fortifying  their  position,  the  British,  accus- 


BATTLE    OF    BRAND YWINE.  191 

tomed  to  fighting  in  close  order,  would  have  been  repulsed. 
It  is  certain  that  General  Howe  had  skilful  as  well  as  will 
ing  guides,  to  secure  to  him,  by  so  long  a  detour,  his 
surprise  of  Sullivan's  right  wing.  That  was  part  of  the 
same  toryism  of  that  period  which  a  few  days  later,  and 
not  far  away,  betrayed  Wayne's  forces,  with  great  loss. 
But  with  all  the  mistakes,  and  the  retreat  of  the  Ameri 
can  army,  there  was  much  of  hope  in  the  experience  and 
in  the  sequel  of  the  Battle  of  Brandy  wine. 

NOTE.  —  Lafayette,  or  LaFayette,  makes  his  first  appearance 
in  this  battle.  At  that  period  "  affix-names,"  derived  from  fiefs, 
seigniories,  or  estates,  long  held  by  families,  were  emphasized. 
Hence,  La  villa  Faya,  in  Auvergne,  when  acquired,  was  added  to 
the  family  name  Metier.  In  the  parish  register,  now  in  the  war 
archives  of  France,  the  name  is  thus  recorded :  "  Marie-Joseph- 
Paul-Yves-Rock-Gilbert  Dumotier  Lafayette."  He  signed  his  name 
Lafayette,  and  his  grandsons,  Senators  Oscar  and  Edmond  Lafayette, 
followed  his  example.  The  permanent  acceptance  of  the  spelling 
Lafayette  is  therefore  fully  warranted,  and  harmonizes  with  its  use 
for  counties  and  cities  in  many  of  the  States. 

This  gallant  young  volunteer  in  the  cause  of  American  Independ 
ence,  attended  by  Baron  John  De  Kalb,  and  nine  others,  came  to 
America  in  the  ship  Victoire,  chartered  by  himself;  and  on  the  19th 
of  June,  Lafayette  wrote  to  his  wife  of  his  enthusiastic  welcome  at 
Charleston,  S.C.  On  the  27th  of  July,  he  reached  Philadelphia. 
He  was  commissioned  Major-General  by  the  American  Congress, 
and  took  his  first  seat  at  a  Council  of  War,  August  21st,  when  the 
movement  of  the  American  army  against  Howe  was  under  ad 
visement. 


CHAPTER    XIX. 

WASHINGTON      RESUMES      THE      OFFENSIVE.  --  BATTLE     OF 
GEBMANTOWN. 

"TTJ'ASHINGTON  marched  directly  to  Philadelphia  to 
V  V  refit  his  army  and  secure  ammunition  and  provi 
sions,  and  thence  marched  to  Germantown,  "  for  one  day 
of  rest."  His  confidence  was  not  abated.  The  brave 
soldiers  who  had  left  Philadelphia  with  such  jubilant 
anticipations  of  victory,  were  conscious  of  having  fought 
well  against  a  superior  force,  and  were  never  more  willing 
to  honor  the  confidence  of  their  Commander-in-Chief. 
And  Washington  himself  was  not  hurried,  but  system 
atic  and  constantly  in  motion.  On  •  the  thirteenth  he 
ordered  Monsieur  de  Coudray  to  complete  defensive  works 
along  the  Delaware  River ;  General  Putnam,  to  forward 
fifteen  hundred  Continental  troops  ;  and  General  Arm 
strong,  to  occupy  the  line  of  the  Schuylkill,  as  well  as  to 
throw  up  redoubts  near  its  fords,  in  case  he  should  find 
it  desirable  to  cross  that  river. 

The  left  wing  of  General  Howe's  army  demonstrated 
toward  Reading  and  Philadelphia.  The  right  wing,  under 
Generals  Grant  and  Cornwallis,  reached  Chester  on  the 
thirteenth.  General  Howe  had  taken  care  of  the  wounded 
of  both  armies,  but  was  compelled  to  obtain  surgeons  from 
Washington  to  assist  in  that  duty.  At  Wilmington,  he 
captured  the  governor,  and  considerable  coin  which  he 
proposed  to  use  for  the  benefit  of  the  wounded  of  both 
armies.  Inasmuch  as  Grant  and  Cornwallis  were  practi- 

192 


WASHINGTON    RESUMES    THE    OFFENSIVE.       193 

callv  in  the  rear  of  the  American  army,  lie  proposed  to 
march  to  Philadelphia  via  Germantown  ;  and  both  threaten 
the  city,  and  cut  off  Washington  from  retreat  northward 
or  westward.  But,  on  the  fifteenth,  Washington  crossed 
the  Sehuylkill  at  Swede's  Ford  ;  so  that  Howe's  halt,  even 
of  a  single  day,  on  the  battlefield,  rendered  it  useless  for 
him  to  make  a  forced  march  to  the  city ;  and  his  oppor 
tunity  was  lost. 

Washington  moved  out  on  the  Lancaster  road  as  far  as 
Warren  tavern.  Howe,  watching  his  keen  adversary, 
advanced  toward  Westchester,  and  both  armies  prepared 
for  battle.  Howe  made  a  partly  successful  attempt  to 
throw  the  American  army  back  upon  the  Sehuylkill  River, 
and  both  armies  were  prepared  for  action  ;  when  a  heavy 
rain  which  nearly  ruined  the  ammunition  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  and  "  directly  in  the  faces  of  the  British  troops,"  as 
reported  by  Howe,  averted  battle.  Washington  left 
Wayne,  however,  with  fifteen  hundred  troops,  in  a  strong 
position  at  Paoli  (Wayne's  birthplace),  with  orders  to 
fall  upon  the  British  rear  so  soon  as  it  should  break  camp, 
and  then  moved  to  Yellow  Springs  and  Warwick  ;  but 
upon  finding  that  Howe  did  not  intend  to  attack  Reading, 
recrossed  the  Sehuylkill  at  Parkes'  Ford,  and  encamped  on 
thePerkiomy,  September  seventeenth.  On  the  twentieth, 
Wayne  allowed  himself  to  be  surprised  at  night,  through 
the  treachery  of  the  country  people,  his  old  neighbors  ; 
and  left  more  than  three  hundred  of  his  force  as  prisoners 
in  the  hands  of  General  Gray,  although  saving  his  guns 
and  most  of  his  baggage.  General  Smallwood's  brigade, 
left  by  General  Washington  for  Wayne's  support,  and 
encamped  but  a  mile  distant,  failed  to  be  in  time  to  render 
aid  during  the  night  attack.  This  disaster  took  all 
pressure  from  Howe's  army,  and  he  moved  on.  Wash 
ington  reports  as  to  Howe's  movement :  "  They  had  got 
so  far  the  start  before  I  received  certain  intelligence  that 


194  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

tiny  considerable  number  had  crossed,  that  I  found  it  in 
vain  to  think  of  overtaking  their  rear,  with  troops  har 
assed  as  ours  had  been  by  constant  marching  since  the 
Battle  of  Brandy  wine."  Colonel  Hamilton  was  sent  to 
Philadelphia  to  force  a  contribution  of  shoes  from  the  in 
habitants,  as  "  one  thousand  of  his  army  were  barefooted." 

The  simplest  possible  recital  of  these  days  of  active 
marching,  sufficiently  indicates  the  character  of  those 
brave  troops  whose  confidence  in  Washington  seemed  as 
responsive  to  his  will  as  if  his  nervous  activities  embraced 
theirs  as  well. 

A  small  portion  of  the  British  left  wing  crossed  at 
( Gordon's  Ford  on  the  twenty-second,  and  the  main  body 
at  Flatland  Ford,  on  the  twenty-third,  reaching  German- 
town  on  the  twenty-fifth.  On  the  twenty-seventh,  Corn- 
wallis  entered  Philadelphia.  Colonel  Sterling  of  the 
British  army  was  sent  to  operate  against  the  defences  of 
the  Delaware,  —  and  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Howe  was 
already  on  its  way  to  Philadelphia. 

The  boldness  of  Washington's  attempt  on  the  rear  of 
Howe's  army,  and  all  his  action  immediately  after  the 
Battle  of  Brandy  wine,  were  a  striking  indication  of  his 
purpose  to  retain  the  gage  of  battle  in  his  own  hands. 
He  sent  a  peremptory  order  to  General  Putnam,  who  was 
constantly  making  ill-advised  attempts  upon  the  out 
posts  of  New  York,  to  send  him  twenty-five  hundred  men 
without  delay ;  and  most  significant  of  all,  directed  him 
"  so  to  use  militia,  that  the  posts  in  the  Highland  might 
be  perfectly  safe."  Congress  immediately  adjourned  to 
Lancaster,  —  and  then  to  York,  — after  enlarging  Wash 
ington's  powers  ;  and  General  Gates  was  ordered  to  send 
Morgan's  riflemen  to  headquarters.  This,  however,  he 
delayed  to  do  until  after  the  close  of  the  northern  cam 
paign. 

General  Howe  established  his  headquarters  at  German- 


BATTLE    OF    GERMANTOWN.  195 

town,  having  been  one  month  in  marching  from  the  head 
of  the  Elk  to  Philadelphia,  a  distance  of  fifty-four  miles. 
xThe  town  of  Germantown  consisted  of  a  single  street, 
not  so  straight  that  a  complete  range  of  fire  could  reach  its 
entire  length,  nor  so  uniform  in  grade  that  a  gun  at  Mt. 
Aury,  its  summit,  could  have  a  clean  sweep.  The  head 
quarters  of  Washington  were  near  Pennebeck  Mills, 
twenty  miles  from  Philadelphia.  At  seven  o'clock  of 
the  evening  of  October  third,  he  moved  with  two-thirds 
of  his  army  by  four  roads  which  more  or  less  directly 
approached  the  British  encampments,  intending  to  gain 
proximate  positions,  rest  his  troops,  and  attack  the  entire 
British  line  at  daybreak.  The  plan  of  the  movement  is 
of  interest  for  its  boldness  and  good  method.  The  inci 
dents  of  the  morning,  which  by  reason  of  fog  and  other 
mishaps  rendered  the  battle  less  decisive,  will  not  be 
fully  detailed.1  The  woods,  ravines,  and  difficulties  in 
the  way  of  clear  recognition  between  friend  and  foe,  in 
that  engagement,  only  enhance  the  value  of  the  general 
plan,  and  of  the  cool  self-possession  and  control  of  his 
army  which  enabled  Washington  to  terminate  the  action 
without  greater  loss. 

Sullivan  and  Wayne,  with  Conway  in  advance  as  a 
flanking  corps,  were  to  move  directly  over  Chestnut  Hill 
and  enter  the  town.  Maxwell  and  Nash,  under  Major- 
General  Stirling,  were  to  follow  this  column  as  a  reserve. 
Armstrong,  with  the  Pennsylvania  militia,  was  sent  down 
the  Manatawny  River  road,  to  cross  the  Wissahickon 
Creek,  and  fall  upon  the  British  left  wing  and  rear.  Greene 
and  Stephen,  led  and  flanked  by  McDougalPs  Brigade, 
were  to  move  by  the  Limestone  Road,  enter  the  village  at 
the  Market  House,  and  attack  the  British  right  wing. 
Generals  Small  wood  and  Forman,  with  the  Maryland  and 
New  Jersey  militia,  were  to  follow  the  old  York  road  until 

1  See  "  Battles  of  the  American  Revolution,"  Chapter  LI. 


196  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

\ 
a    convenient    opportunity    should    bring    them     to    the 

extreme  right  and  rear  of  the  enemy.      (See  map.) 

Washington  accompanied  Sullivan's  command ;  and 
was  able,  from  his  advanced  position,  early  in  the  fight, 
to  appreciate  that  by  the  failure  of  an  identity  of  support 
on  the  part  of  the  most  remote  divisions,  the  withdrawal 
of  the  army  had  become  necessary.  The  occupation  of 
the  stone  building,  known  as  the  Chew  House,  on  the 
main  street,  had  little  significance ;  except  that  it  misled 
the  outlying  divisions  as  to  the  real  centre  of  conflict,  and 
detained  the  rear-guard  and  reserve  longer  than  neces 
sary.  The  concurrent  action  of  all  the  assailing  columns, 
in  the  directions  indicated  by  their  orders,  would  have 
made  the  issue  a  well-balanced  question  of  victory  or  fail 
ure.  One  single  incident  is  mentioned.  General  Stephen 
left  Greene's  command  without  orders,  and  moved  toward 
the  sound  of  firing  at  the  Chew  House,  only  to  find  him 
self  firing  into  Wayne's  command,  which  was  in  its  right 
place.  He  was  dismissed,  on  charges  of  intoxication. 

General  Sullivan  was  in  his  best  element  when  under 
superior  command ;  and  his  conduct  on  this  occasion  was 
admirable.  His  two  aides  were  killed,  and  his  division 
rendered  most  efficient  service.  General  Nash  was  among 
the  killed,  and  the  American  casualties  numbered  six  hun 
dred  and  seventy-three,  besides  four  hundred  and  twelve 
prisoners. 

The  British  casualties  were  five  hundred  and  thirty-five, 
but  among  the  killed  were  General  Agnew  and  Lieuten 
ant-Colonel  Bird. 

Washington  regained  Metuchen  Hill,  very  little  dis 
turbed  by  the  small  detachments  that  hung  upon  his  rear  ; 
and  Howe  returned  to  Philadelphia,  abandoning  his  en 
campment  beyond  the  city  limits. 

The  Battle  of  Germantown  is  a  signal  illustration  of  a 
skilful  design,  and,  at  the  same  time,  of  the  ease  with 


i-4l 
:!«§ 


/W^  * 

J  .   J     JiS 
Ji 


BATTLE    OF    GERMANTOWN.  197 

which  11  victory  almost  achieved  can  be  as  quickly  lost. 
Its  effect  upon  European  minds  was  signally  impressive, 
as  will  hereafter  more  fully  appear.  Count  de  Vergennes, 
the  French  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  in  speaking  of 
the  report  of  this  battle  which  reached  him  December 
12th,  said :  "Nothing  has  struck  me  so  much,  as  General 
Washington's  attacking  and  giving  battle  to  General 
Howe's  army.  To  bring  troops  raised  within  the  year, 
to  do  this,  promises  everything." 


CHAPTER  XX. 

JEALOUSY  AND  GREED  DEFEATED.  VALLEY  FORGE. 

THE  struggle  for  American  independence  and  the 
career  of  the  American  Commander-in-Chief  very 
minutely  foreshadowed  the  experience  of  most  successful 
soldiers  with  the  political  manipulations  of  partisans  in 
Congress  ever  since.  The  "  On  to  Richmond,"  and  the 
"On  to  Washington  "  cries  of  1861,  and  the  fluctuations 
of  the  popular  pulse  with  the  incidents  of  successive 
campaigns  in  the  civil  war,  were  used  by  demagogues 
for  selfish  ends.  But  the  same  spirit  had  shown  itself  in 
a  degree  quite  as  repugnant  to  devoted  sons  of  liberty, 
during  the  throes  which  accompanied  this  nation's  birth. 

Nothing  seemed  too  exacting  as  a  test  of  the  American 
Commander-in-Chief.  As  the  war  enlarged  its  scope, 
and  the  prospects  of  success  brightened  for  the  moment, 
clamorous  aspirants  for  office  multiplied.  The  personal 
bravery  of  the  soldier  was  magnified  at  the  expense  of 
discipline.  The  slow  progress  of  the  army  was  charged  to 
excessive  caution.  Nothing,  so  far  as  politicians  were 
concerned,  was  deemed  too  hard  for  the  American  militia, 
if  only  the  right  sort  of  a  quack  administered  their  action, 
and  led  them  to  its  tests.  But  the  consciousness  of 
unselfish  devotion  to  duty,  never  boldly  impeached, 
and  ever  unimpeachable,  sustained  Washington.  Amid 
these  clamors  for  office  and  preferment  from  Congress 
men  and  politicians,  his  faith  in  righteous  methods,  in 
patient  training,  in  kind  and  considerate  treatment  of 

198 


JEALOUSY    OF    WASHINGTON.  199 

all  who  took  part  in  the  struggle,  whatever  their  ante 
cedents  or  rank,  never  for  a  moment  swerved.  His  pur 
pose  and  his  self-control  matured,  until  he  attained  such 
calm  contempt  for  jealousy  and  intrigue  that  he  could 
move  on  through  the  deepest  waters,  regardless  of  rest 
less,  dashing  wave-crests. 

The  Battle  of  Germantown,  and  Howe's  abandonment 
of  his  suburban  encampment,  naturally  suggested  the 
immediate  occupation  of  Philadelphia  by  the  American 
army.  It,  like  Boston,  "must  be  seized"  at  once.  The 
"  almost "  victory  on  the  fourth  of  October,  blinded  the 
vision  of  many  to  the  broader  range  of  national  activity 
which  Washington's  supervision  embraced.  Xews  of  the 
surrender  of  Burgoyne  reached  his  headquarters  on  the 
eighteenth  day  of  October.  He  promptly  congratulated 
General  Gates  and  the  northern  army,  in  terms  of  most 
gracious  sincerity  and  emphasis.  And  yet,  General 
Gates  presumed  to  send  his  Report  to  Congress  direct, 
and  not  to  his  Conimander-in-Chief.  Then,  the  "almost" 
victory  of  Washington  over  Howe,  at  Germantown,  was 
contrasted  with  the  complete  victory  of  Gates  over  Bur 
goyne.  The  fact  that  Washington  fought  with  fewer 
numbers,  and  these,  of  hungry,  poorly  armed  men, 
nearly  worn  out  by  marches  and  counter-marches,  while 
the  northern  army,  three  to  one  of  their  adversaries, 
simply  penned  up  first,  and  then  starved  out,  a  force  that 
had  not  rations  for  another  day,  counted  little  with  these 
pseudo-scientific  experts.  And  yet,  let  it  ever  be  re 
membered,  that  the  British  garrison  of  Philadelphia  was 
not  panting  for  any  more  field-service.  The  very  restric 
tion  of  that  garrison  to  city  limits  and  the  immediate 
suburbs,  proved  not  only  subversive  of  their  discipline 
and  ejpciency,  but  ultimately  vindicated  the  wisdom  of 
Washington.  He  saw  distinctly,  just  how  its  partial 
inaction  afforded  him  time  to  mature  his  own  armv 


•200  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

organization ;  while  the  garrison  of  New  York  must,  of 
necessity,  be  kept  equally  passive,  for  lack  of  this  very 
strong  detachment  which  idled  in  barracks,  on  the  banks 
of  the  Delaware. 

But  while  the  garrison  of  Philadelphia  limited  its  ex 
cursions  to  plundering  farms  and  the  country  adjacent 
for  wood,  forage  and  provisions  generally,  both  com 
manding  generals  were  studying  the  relations  of  the 
Delaware  River  to  the  conduct  of  all  future  operations 
upon  any  decisive  scale.  The  river  had  been  so  ob 
structed  that  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Howe,  which  had  been 
compelled  to  land  his  army  at  the  head  of  the  Chesapeake 
in  September,  could  not  yet  communicate  with  the  army 
since  it  gained  the  city.  He  arrived  oft*  Newcastle  on 
the  sixth  day  of  October.  Washington  realized  that  by 
retaining  control  of  the  Delaware  he  not  only  restricted 
the  supply  of  provisions  and  military  stores  to  the  garri 
son,  but  retained  easy  communications  with  New  Jersey 
and  the  Camps  of  Instruction  and  rendezvous  at  the 
adequately  fortified  posts  of  Morristown  and  Middlebrook. 

At  Billingsport,  chevaux-de-frise  obstructed  the  channel. 
Just  below  the  mouth  of  the  Schuylkill  was  Fort  Mifflin, 
on  Mud  Island.  On  the  opposite  shore,  at  Red  Bank, 
was  Fort  Mercer.  Washington  determined  to  maintain 
these  posts,  or  make  their  acquisition  by  the  enemy  most 
costly  in  men  and  materials.  His  foresight  grasped,  as 
if  in  hand,  the  rapidly  maturing  facts,  that  Britain  could 
not  much  longer  meet  the  drain  of  the  American  war  and 
at  the  same  time  hold  her  own  against  her  European  foes  ; 
and  that  America  needed  only  a  thoroughly  concerted 
effort  to  consummate  her  independence. 

Colonel  Christopher  Green,  courageous  at  Bunker  Kill 
and  during  Arnold's  expedition  to  Canada,  was  assigned 
to  command  Fort  Mercer,  with  troops  from  his  own 
State,  Rhode  Island.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Smith,  of  Mary- 


OPERATIONS    ALONG    THE    DELAWARE.  201 

land,  with  Maryland  troops,  was  stationed  at  Fort 
Mifnin.  These  little  garrisons  were  strengthened  by  the 
detail  of  four  hundred  Continental  troops  to  each.  In 
these  details,  the  same  wisdom  marked  Washington's 
choice  :  as  Angell's  Rhode  Island  regiment  reported  to 
Greene,  and  a  portion  of  Greene's  Virginia  regiment 
reported  to  Smith. 

The  British  army  was  not  an  idle  observer  of  these 
movements.  On  the  twenty-second  of  October,  the  two 
Grenadier  regiments  of  Donop  and  Minnigerode,  and  two 
regiments  of  the  line,  with  the  Infantry  Chasseurs  (all 
Hessian),  Avith  eight  3-pounders  and  two  howitzers, 
approached  Fort  Mercer  and  demanded  its  surrender. 
They  had  crossed  at  Cooper's  Ferry  on  the  twenty-first, 
slightly  interrupted  by  skirmishers,  and  on  the  following 
morning  suddenly  emerged  from  the  woods,  expecting  an 
easy  and  an  immediate  victory.  Defiance  was  returned 
to  their  demand.  Two  assaulting  columns,  already 
formed,  made  an  immediate  and  simultaneous  advance 
upon  the  north  and  south  faces  of  the  fort.  The  garrison, 
however,  knowing  that  it  could  not  hold  the  exterior 
works,  which  were  still  incomplete,  retired  to  the  interior 
defences  :  but  still  occupied  a  curtain  of  the  old  works, 
which  afforded  an  enfilading  fire  upon  any  storming  party 
which  should  attempt  the  inner  stockade.  The  with 
drawal  of  the  garrison  from  the  exterior  works  was 
misunderstood.  The  assault  was  bold,  desperate,  and 
brilliant.  The  resistance  was  incessant,  deadly,  over 
whelming.  Colonel  Donop  fell,  mortally  wounded,  and 
near  him,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Minnigerode.  These  confi 
dent  assailants  lost,  in  less  than  sixty  minutes,  four  hundred 
men — being  one-third  of  their  entire  force.  And  still, 
one  more  attempt  was  made  at  the  escarpment  near  the 
river;  but  here  also  the  Americans  were  on  the  alert. 
Armed  galleys  in  the  stream  opened  a  raking  fire  at 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


short  range,  and  dispersed  the  assailants.  Two  British 
ships  —  the  Augusta  (64-gim  man-of-war)  ,  and  the  Merlin 
(frigate),  which  had  been  so  disposed  as  to  aid  the  as 
sault,  grounded.  On  the  next  day,  the  former  took  fire 
from  a  hot  shot,  and  blew  up,  before  her  entire  crew 
could  escape  ;  and  the  Merlin  was  burned,  to  avoid 
capture.  The  American  loss  was  fourteen  killed  and 
twenty-one  wounded.  Colonel  Donop  was  buried  care 
fully  by  Major  Fleury,  a  French  officer  in  the  American 
service,  and  his  grave  at  the  south  end  of  the  old  works 
is  still  an  object  of  interest  to  visitors.  Colonel  Greene, 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Smith,  and  Commodore  Hazlewood  of 
the  galley  service,  received  from  Washington  and  from 
Congress  worthy  testimonials  for  "  gallant  conduct." 

In  the  meantime,  the  British  had  found  two  solid  points 
of  land  amid  the  marshy  ground  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Schuylkill  River,  within  cannon-range  of  Fort  Mifflin, 
where  they  constructed  two  heavy  batteries  bearing 
upon  that  fort.  Four  32-pounders  from  the  Somerset 
and  six  24-pounders  from  the  Eagle,  with  one  13- 
inch  mortar,  were  added  to  works  erected  on  Province 
Island,  to  bring  a  more  direct  fire  upon  the  fort  than 
could  be  secured  from  the  batteries  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Schuylkill  River.  (See  map.) 

In  order  to  anticipate  a  possible  movement  of  troops 
into  New  Jersey,  in  case  of  a  successful  assault  upon 
Fort  Mifflin,  Washington  ordered  General  Yarnum's 
brigade  to  take  post  at  Woodbury,  near  Red  Bank,  and 
General  Forman  to  rally  the  New  Jersey  militia  to  his 
support.  But  the  British  made  no  attempt  to  land.  The 
later  assault  upon  the  fort,  made  on  the  tenth,  was  suc 
cessful.  Seven  ships  of  the  British  fleet  joined  in  the 
attack  ;  among  them  the  Somerset,  the  Roebuck,  and  the 
Pearl,  which  had  taken  part  in  operations  before  Boston 
and  New  York.  Lieutenant  -Colonel  Smith  was  wounded 


OPERATIONS    ALONG    THE    DELAWARE.  203 

early  in  the  action  and  removed  to  Fort  Mercer,  Major 
Thayer  succeeding  to  the  command.  Major  Fleury,  who 
planned  the  works,  was  also  wounded  ;  and  after  a  loss  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  the  remnant  of  the  garrison, 
on  the  night  of  the  fifteenth,  retired  to  Fort  Mercer.  At 
dawn  of  the  sixteenth,  the  Grenadiers  of  the  Royal  Guards 
occupied  the  island. 

The  Report  of  Washington  upon  this  action  thus  honors 
the  brave  defenders  of  Fort  Mifflin :  "  The  defence  will 
always  reflect  the  highest  honor  upon  the  officers  and  men 
of  the  garrison.  The  works  were  entirely  beat  down ; 
every  piece  of  cannon  was  dismounted,  and  one  of  the 
enemy's  ships  came  so  near  that  she  threw  grenades  from 
her  tops  into  the  fort,  and  killed  men  upon  the  platforms, 
before  they  quitted  the  island." 

On  the  eighteenth,  General  Cornwallis  landed  at  Bil- 
lingsport  in  force,  and  Washington  sent  General  Greene 
to  take  command  of  the  troops  in  New  Jersey  and  check 
his  progress  ;  but  the  demonstration  was  so  formidable 
that  the  garrison  evacuated  the  works.  The  Americans, 
unable  to  save  their  galleys,  set  fire  to  them  near  Glouces 
ter  Point ;  and  the  British  fleet  gained  the  freedom  of  the 
Delaware  River. 

During  this  movement,  Lafayette,  intrusted  with  a 
detachment  of  troops  by  General  Greene,  had  several 
skirmishes  with  the  enemy,  and  on  the  first  of  December 
was  assigned  to  command  of  the  division  left  without  a 
commander  by  the  dismissal  of  Stephen.  While  Corn 
wallis  was  on  this  detached 'service,  four  general  officers 
of  Washington's  army  against  eleven  dissenting  voted  to 
attack  General  Howe.  The  incident,  occurring  at  such 
a  period,  is  noteworthy. 

Late  in  October,  the  American  army  advanced  from 
Perkiomy  to  White  Marsh ;  General  Varnum's  Rhode 
Island  Brigade,  twelve  hundred  strong,  reported  for 


204  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

duty,  as  well  as  about  a  thousand  additional  troops  from 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland  and  Virginia.  Generals  Gates 
and  Putnam  still  retained  troops  for  their  semi-independ 
ent  commands  ;  and  General  Gates,  in  particular,  only 
grudgingly  sent  such  as  were  peremptorily  ordered  to 
report  to  Washington.  It  was  not  until  Colonel  Hamil 
ton,  Aide-de-camp,  visited  him  in  person,  that  Gates 
sent  the  troops  which  were  absolutely  indispensable  at 
army  headquarters,  and  as  absolutely  useless  at  Albany. 
His  ostentatious  proclamation  of  his  military  success  over 
Burgoyne,  and  his  criticism  of  the  tardiness  and  non- 
efficiency  of  his  Commander-in-Chief,  began  to  expose  his 
renewed  aspirations  to  succeed  to  the  chief  command. 

On  the  fourth  of  December,  General  Howe  with  a  force 
of  fourteen  thousand  men,  accompanied  by  Generals 
Knyphausen  and  Cornwallis,  advanced  to  Chestnut  Hill, 
within  three  miles  of  the  right  of  the  American  army, 
and  slight  skirmishing  ensued.  On  the  seventh,  the 
British  troops  left  Chestnut  Hill,  and  took  a  position  at 
Edge  Hill  near  the  American  left.  Morgan,  just  arrived 
from  the  northern  army,  and  the  Maryland  militia  under 
Colonel  Mordecai  Gist  (subsequently  Brigadier-General) 
had  a  sharp  skirmish  with  Cornwallis,  losing  forty-four 
men  and  inflicting  an  equal  loss  upon  the  enemy. 
Major-General  Gray  and  the  Queen's  Rangers  inflicted  a 
loss  of  about  fifty  men  upon  an  advance  post  of  the 
American  left ;  and  when  night  came  on,  the  British  pickets 
were  within  a  half  mile  of  the  American  lines,  where  bat 
tle  was  awaited  with  satisfaction  and  hopeful  expectancy. 
But  on  the  morning  of  the  eighth,  the  British  camp  disap 
peared,  for  Howe  had  suddenly  returned  to  Philadelphia. 

Howe's  Report,  dated  December  13th,  reads  as  follows  : 
rr  Upon  the  presumption  that  a  forward  movement  might 
tempt  the  enemy,  after  receiving  such  a  reenforcement 
[reported  afterwards  as  four  thousand  men] ,  to  give  battle 


JEALOUSY  AND  GREED  DEFEATED.      ~2()b 

for  the  recovery  of  this  place  [Philadelphia]  ;  or,  that  a 
vulnerable  part  might  be  found  to  admit  of  an  attack 
upon  their  camp ;  the  army  marched  out  on  the  night  of 
the  fourth  instant."  It  was  afterwards  learned  that  Howe 
had  full  knowledge  of  the  jealous  spirit  then  existing  tow 
ards  Washington,  and  that  several  of  his  generals  favored 
an  attack  upon  Philadelphia,  against  his  better  judgment. 
Washington,  in  noticing  Howe's  movement,  says :  "  I 
sincerely  wish  that  they  had  made  the  attack ;  as  the 
issue,  in  all  probability,  from  the  disposition  of  our 
troops  and  the  strong  position  of  our  camp,  would  have 
been  fortunate  and  happy.  At  the  same  time,  I  must 
add,  that  reason,  prudence,  and  every  principle  of  policy, 
forbid  us  quitting  our  post  to  attack  them.  Nothing  but 
success  would  have  justified  the  measure  ;  and  this  could 
not  be  expected  from  their  position." 

The  army  of  Washington,  nominally  eleven  thousand 
strong,  had,  says  Baron  De  Kalb,  but  seven  thousand 
effective  men  for  duty,  so  general  was  the  sickness,  from 
extreme  cold  and  the  want  of  sufficient  clothing  and  other 
necessaries  of  a  campaign.  And  yet,  under  these  condi 
tions,  Congress  placed  in  responsible  positions  those 
officers  who  were  most  officiously  antagonistic  to  the 
American  Commander-in-Chief.  On  the  sixth  of  Novem 
ber,  Gates  had  been  made  President  of  the  Board  of 
War.  Miniin,  withdrawn  from  duty  as  Quartermaster- 
General,  was  also  placed  upon  the  Board,  retaining  his 
full  rank.  On  the  twenty-eighth  of  December,  Congress 
appointed  Con  way  Major-General  and  Inspector-General, 
and  placed  him  in  communication  Avith  the  Board  of  War, 
to  act  independently  of  the  Commander-in-Chief.  Lee, 
then  a  prisoner  of  war,  through  letters  addressed  to 
Gates,  Mifflin,  Wayne  and  Conway,  united  with  them  in 
concerted  purpose  to  oppose  the  policy  of  Washington, 
and  to  dictate  his  action ;  and  more  than  this,  there  was  a 


206  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

strong  influence  brought  to  bear  upon  Congress  to  force 
Washington's  resignation,  or  removal  from  command. 

Washington,  however,  established  his  headquarters  at 
Valley  Forge,  twenty-one  miles  from  Philadelphia ;  and 
on  the  nineteenth  of  December  announced  his  winter 
quarters  by  a  formal  order.  On  the  same  day  he  sent 
General  Smallwood  to  Wilmington,  to  occupy  the  country 
south  of  Philadelphia  and  cut  off  supplies  for  that  city 
and  its  garrison.  McDougall  was  established  at  Peeks- 
kill.  Putnam  was  on  the  shore  of  Long  Island  Sound 
until  the  middle  of  December,  when  he  was  ordered  back 
to  the  Highlands.  The  absence  of  General  Mifflin  from 
the  army,  and  his  total  neglect  of  duty  as  Quartermaster- 
General,  in  which  he  had  once  been  so  efficient, 
"  caused,"  says  Washington,  "  the  want  of  two  days' 
supply  of  provisions,  and  thereby  cost  an  opportunity 
•scarcely  ever  offered,  of  taking  an  advantage  of  the 
enemy." 

It  was  an  hour  of  deep  distress  to  Washington,  Avhen, 
on  the  twenty-third  day  of  December,  1777,  he  felt  com 
pelled  to  advise  Congress  of  the  condition  of  his  army : 
"  The  numbers  had  been  reduced  since  the  fourth  of  the 
month,  only  three  weeks,  two  thousand  men,  from  hard 
ship  and  exposure.  Two  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
ninety-eight  were  unfit  for  duty,  because  barefoot  and 
otherwise  naked.  Only  eight  thousand  two  hundred 
men  were  present  for  duty."  He  added  :  "We  have  not 
more  than  three  months  in  which  to  prepare  a  great 
deal  of  business.  If  we  let  them  slip,  or  Avaste,  we  shall 
be  laboring  under  the  same  difficulties  in  the  next  cam 
paign  as  we  have  in  this,  to  rectify  mistakes  and  bring 
things  to  order.  Military  arrangements  and  movements, 
in  consequence,  like  the  mechanism  of  a  clock,  will  be  im 
perfect  and  disordered  by  the  want  of  any  part"  The  con 
cluding  clause,  italicized,  illustrates  one  of  his  peculiar 


WASHINGTON  AT  VALLEY  FORGE 
[From  the  painting  by  Scheuster.] 


JEALOUSY    AND    GREED    DEFEATED.  207 

characteristics  —  never  to  slight  the  humblest  man  or 
agency  in  his  country's  service,  and  never  to  count  any 
duty  too  small  to  be  done  well. 

At  this  time,  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  began  to 
snuff  up  some  of  the  malarious  odors  of  selfish  and  sense 
less  gossip.  They  even  remonstrated  against  his  going 
into  winter  quarters  at  all.  His  reply  was  not  wanting 
in  directness  and  clearness.  It  reads  as  follows  :  "  Gen 
tlemen  reprobate  the  going  into  winter  quarters  as  much 
as  if  they  thought  the  soldiers  were  made  of  sticks,  or 
stones.  I  can  assure  those  gentlemen  that  it  is  a  much 
easier  and  less  distressing  thing  to  remonstrate  in  a  com 
fortable  room,  than  to  occupy  a  cold  bleak  hill,  and  sleep 
under  frost  and  snow,  without  clothing  or  blankets. 
However,  as  they  seem  to  have  little  feeling  for  the 
naked  and  distressed  soldiers,  I  feel  superabundantly 
for  them,  and  from  my  soul  I  pity  their  miseries  which 
it  is  neither  in  my  power  to  relieve,  or  prevent." 

On  the  twenty-sixth,  General  Sullivan,  who  generally 
kept  aloof  from  active  participation  in  the  movements  of 
the  intriguing  class  of  officers,  urged  Washington  to 
"make  an  attempt  upon  Philadelphia,  and  risk  every 
consequence,  in  an  action."  General  Sullivan  meant 
well ;  but  the  reader  will  recognize  the  characteristic 
style  of  this  officer  under  circumstances  of  special  doubt 
as  to  "  what  is  to  be  done  next."  But  Washington 
never  wavered  in  his  purpose.  On  the  thirtieth  of 
December,  Baron  De  Kalb  was  appointed  Inspector-Gen 
eral,  vice  Con  way,  resigned.  Washington  closed  the 
year  at  Valley  Forge.  The  twelve  months  since  he  re 
crossed  the  Delaware  at  Trenton  and  out-ffeneraled 

o 

Lord  Cornwallis,  had  indeed  been  eventful.  Once  more, 
amid  snow  and  cold,  surrounded  by  faithful  but  suffering 
thousands,  he  plans  for  other  perils  and  exposure  ;  before 
the  goal  of  his  desire,  substantial  victory,  could  bring 


208  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

to  them  and  to  his  beloved  country  the  boon  of  realized 
independence.  And  yet,  unknown  to  him,  two  days  be 
fore  he  occupied  the  barren  site  of  Valley  Forge  a  thrill 
ing  event  occurred  beyond  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  one 
which  was,  in  the  providence  of  God,  to  verify  the 
soldier's  faith,  and  secure  for  him  final  victory. 

As  early  as  December  2d,  the  tidings  of  Burgoyne's 
disaster  reached  the  royal  palace  of  George  III.  Fox, 
Burke,  and  Eichmond  favored  immediate  peace,  and  such 
an  alliance,  or  Federal  Union,  as  would  be  for  the  mate 
rial  interests  of  both  countries.  Burke  solemnly  declared 
that  "peace  upon  any  honorable  terms  was  injustice  due 
to  both  nations."  But  the  king  adjourned  Parliament  to 
the  twentieth  of  January,  1778. 

Meanwhile  a  speedy  ship  from  Boston  was  on  the  high 
seas,  bound  for  France,  and  the  account  of  Burgoyne's 
surrender  was  received  by  the  American  Commissioners. 
On  the  twelfth  of  the  month  it  was  announced  to  the 
Count  de  Vergennes,  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  at  the 
French  Court.  The  sensation  throughout  Paris  was 
intense.  "Europe  need  no  longer  dread  the  British 
power,  since  her  very  Colonies  have  successfully  defied 
unjust  laws,  and  equally  defied  her  power  to  enforce 
them."  This  was  the  public  utterance.  One  pregnant 
sentence  already  cited,  that  of  Count  de  Vergennes,  proved 
the  incentive  to  immediate  action.  "  Saratoga  "  and  "  Ger- 
mantown  "  were  coupled  in  a  message  sent  to  Spain,  to 
solicit  her  co-operation.  Without  any  real  sympathy 
with  America,  Spain  had  already  discriminated  in  favor 
of  American  privateers  which  took  prizes  to  her  ports. 

But  France  did  not  await  reply  before  announcing  her 
own  action.  And  just  when  Washington  was  gathering 
his  weary  army  into  humble  huts  for  partial  shelter  and 
rest,  and  while  his  tired  spirit  was  pained  by  the  small 
jealousies  which  impaired  the  value  of  his  personal  ser- 


VALLEY    FORGE. —  AID    FROM    FRANCE.  209 

vice  and  sacrifice,  and  threatened  the  harmony  of  his 
entire  command,  a  new  ally  and  friend  had  taken  him  to 
heart ;  and  Louis  XVI.  was  dropping  into  the  scales  both 
the  prestige  and  the  power  of  France,  to  vindicate  and 
accomplish  American  liberty.  On  that  day,  December 
17,  1777,  Gerard,  one  of  the  secretaries  of  Count  de 
Yergennes,  announced  to  Benjamin  Franklin  and  Silas 
Deane,  two  American  Commissioners,  "by  the  King's 
order,''  "that  the  King  of  France,  in  Council,  had  de 
termined  not  only  to  acknoAvledge,  but  to  support  Ameri 
can  independence." 

The  declaration  of  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  already  cited, 
which  predicted  "the  application  of  the  Colonists  to 
strangers  for  aid,  if  Parliament  authorized  the  hire  of 
Hessians,"  had  been  realized. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

PHILADELPHIA  AND  VALLEY  FORGE  IX  WINTER,  1778. 

MR.  CHARLES  STEDMAN,  who  served  on  the 
staffs  of  Generals  Howe,  Clinton  and  Cornwallis, 
during  the  Revolutionary  War,  in  an  interesting  historical 
narrative  states  that  Pr  the  British  army  enlivened  the  dull 
times  of  their  winter  residence  in  Philadelphia,  with  the 
dance-house,  the  theatre,  and  the  game  of  faro."  But  it 
is  equally  true  that  this  large  license  which  relieved  the 
monotony  of  garrison  life,  gradually  aroused  disgust  and 
positive  hatred  on  the  part  of  the  citizens  of  that  city. 
No  diversions  in  force  against  the  American  position,  or 
their  chief  outposts,  were  possible,  since  the  garrison  must 
be  alert  for  any  sudden  attack  upon  the  city.  The  large 
number  of  wealthy  royalist  families  had  much  to  dread 
from  the  possible  capture  of  their  dwelling-place.  Scout 
ing  parties  from  Washington's  army  pressed  so  closely  to 
the  city  limits,  at  times,  that  occasional  efforts  of  small  de 
tachments  to  secure  wood  for  fuel  and  cooking  purposes, 
were  admonished,  that  the  limit  of  their  picket-lines  was 
their  boundary  of  possession  and  safe  enjoyment.  Carriage 
drives  and  daily  saddle  exercise,  which  were  favorite 
recreations,  had  to  be  abandoned.  They  were  unsafe  ;  as 
Washington's  cavalry,  scouts  and  artillery  needed  all  the 
horses  that  were  not  needed  by  the  farmers  for  farm  use. 

The  American  army  drilled  daily,  under  the  patient 
instruction  of  Baron  Steuben,  so  far  as  they  had  clothing 
and  shoes  for  that  purpose  ;  while  their  comrades  sat  down 

210 


PHILADELPHIA    AND    VALLEY    FORGE.  211 

or  laid  themselves  down  by  log  fires  and  burning  stumps, 
to  avoid  freezing  to  death. 

After  the  camp  was  fully  established,  and  Washington 
had  asserted  his  purpose  to  command,  and  allow  no  inter 
ference  by  civilians  of  whatever  pretension,  or  by  mili 
tary  men  of  whatever  rank,  the  antagonism  of  the 
previous  months  gradually  retired  from  public  exhibition. 
It  never  drew  breath  from  popular  sympathy,  and  the  sol 
diers  regarded  his  censors  as  their  enemies.  And  so  it  was, 
that  in  spite  of  sickness,  wretchedness,  inevitable  deser 
tions  and  frequent  deaths,  the  soldiers  were  kept  to  duty, 
and  acquired  toughness  and  knowledge  for  future  en 
deavor.  A  calm  reliance  upon  the  future,  and  a  straight 
forward  way  of  dealing  with  men  and  measures,  were  still 
vindicating  the  fitness  of  Washington  for  the  supreme 
command. 

To  the  demand  of  the  British  Government  for  the 
reasons  of  the  inactivity  of  the  British  army,  General 
Howe  replied  that,  he  "  did  not  attack  the  intrenched 
position  at  Valley  Forge,  a  strong  point,  during  the 
severe  season,  although  everything  was  prepared  with 
that  intention,  judging  it  imprudent  until  the  season 
should  afford  a  prospect  of  reaping  the  advantages  that 
ought  to  have  resulted  from  success  in  that  measure ; 
but  having  good  information  in  the  spring  that  the 
enemy  had  strengthened  the  camp  by  additional  works, 
and  being  certain  of  moving  him  from  thence  when  the 
campaign  should  open,  he  dropped  thought  of  attack." 

During  the  winter,  a  proposition  for  the  invasion  of 
Canada  was  again  under  consideration ;  and  General 
Lafayette,  with  other  officers,  visited  Albany  and  the 
northern  army  to  see  what  arrangements  were  both  avail 
able  and  desirable  for  that  purpose.  It  was  soon  dropped  ; 
and  was  never  fully  favored  by  Washington.1 

1  "Battles  of  the  American  Revolution,"  p.  461. 


212  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

During  January,  Congress  sent  a  committee  to  visit 
Valley  Forge.  As  the  result,  Washington's  whole  policy 
was  indorsed  and  their  support  was  pledged.  Baron  Steu- 
ben,  recommended  by  the  Commander-in-Chief,  was  con 
firmed  as  Major-General  without  a  dissenting  vote. 
Conway  started  for  France  early  in  April.  The  histor 
ical  "  Conway  cabal "  had  lost  its  most  unprincipled 
abettor.  On  the  fourth  of  April,  Congress  authorized 
Washington  to  call  upon  Pennsylvania,  Maryland  and 
New  Jersey,  for  five  thousand  additional  militia.  On  the 
ninth,  General  Howe  received  his  recall  to  England. 
On  the  tenth,  Lafayette  returned  to  camp.  On  the  thir 
teenth,  General  McDougall  accompanied  Count  Kosciusko 
to  West  Point,  to  perfect  the  fortifications  at  that  post. 
On  the  fifteenth,  Gates  was  placed  in  command  at 
Peekskill. 

When  the  spring  opened  at  Valley  Forge,  the  proposi 
tions  of  the  many  generals,  respecting  the  approaching 
campaign,  were  as  diverse  and  varied  as  the  leafage  of  the 
forest.  As  the  mind  recalls  the  relations  of  these  officers 
to  earlier  campaigns,  it  will  be  seen  how  essential  to  any 
real  success  was  the  presence  of  a  strong-willed  Com 
mander-in-Chief.  It  is  especially  to  be  noticed,  that  men 
whose  judgment  had  been  accredited  as  uniformly  con 
servative  and  yet  energetic  radically  differed  as  to  the 
immediate  objective  of  army  action.  It  settles  beyond 
question  the  principle  that  the  entire  war,  and  the  entire 
country,  had  to  be  made  of  paramount  consideration,  in 
the  decision  of  any  important  movement. 

Wayne,  Patterson  and  Maxwell  recommended  an  imme 
diate  attack  upon  Philadelphia.  Knox,  Poor,  Varnum 
and  Muhlenburg  advised  an  attack  upon  New  York,  with 
four  thousand  regulars  and  Eastern  militia,  Washington 
in  command ;  leaving  Lee  to  command  in  Pennsylvania, 
while  the  main  army  should  remain  at  Valley  Forge. 


PHILADELPHIA    AND    VALLEY    FORGE.  213 

Stirling  recommended  operations  against  both  Philadel 
phia  and  New  York.  Lafayette,  Steuben  and  Du  Portail 
expressed  doubts  as  to  making  any  aggressive  movement 
whatever,  until  the  army  should  be  strengthened  or  the 
British  unfold  their  plans.  This  wise  suggestion  was 
also  the  opinion  of  Washington. 

On  the  seventh  of  May,  the  British  ascended  the  Dela 
ware  and  destroyed  public  stores  at  Bordentown.  Max 
well  and  Dickenson  had  been  sent  across  the  river  for 
the  protection  of  these  stores  ;  but  heavy  rains  delayed 
their  inarch,  and  forty-four  vessels,  including  several 
frigates  on  the  stocks,  were  burned. 

But  the  seventh  day  of  May,  1778,  was  not  a  day  of 
gloom  at  Valley  Forge.  Spring  had  fairly  opened,  and 
the  forest  began  to  don  its  new  attire  for  a  fresh  summer 
campaign.  At  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  entire 
army  Avas  on  parade,  with  drums  beating,  colors  flying 
and  salutes  echoing  among  the  hills.  The  brigades  were 
steady  in  their  ranks.  No  brilliant  uniforms  were  con 
spicuous  anywhere,  and  many  had  neither  coats  nor 
shoes.  The  pomp  and  circumstance  of  war  were  missing. 
There  was  no  display  of  gold  lace,  or  finery  of  any  kind. 
Strongly  marked  faces  and  tough  muscles  showed  the  fixed 
ness  of  purpose  of  these  troops.  But  it  was  an  occasion 
of  rare  interest.  This  American  army  was  in  line,  for 
the  reception  of  a  visitor  from  over  the  sea.  The  visitor 
was  a  herald  sent  by  Louis  XVI.,  King  of  France,  to 
announce  to  Washington  and  the  American  people  that  an 
armed  alliance  between  France  and  the  United  States  of 
America  had  been  consummated.  The  French  frigate 
Le  Sensible  had  landed  at  Fal mouth  (Portland),  Me., 
with  this  messenger,  and  the  American  army  was  drawn 
up  in  battle  array  to  receive  his  message.  The  chaplain 
of  each  brigade  proclaimed  the  treaty  and  read  its  terms. 
It  was  one  of  those  occasions,  not  infrequent  during  the 


214  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

war,  and  habitual  to  Washington  throughout  his  mature 
life,  when  he  had  no  way  through  which  to  express  his 
deepest  anxieties  or  profoundest  sense  of  gratitude,  other 
than  that  of  communion  with  God.  And  now,  the  lis 
tening  army  was  called  upon  to  unite  in  one  "grand 
thanksgiving  to  Almighty  God  that  He  had  given  to 
America  this  friend."  The  scene  that  followed  can  never 
be  described.  It  can  only  be  imagined  and  felt.  Huzzas 
for  the  King, of  France  mingled  with  shouts  for  Washing 
ton,  whose  face,  as  described  by  one,  "shone  as  did  that 
of  Moses,  when  he  descended  from  the  Mount."  Caps 
were  tossed  high  in  air.  Hand-shaking,  leaping,  clapping 
of  hands,  and  every  homely  sign  of  joy  and  confident 
expectation,  followed.  Washington  had  dismounted.  He 
stood  with  folded  arms  —  calm,  serene,  majestic,  silent. 
For  several  moments  the  whole  army  stood,  awaiting  his 
action.  He  remounted  his  horse,  and  a  single  word  to 
his  assembled  staff  quickly  ran  through  the  lines  —  that 
the  Commander-in-Chief  proposed  that  all  should  speak 
together,  by  the  soldier's  method,  through  powder.  No 
matter  if  powder  were  scarce.  Every  cannon,  wherever 
mounted  about  the  long  circuit  of  intrenchments,  roared  ; 
and  the  hills  carried  the  echoes  to  British  headquarters. 
Throughout  the  lines  of  division  and  brigade,  to  the  re 
motest  picket  post,  a  running  fire  at  will  closed  with  one 
grand  volley  ;  and  then  the  camp  of  Valley  Forge  resumed 
the  "  business  "  of  preparing  for  battle. 

With  the  opening  of  the  spring  of  1778,  General  Howe 
also  was  moved  to  action.  His  winter  supplies,  as  well 
as  those  procurable  from  the  fleet  and  the  city,  had  been 
expended.  '*  The  storehouses  were  empty."  Detach 
ments,  large  and  small,  were  sent  to  scour  the  country. 
To  cut  off  and  restrict  these  detachments,  General  La 
fayette  was  intrusted  with  a  special  command  of  twenty- 


PHILADELPHIA   AND  VALLEY  FORGE.  215 

four  hundred  men,  and  advanced  to  Barren  Hill,  about 
half  the  distance  to  Philadelphia.  It  also  formed  a  corps 
of  observation,  and  was  the  first  independent  command 
of  that  officer  under  his  commission  as  Major-General. 
He  was  especially  instructed  to  note  signs  of  the  evacua 
tion  of  Philadelphia,  which  Washington  regarded  as  a 
military  necessity  on  the  part  of  General  Howe.  The 
American  Commander-in-Chief,  although  reticent  of  his 
own  opinions,  rarely  failed  to  read  other  men  accurately, 
and  rightly  read  Lafayette.  With  singular  enthusiasm, 
great  purity  of  character,  unswerving  fidelity  to  obliga 
tion,  and  a  thorough  contempt  for  everything  mean  or 
dishonorable,  this  young  French  gentleman  combined  a 
keen  sagacity,  sound  judgment,  prompt  execution,  and 
an  intense  love  for  liberty. 

Having  taken  position  at  Barren  Hill,  Lafayette  at 
once  introduced  a  system  of  communication  with  parties 
in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  He  had  with  him  fifty  Indian 
scouts,  and  Captain  McLean's  Light  troops.  A  company 
of  dragoons  had  also  been  ordered  to  join  him.  General 
Howe  had  been  relieved  from  duty  on  the  eleventh,  by 
General  Clinton ;  who  signalized  his  accession  to  com 
mand  by  a  series  of  brilliant  fetes  in  honor  of  his  pred 
ecessor,  on  the  eve  of  his  departure  for  England.  A 
regatta  on  the  Delaware  ;  a  tournament  on  land  :  trium 
phal  arches ;  decorated  pavilions ;  mounted  ladies,  with 
their  escorts  in  Turkish  costume  ;  slaves  in  fancy  habits  ; 
knights,  esquires,  heralds,  and  every  brilliant  device, 
made  the  day  memorable  from  earliest  dawn  until  dark. 
And  after  dark,  balls,  illuminations  both  upon  water  and 
land,  fireworks,  wax-lights,  flowers  and  fantastic  drapery, 
cheered  the  night  hours,  "  exhibiting,"  as  described  by 
Andre  himself,  master  of  ceremonies,  "a  coup  d'ceil^ 
beyond  description  magnificent."  The  procession  of 
knights  and  maidens  was  led  by  Major  Andre  and  Miss 


216  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

Shippen,  the  beautiful  daughter  of  one  of  the  wealthiest 
royalists  in  Philadelphia.  She  long  retained  the  title  of 
the  "  belle  of  the  Michianza  fetes"  She  subsequently 
became  the  wife  of  General  Arnold ;  and  the  incidents 
thus  grouped  show  how  felicitous  was  Clinton's  subse 
quent  choice  of  Andre  to  negotiate  with  Arnold  the  ex 
change  of  West  Point,  for  "  gold  and  a  brigadier-general's 
commission  in  the  British  army." 

During  the  evening  of  this  luxurious  entertainment,  and 
while  at  supper,  General  Clinton  announced  to  his  officers 
his  intention  to  march  at  daybreak  to  Barren  Hill,  and 
bring  back  for  their  next  evening's  guest,  the  distin 
guished  French  officer,  Marquis  de  Lafayette.  At  four 
o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  nineteenth,  when  the  twenty 
hours  of  hilarity,  adulation  and  extravagance  closed, 
General  Clinton,  accompanied  by  Generals  Grant,  Gray, 
and  Erskine,  and  five  thousand  picked  troops,  marched 
to  capture  Lafayette.  General  Gray  crossed  the  Schuyl- 
kill  with  two  thousand  men  to  cut  off  Lafayette's  retreat, 
in  case  Clinton  successfully  attacked  in  front.  Washing 
ton  advanced  sufficiently  to  observe  the  movement  of 
General  Gray,  and  signalled  with  cannon  to  Lafayette 
of  his  danger ;  but  Lafayette,  by  occupying  a  stone 
church  and  other  buildings,  and  showing  false  fronts  of 
columns  as  if  about  to  take  the  offensive,  caused  the 
advance  column  of  Grant  to  halt  for  reinforcements  ;  and 
then  retired  safely  with  the  loss  of  but  nine  men.  La 
fayette  gives  an  amusing  account  of  portions  of  the 
skirmish  :  "  When  my  Indian  scouts  suddenly  confronted 
an  equal  number  of  British  dragoons,  the  mutual  surprise 
was  such  that  both  fled  with  equal  haste."  The  officers 
and  men  of  Lafayette's  command  were  greatly  elated  by 
his  conduct  of  the  affair,  especially  as  he  was  at  one  time 
threatened  by  a  force  more  than  twice  that  of  his  entire 
division ;  and  the  confidence  thus  acquired  followed  his 


PHILADELPHIA   AND   VALLEY   FORGE.  217 

service  through  the  entire  war.  The  congratulations  of 
Washington  were  as  cordial  upon  his  return,  as  those  of 
the  officers  of  the  Philadelphia  garrison  were  chilling  upon 
the  return  of  Clinton,  without  Lafayette  as  prisoner. 

On  the  same  day,  General  Mifflin  rejoined  the  army, 
hi  writing  to  Gouverneur  Morris  of  New  York,  the  Amer 
ican  Comma nder-in-Chief,  noticing  the  event,  expresses 
his  surprise  *'  to  find  a  certain  gentleman  who  some  time 
ago,  when  a  heavy  cloud  hung  over  us  and  our  affairs 
looked  gloomy,  was  desirous  of  resigning,  to  be  now 
stepping  forward  in  the  line  of  the  army"  ;  adding  :  "  If  he 
can  reconcile  such  conduct  to  his  own  feelings  as  an  officer, 
and  a  man  of  honor,  and  Congress  have  no  objection  to 
his  leaving  his  seat  in  another  department,  I  have  nothing 
personally  to  oppose  to  it.  Yet,  I  must  think  that 
gentlemen's  stepping  in,  and  out,  as  the  sun  happens  to 
beam  out,  or  become  obscure,  isn't  quite  the  thing,  nor 
quite  just,  with  respect  to  those  officers  who  take  the 
bitter  with  the  sweet." 

By  this  time,  the  movements  of  shipping,  and  within 
the  city,  clearly  indicated  the  design  of  the  British  to 
abandon  Philadelphia  without  battle.  A  Council  of  War 
was  convened  on  the  twentieth,  to  hear  reports  upon  the 
condition  of  the  various  American  armies  ;  and  Generals 
Gates,  Greene,  Stirling,  Mifflin,  Lafayette,  Armstrong, 
Steuben  and  DC  Kalb  were  present.  The  opinion  was 
unanimous  that  the  army  should  remain  on  the  defensive, 
and  await  the  action  of  the  British  commander.  On  the 
twentieth,  also,  General  Lee  rejoined  the  army.  He  had 
been  exchanged  on  the  twenty-first  of  April  for  Major- 
General  Prescott,  who  had  been  captured  five  miles  above 
Newport,  R.I.,  on  the  night  of  July  20,  1777.  Lee  had 
been  placed  on  his  parole  as  early  as  the  twenty-fifth  of 
March,  and  he  actually  visited  York,  where  Congress  was 
in  session,  on  the  ninth  of  April. 


218  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

The  relations  of  Charles  Lee  to  the  Avar  were  as  marked 
as  were  those  of  Arnold,  except  that  Arnold  rendered 
valuable  service  until  he  turned  traitor.  During  the 

O 

month  of  February,  1777,  Lee  secured  permission  from 
General  Howe  to  write  letters  to  Congress,  urging  that 
body  to  "send  commissioners  to  confer  confidentially  con 
cerning  the  national  cause."  On  the  twenty-first  of 
February,  Congress  declined  to  send  such  commissioners, 
as  "  altogether  improper"  ;  and  they  could  "  not  perceive 
how  compliance  with  his  wish  would  tend  to  his  advantage, 
or  the  interests  of  the  public/'  Letters  were  also  written 
in  March ;  and  in  one  addressed  to  Washington  on  the 
fifth  of  April,  1777,  Lee  had  written  :  "  I  think  it  a  most 
unfortunate  circumstance  for  myself,  and  I  think  no  less 
so  for  the  public,  that  the  Congress  have  not  thought 
proper  to  comply  with  my  request.  It  could  not  possibly 
have  been  attended  with  any  ill  consequences,  and  might 
have  been  with  good  ones.  At  least,  it  was  an  indulgence 
which  I  thought  my  situation  entitled  me  to.  But  I  am 
unfortunate  in  everything,  and  this  stroke  is  the  severest 
I  have  ever  experienced.  God  send  you  a  different  fate." 
The  answer  of  Washington  was  as  follows :  "  T  have 
received  your  letter  of  this  date,  and  thank  you,  as  T 
shall  any  officer,  over  whom  I  have  the  honor  to  be 
placed,  for  their  opinions  and  advice  in  matters  of  im 
portance  ;  especially  when  they  proceed  from  the  foun 
tain  of  candor,  and  not  from  a  captious  spirit,  or  an 
itch  for  criticism ;  and  here,  let  me  again 

assure  you,  that  I  shall  always  be  happy  to  be  in  a 
free  communication  of  your  sentiments  upon  any  im 
portant  subject  relative  to  the  service,  and  only  beg- 
that  they  may  come  directly  to  myself.  The  custom 
which  many  officers  have,  of  speaking  freely  of  things, 
and  reprobating  measures  which  upon  investigation 
may  be  found  to  be  unavoidable,  is  never  produc- 


PHILADELPHIA    AND    VALLEY    FORGE.  219 

tivc    of   good ;    but  often,    of   very   mischievous    conse 
quences." 

During  the  year  1872  George  H.  Moore,  of  the  New 
York  Historical  Society,  brought  to  light  a  certain  paper 
indorsed,  "Mr.  Lee's  Plan,  29th  March,  1777,"  which 
was  found  among  the  papers  of  the  brothers  Howe,  Brit 
ish  Commissioners  at  New  York.  Lee  was  at  that  date 
a  prisoner  of  war,  but  at  the  same  time  a  British  officer 
who  had  been  taken  in  rebellion  to  the  British  crown. 
This  letter  is  noticed,  in  order  to  make  more  intelli 
gible  the  subsequent  relations  of  Lee  to  the  American 
Commander-in-Chief.  The  following  is  an  extract :  "  It 
appears  to  me,  that  by  the  continuance  of  the  war, 
America  has  no  chance  of  obtaining  its  ends.  As  I  am 
not  only  persuaded,  from  the  high  opinion  I  have  of  the 
humanity  and  good  sense  of  Lord  and  Admiral  Howe, 
that  the  terms  of  accommodation  will  be  as  moderate  as 
their  powers  will  admit ;  but  that  their  powers  are  more 
ample  than  their  successor  would  be  tasked  with,  I  think 
myself  not  only  justifiable,  but  bound  in  conscience,  in 
furnishing  'em  all  the  light  I  can,  to  enable  'em  to  bring 
matters  to  a  conclusion  in  the  most  commodious  manner. 
I  know  the  most  generous  use  will  be  made  of  it  in  all 
respects.  Their  humanity  will  incline  'em  to  have  con 
sideration  for  individuals  who  have  acted  from  principle." 
Then  follow  hypothetical  data  as  to  troops  required  on 
the  part  of  Britain,  and  these  passages  :  "  If  the  Prov 
ince  of  Maryland,  or  the  greater  part  of  it,  is  reduced,  or 
submits,  and  the  people  of  Virginia  are  prevented,  or  in 
timidated,  from  marching  aid  to  the  Pennsylvania  army, 
the  whole  machine  is  divided,  and  a  period  put  to  the 
war;  and  if  the  plan  is  adopted  in  full,  I  am  so  confi 
dent  of  success,  that  I  would  stake  my  life  on  the  same. 
Apprehensions  from  Carleton's  army  will,  I  am  confi 
dent,  keep  the  New  Englanders  at  home,  or  at  least,  con- 


220  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

tine  'em  to  that  side  of  the  river.  I  would  advise  that 
four  thousand  men  be  immediately  embarked  in  trans 
ports,  one  half  of  which  should  proceed  up  the  Potomac 
and  take  post  at  Alexandria,  the  other  half  up  Chesa 
peake  Bay  and  possess  themselves  of  Annapolis."  The 
relations  of  various  posts  to  the  suggested  movement, 
and  the  character  of  the  German  population  of  Pennsyl 
vania  who  would  be  apprehensive  of  injury  to  their  fine 
farms,  were  urged  in  favor  of  his  "  plan  "  for  terminat 
ing  the  war  on  terms  of  "moderate  accommodation." 

The  reply  of  Washington  to  General  Lee's  letter  is  a 
very  distinct  notice  that  he  was  advised  of  the  letters 
written  by  him  to  Gates  and  others,  derogatory  of  the 
action  of  his  superior  officer,  the  Commander-in-Chief. 

The  return  of  Lee  to  duty  found  the  American  army  in 
readiness  to  bid  its  last  farewell  to  the  camp  at  Valley 
Forge ;  but  the  ordeals  through  which  so  many  brave 
men  passed,  for  their  country's  sake,  were  hardly  more 
severe  than  were  those  through  which  their  beloved  Com 
mander-in-Chief  passed  into  a  clearer  future,  and  the 
well-earned  appreciation  of  mankind. 


CHAPTER     XXII. 

FROM    VALLEY    FORGE    TO  WHITE    PLAINS    AGAIN.  BATTLE 

OF     MONMOUTH. 

THE  abandonment  of  Philadelphia  by  the  British 
army,  as  anticipated  by  Washington,  had  become  a 
military  necessity.  The  city  was  too  remote  from  the 
coast,  unless  its  army  of  occupation  could  be  so  reen- 
forced  as  to  be  independent  of  support  from  the  British 
base  at  New  York.  The  reinforcements  of  troops  called 
for  by  General  Howe  had  not  been  and  could  not  have 
been  furnished.  The  recommendation  of  General  Am- 
herst,  military  adviser  of  George  III.,  "that  forty 
thousand  men  be  sent  to  America  immediately,"  had  been 
positively  disapproved.  It  was  therefore  of  vital  impor 
tance  that  General  Clinton  should  reach  New  York  with 
the  least  possible  delay.  Any  attempt  to  return  by  sea 
was  obviously  impracticable. 

The  incidents  of  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia  were 
similar  to  those  which  marked  the  departure  of  Howe 
from  Boston.  The  embarkation  of  three  thousand  citi 
zens  with  their  families,  their  merchandise,  and  their 
personal  effects,  upon  vessels,  to  accompany  the  retiring 
fleet,  was  a  moral  lesson  of  vast  significance.  This  with 
drawal  of  the  British  garrison  was  no  ruse,  to  entice  the 
American  army  from  its  camp,  for  battle,  but  a  surrender 
of  the  field  itself,  without  a  struggle.  It  announced  to 
America  and  to  the  world,  that  the  British  army  lacked 
the  ability  to  meet  the  contingencies  of  field-service, 

221 


222  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

either  in  Pennsylvania  or  New  Jersey ;  and  that  loyalists 
would  be  left  to  their  own  resources  for  protection  and 
safety. 

Other  considerations  precipitated  the  action  of  Clinton. 
Congress  had  publicly  announced  the  impending  arrival 
of  a  formidable  French  fleet  from  the  West  Indies  ;  and, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  so  immediate  was  its  advent,  that  the 
advance  frigates  entered  the  Delaware  Bay,  just  after 
Admiral  Howe  turned  Cape  May,  on  his  return  to  New 
York.  Meanwhile,  every  movement  in  the  city  was 
hourly  reported  to  Washington  by  his  secret  messengers, 
and  by  families  who  kept  constantly  in  touch  with  all 
movements  of  the  garrison.  Hardly  a  ball  or  social 
dinner,  during  the  entire  winter,  was  without  the  pres 
ence  of  one  or  more  of  his  representatives,  who  as 
promptly  reported  the  secret  influences  which  were 
making  of  the  city  a  deadly  prison-house  for  the  Brit 
ish  troops.  Even  at  the  playhouses,  comedians  had 
begun  to  jest  upon  the  "foraging  of  the  rebel  scouts"; 
and  it  is  said  to  have  been  hinted,  on  one  occasion,  that 
"  there  were  chickens  and  eggs  in  abundance  outside  the 
lines,  if  the  soldiers  would  take  the  trouble  to  go  after 
them,"  and  that  "  it  was  hardly  the  right  thing  to  let 
Washington's  ragged  army  have  the  pick  of  all  country 
produce." 

The  actual  evacuation  began  at  three  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  June  eighteenth,  and  the  entire  British  army 
was  on  the  New  Jersey  side  of  the  Delaware  by  ten  o'clock. 
Washington  had  so  closely  calculated  the  movement,  that 
General  Maxwell's  brigade  and  the  New  Jersey  militia 
were  already  at  work  burning  bridges  and  felling  trees 
across  the  roads,  in  order  to  delay  Clinton's  march  and 
afford  an  opportunity  for  attacking  his  retiring  columns. 
General  Arnold,  whose  wound  still  prevented  field- 
service,  entered  the  city  with  a  strong  detachment  as  the 


FROM  VALLEY  FORGE  TO  WHITE  PLAINS. 


British  rear-guard  left.  Twelve  miles  of  baggage-train, 
loaded  with  everything  of  army  supplies  that  could  be 
heaped  upon  wagons,  formed  the  long-extended  caravan 
which  accompanied  nearly  eighteen  thousand  British 
veterans  as  they  returned  to  New  York,  whence  they 
had  started  only  eleven  months  before.  The  capture  of 
the  American  capital  and  the  destruction  of  the  American 
army  had  been  their  fondest  desire.  Now,  they  shrunk 
away  from  the  same  American  capital  as  from  a  pest- 
house.  There  was  no  longer  an  eager  search  to  find 
Washington.  To  make  the  earliest  safe  distance  from  his 
presence,  or  his  reach,  was  the  incentive  to  the  speediest 
possible  travel.  It  was  no  longer  the  destruction  of  that 
one  principal  American  army  that  engrossed  thought  and 
stimulated  energy  ;  but  how  to  save  the  British  army 
itself,  for  efficient  service  elsewhere.  And  Washington, 
although  fully  appreciating  the  British  situation,  did  not 
know  the  fact  that  the  British  cabinet  were  actually  dis 
cussing,  at  that  very  time,  the  propriety  of  transferring  all 
active  operations  to  the  more  sparsely  settled  regions  of 
the  South. 

The  movements  in  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania,  as 
well  as  those  of  Burgoyne,  away  from  the  seacoast,  recall 
an  emphatic  communication  from  General  Howe,  which 
contained  this  practical  statement  :  "  Almost  every  move 
ment  in  America  was  an  act  of  enterprise,  clogged  with 
innumerable  difficulties.  A  knowledge  of  the  country, 
intersected,  as  it  everywhere  is,  by  woods,  mountains, 
water  or  morasses,  cannot  be  obtained  with  any  degree  of 
precision  necessary  to  foresee  and  guard  against  the  con 
tingencies  that  may  occur." 

Washington  was  also  fully  advised  of  the  character  and 
e-xtent  of  Clinton's  retiring  column,  and  of  the  opportu 
nity  which  the  country  afforded  for  breaking  it  up.  Haste 
was  the  need  of  Clinton.  His  delay,  however  slight, 


224  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

Washington's  opportunity.  Clinton  reached  Haddonfield 
the  same  day.  The  militia  of  Maxwell  made  a  short 
resistance,  and  then  retired  to  Mount  Holy  Pass.  The 
increased  British  vanguard  compelled  him  to  fall  back  ; 
but  the  destruction  of  bridges  and  interposed  obstructions, 
together  with  the  excessive  summer  heat,  made  the  march 
of  the  British  troops  one  of  intense  strain  and  exhaustion. 
And  yet,  Clinton  used  such  vigor  in  pressing  forward  to 
anticipate  more  formidable  obstructions,  that  he  reached 
Crosswicks  before  the  destruction  of  the  bridge  at  that 
point  was  complete ;  and  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty- 
fourth,  his  army  crossed  the  creek.  The  column  of  Lieu- 
tenant-General  Knyphausen  went  into  camp  at  Imlay's 
Town  ;  while  that  of  Clinton  occupied  Allentown,  and 
thereby  effectively  covered  the  advance  division  in  case 
of  an  American  attack  from  the  north.  At  this  point,  he 
learned  that  Washington  had  already  crossed  the  Dela 
ware,  and  that  the  northern  army  was  expected  to  unite 
with  that  of  the  American  Commander-in-Chief.  Such  a 
combination,  just  then,  would  render  a  direct  retreat  to 
New  York,  via  Princeton  and  Brunswick,  extremely  haz 
ardous,  if  not  impossible.  With  the  promptness  which 
characterized  him,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  consolidated  his 
baggage  and  sent  it  in  advance  under  Lieutenant-General 
Knyphausen  ;  placed  the  second  division  in  light  marching 
order,  under  his  own  personal  command,  in  the  rear,  and 
took  the  Monmouth  route  to  the  sea.  (See  map.) 

Washington  Avas  quickly  advised  of  this  organic  change 
in  the  British  formation,  and  acted  instantly.  He  had 
crossed  the  Delaware  River  at  CoryelPs  Ferry,  forty  miles 
above  Philadelphia,  without  assurance  of  the  definite  pur 
pose  of  his  adversary.  Any  other  route  of  march  by 
Clinton  than  by  Brunswick,  would  prevent  him  from 
receiving  military  support  from  New  York,  and  hold  him 
to  the  limit  of  supplies  with  which  he  started  from  Phila- 


FROM   VALLEY   FORGE    TO   WHITE   PLAINS. 

dolphia.  When,  therefore,  couriers  from  Maxwell  noti 
fied  Washington  of  Clinton's  diversion  eastward,  from 
Crosswicks,  it  was  evident  that  Clinton  would  take  no 
risks  of  battle  in  reaching  New  York,  or  some  port  on  the 
coast  accessible  by  a  British  fleet. 

Colonel  Morgan  was  sent  with  five  hundred  men  to 
reenforce  Maxwell.  On  the  twenty-fourth,  General  Scott, 
with  fifteen  hundred  chosen  troops,  was  despatched  to 
reenforce  those  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  enemy, 
more  effectually  to  retard  their  retreat.  On  the  twenty- 
sixth,  Washington  moved  the  entire  army  to  Kingston ; 
and  learning  that  the  British  army  was  moving  directly 
toward  Monmouth,  advanced  an  additional  force  of  one 
thousand  men  under  General  Wayne,  placing  General  La- 
.  fayette  in  command  of  the  entire  corps,  including  the 
Brigade  of  Maxwell  and  Morgan's  Light  Infantry.  Orders 
were  also  sent  to  Lafayette  :  "  Take  the  first  opportunity 
to  strike  the  rear  of  the  enemy." 

Some  writers  have  involuntarily  followed  Lee's  theory, 
that  the  attempt  by  Washington  to  stop  Clinton's  re 
treat  and  to  defeat  so  large  and  so  well-appointed  an  army 
as  that  of  the  British  general,  was  folly  from  the  start ; 
but  such  critics  overlook  the  determining  facts  of  the  situ 
ation.  Washington  never  counted  numbers  so  much  as 
conditions.  He  never  swerved  from  a  steady  purpose  to 
wear  out  superior  numbers  by  piecemeal,  until  they 
were  at  his  mercy  or  so  benumbed  by  his  strokes  as  to 
yield  the  field.  Hence  it  is  seen,  that  with  all  his  ap 
proaches  to  the  retiring  columns  of  Clinton,  he  never 
failed  to  hold  in  complete  reserve  and  mastery  every  con 
ceivable  contingency  of  a  general  engagement.  More 
over,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  his  army,  reenforced  from  the 
north,  was  not  inferior  in  numbers  ;  was  unencumbered 
with  baggage,  and  was  not  exposed  to  attack.  A  fight 
was  a  matter  of  choice,  and  not  at  the  option  of  the 


226  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

enemy.  It  is  therefore  of  essential  interest  to  notice  how 
systematically  Washington  advanced  in  this  memorable 
campaign  of  Clinton's  March  to  the  Sea.  It  is  of  equal 
interest  to  notice  the  development  of  the  career  of  La 
fayette,  under  Washington's  supervision  and  confidence  ; 
since  America  is  more  indebted  to  this  discreet  and  gal 
lant  officer  than  to  any  other,  for  the  immediate  service 
which  assured  the  surrender  of  Cor  wall  is  at  Yorktown, 
three  years  later  in  the  war. 

At  half-past  four  of  the  afternoon  of  June  20th,  La 
fayette  and  Wayne  were  at  Robin's  tavern.  Lafayette 
thus  wrote  to  the  Commander-in-Chief :  "  I  have  consulted 
the  general  officers  of  this  detachment,  and  the  general 
opinion  seems  to  be,  that  I  should  march  in  the  night, 
near  them  [the  enemy] ,  so  as  to  attack  the  rear-guard  on 
the  march.  Your  excellency  knows  that  by  the  direct 
road  you  are  only  three  miles  further  from  Monmouth 
than  we  are  in  this  place.  Some  prisoners  have  been 
made,  and  deserters  are  coming  in  very  fast." 

Second  despatch,  5  o'clock  P.M.  :  "  General  Forman 
is  firmly  of  opinion,  that  we  may  overtake  the  enemy. 
It  is  highly  pleasant  to  be  followed  and  countenanced  by 
the  army  ;  that,  if  we  stop  the  enemy  and  meet  with 
some  advantage,  they  may  push  it  with  vigor.  I 
have  no  doubt  but  if  we  overtake  them,  we  possess  a  very 
happy  chance." 

Third  despatch,  dated  Ice  Town,  26th  June,  1778, 
quarter  before  seven  :  "  When  I  got  there  [referring  to 
a  previously  expressed  purpose  to  go  to  Ice  Town  for 
provisions] ,  I  was  sorry  to  hear  that  Mr.  Hamilton  [Col 
onel  Alexander  Hamilton  of  Washington's  staff],  who 
had  been  riding  all  night,  had  not  been  able' to  find  any 
one  who  could  give  him  certain  intelligence  :  but  by  a 
party  who  came  back,  I  hear  the  enemy  are  in  motion 
and  their  rear  about  one  mile  off  the  place  they  had  occu- 


FROM    VALLEY    FORGE    TO    WHITE    PLAINS.       227 

pied  last  night,  which  is  seven  or  eight  miles  from  here.  I 
immediately  put  General  Maxwell's  and  Wayne's  brigades 
in  motion,  and  I  will  fall  lower  down,  with  General  Scott's 
and  Jackson's  regiments  and  some  militia.  I  should 
be  very  happy  if  we  could  attack  them  before  they  halt. 
If  I  cannot  overtake  them,  we  could  lay  at  some  distance 
and  attack  them  to-morrow  morning.  .  .  .  If  we  are 
at  a  convenience  from  you,  I  have  nothing  to  fear  in  strik 
ing  a  blow,  if  opportunity  is  offered." 

"  Special.  —  If  you  believe  it,  or  if  it  is  believed  nec 
essary,  or  useful,  to  the  good  of  the  service  and  the 
honor  of  General  Lee,  to  send  him  down  with  a  couple 
of  thousand  men,  or  any  greater  force,  I  will  cheerfully 
obey  and  serve  him,  not  only  out  of  duty,  but  what  I  owe 
to  that  ofentleman's  character." 

o 

The  explanation  of  this  passage  is  of  interest,  as  it 
happily  illustrates  the  spirit  with  which  Washington  and 
Lafayette  operated  in  this  important  engagement,  where 
very  grave  discretionary  responsibility  devolved  upon  so 
young  an  officer  as  the  French  Marquis. 

Daily  conferences  were  held  by  Washington  with  his 
officers  after  leaving  Valley  Forge,  and  especially  after 
leaving  Kingston.  The  official  Reports  of  Washington 
show  that  Lee  positively  declined  the  command  of  this 
advance  corps,  until  its  large  increase  rendered  it  certain 
that  it  held  a  post  of  honor,  and  'would  be  pushed  upon 
the  enemy.  Lafayette  was  first  assigned  to  this  com 
mand  after  a  hot  debate  in  council  as  to  the  propriety  of 
attacking  Clinton's  army  at  all  ;  and  General  Lee  used 
the  following  language,  when  the  assignment  of  La 
fayette  was  made  with  his  concurrence,  that  "  he  was 
well  pleased  to  be  freed  from  all  responsibility  for  a  plan 
which  he  was  sure  would  fail."  But  when  Lafayette 
gladly  accepted  the  detail,  and  was  so  constantly  reenfo reed 
as  to  have  under  his  command  nearly  one-third  of  the  army, 


228  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

with  the  pledge  of  support  by  the  entire  army,  General 
Lee,  as  next  in  rank  to  Washington,  immediately  realized 
his  grave  mistake,  and  when  too  late,  claimed  the  command 
by  virtue  of  his  rank.  He  then  wrote  to  General  La 
fayette  as  follows  :  "  It  is  my  fortune  and  my  honor  that 
I  place  in  your  hands ;  you  are  too  generous  to  cause  the 
loss  of  either."  Lafayette,  in  his  Memoirs,  thus  alludes 
to  this  surrender  by  Lee  of  claim  to  command  by  virtue 
of  rank,  after  having  peremptorily  and  scornfully  declined 
it :  "  This  tone  suited  me  better  "  ;  and  the  letter  already 
cited  was  his  response.  Washington's  reply  to  this 
magnanimous  waiver  by  Lafayette  of  so  honorable  a 
command  is  as  follows  :  ff  General  Lee's  uneasiness  on 
account  of  yesterday's  transaction,  rather  increasing 
than  abating,  and  your  politeness  in  wishing  to  e*ase  him 
of  it,  have  induced  me  to  detach  him  from  this  army  with 
a  part  of  it,  to  reenforce,  or  at  least  to  cover  the  several 
detachments  at  present  under  your  command.  At  the 
same  time,  I  have  an  eye  to  your  wishes  ;  and  have  there 
fore  obtained  a  promise  from  him,  that  when  he  gives  you 
notice  of  his  approach  and  command,  he  will  request  you 
to  prosecute  any  plan  you  may  have  already  concerted  for 
the  purpose  of  attacking,  or  annoying,  the  enemy.  This 
is  the  only  expedient  I  could  think  of,  to  answer  the  views 
of  both.  General  Lee  seems  satisfied  with  this  measure." 
On  the  evening  of  the  twenty-sixth,  the  entire  army 
moved  forward,  leaving  all  superfluous  baggage,  so  as 
best  to  support  the  advance.  On  the  twenty-seventh,  a 
severe  rain-storm  suspended  the  march  for  a  few  hours. 
But  the  advance  corps  had  been  strengthened,  as  suggested 
by  Lafayette ;  and  when  Lee  assumed  command  it 
numbered  fully  five  thousand  effective  troops.  The  main 
army  also  advanced  within  three  miles  of  English  Town 
and  within  five  miles  of  the  British  army.  The  American 
forces,  now  eager  for  battle,  were  equal  in  numbers  to 


BATTLE    OF    MONMOUTH.  229 

the  enemy,  with  the  advantage  of  being  on  the  flank  of 
,the  long  extended  British  columns  which  could  not  be 
'consolidated  for  action  with  their  full  strength. 

A  general  idea  of  the  skirmishes  of  the  morning,  with 
out  elaboration  of  details,  can  be  obtained  from  the  map. 

At  the  extreme  right,  on  the  Middletown  road,  Knyp- 
hausen  conducts  the  accumulated  baggage-train,  which,  on 
the  night  of  June  twenty-seventh,  is  shown  to  have  been 
distributed  along  the  road  approaching  Freehold  (Mon- 
mouth).  Upon  the  high  ground,  below,  Clinton  gathered 
his  forces  as  they  arrived  from  the  inarch.  Lafayette 
was  near  the  Court  House,  and  had  a  sharp  skirmish  with 
the  Queen's  Rangers.  He  disposed  his  army  northward, 
Avith  skirmishers  as  far  advanced  as  Bryar  Hill  —  even 
threatening  the  pass  by  which  Knyphausen  had  retired 
toward  New  York.  The  baggage  column,  as  early  as 
seven  o'clock,  had  passed  the  Court  House.  Lee  appeared 
upon  the  field  and  practically  took  command,  but  exe^r- 
cised  no  direction  over  movements  ;  gave  contradictory 
orders  when  he  gave  any ;  and  brigade  after  brigade 
failed  to  obtain  from  him  instructions  as  to  their  move 
ments,  or  their  relations  to  other  brigades.  At  first,  Lee 
announced  that  the  "entire  British  army  was  in  retreat." 
When  Clinton,  after  eight  o'clock,  descended  from  his 
position  to  attack  the  scattered  and  irregular  formation 
of  the  American  army,  Lafayette,  full  of  hope,  was  first 
advised  that  a  retreat  had  been  ordered  by  General  Lee. 
He  protested  in  vain.  The  brigades  were  allowed  each 
to  seek  its  own  choice  of  destination ;  and  all  fell  back 
under  a  general  impression,  rather  than  specific  orders, 
that  all  were  to  retreat  and  simply  abandon  demonstration 
against  the  British  army.  Clinton's  continued  advance, 
even  so  far  as  Wenrock  Creek,  is  indicated  on  the  map. 

The  truth  of  history  requires  a  statement  which  has 
never  been  sufficiently  defined,  as  to  the  antecedents  of 


230  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

this  overestimated  officer,  Charles  Lee.  As  a  subaltern 
in  the  British  army,  he  had  been  uniformly  insubordinate, 
and  was  in  discredit  when  he  was  allowed  to  go  abroad 
and  fiofht  under  various  fla^s  as  a  military  adventurer. 

o  o  «* 

He  knew  nothing  of  handling  a  large  command,  or  com 
bined  commands.  Before  the  Battle  of  Monmouth,  if 
then,  he  had  never  been  under  fire  in  the  lead  of  Amer 
ican  troops.  He  was  cool  enough  and  brave  enough  at 
Monmouth,  to, retreat  with  his  division;  but  it  was  saved 
chiefly  by  the  self-possession  of  its  officers,  and  the 
wonderful  endurance  of  the  rank  and  file.  He  was  un 
equal  to  the  command,  even  if  he  had  desired  battle.  To 
have  fought  the  battle,  with  any  chance  of  being  taken 
prisoner,  would  have  exposed  him  to  a  double  penalty 
for  treason  at  the  hands  of  General  Howe.  He  was  in 
the  attitude  of  defeating  his  "plan"  (before  alluded  to), 
and  defeating  the  very  invasion  which  he  had  so  ingen 
iously  advised. 

The  increasing  cannonading,  before  noon,  aroused 
Washington  to  his  full  fighting  capacity.  The  return  of  an 
aid-de-camp,  with  the  information  that  General  Lee  had 
"  overtaken  the  British  army  and  expected  to  cut  off  their 
rear-guard,"  was  regarded  as  an  oinen  of  complete  suc 
cess.  The  soldiers  cast  oft'  every  incumbrance  and  made 
a  forced  march.  Greene  took  the  right,  and  Stirling  the 
left ;  while  Washington  in  person,  conducting  the  van 
guard,  moved  directly  to  the  scene  of  conflict. 

All  at  once,  the  animation  of  the  Commander-in-Chief 
lost  its  impulse.  A  mounted  countryman  rode  by  in  fright, 
a  wild  fugitive.  A  half-distracted  musician,  fife  in  hand, 
cried  "  All's  lost !  "  Avfew  paces  more,  and  over  the  brow 
of  a  small  rise  of  ground  overlooking  the  creek  and 
bridge,  toward  which  scattered  fragments  of  regiments 
were  pressing,  the  bald  fact  needed  no  other  appeal  to 
the  American  Gommander-in-Chief  to  assure  him  of  the 


BATTLE    OF    MONMOUTH.  231 

necessity  for  his  immediate  presence.  Harrison  and 
Fitzgerald,  of  his  staff,  were  despatched  to  learn  ^the 
cause  of  the  appearances  of  fugitives  from  their  respective 
commands.  They  met  Major  Ogden,  who  replied  to 
their  excited  demands,  with  an  expletive :  tf  They  are 
fleeing  from  a  shadow."  Officer  after  officer,  detachment 
after  detachment,  came  over  the  bridge,  ambiguous  in 
replies,  seemingly  ignorant  of  the  cause  of  retreat,  only 
that  retreat  had  been  ordered.  Neither  was  the  move 
ment  in  the  nature  of  a  panic.  Hot  and  oppressive  as 
was  the  dayfthere  was  simply  confusion  of  all  organized 
masses,  needing  but  some  competent  will  to  restore  them 
to  place  and  duty. 

Washington  advanced  to  the  bridge,  and  allowed 
neither  officer  nor  man  to  pass  him.  In  turn,  he 
met  Ramsey,  Stewart,  Wayne,  Oswald,  and  Living 
ston.  To  each  he  gave  orders,  assigned  them  posi 
tions,  and  directed  them  to  face  the  enemy.  Leading 
the  way,  he  placed  Ramsey  and  Stewart,  with  two  guns, 
in  the  woods  to  the  left,  with  orders  to  stop  pursuit.  On 
the  right,  back  of  an  orchard,  he  placed  Yarnum,  Wayne, 
and  Livingston  ;  while  Knox  and  Oswald,  with  four  guns, 
were  establishech~to  cover  their  front.  When  Maxwell 
and  other  generals  arrived,  they  were  sent  to  the  rear  to 
re-form  their  columns  and  report  back  to  him  for  orders. 
Lafayette  was  intrusted  with  the  formation  of  a  second 
line  until  he  could  give  the  halted  troops  a  position  which 
they  might  hold  until  he  could  bring  the  entire  army  to 
their  support. 

It  was  such  an  hour  as  tests  great  captains  and 
proves  soldiers.  The  ordeal  of  Valley  Forge  had  made 
soldiers.  In  the  presence  of  Washington  they  were 
knit  to  him  as  by  bands  of  steel.  Company  after 
company  sprang  into  fresh  formation  as  if  first  coming 
on  parade. 


232  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

With  the  last  retreating  detachment,  Lee  appeared,  and 
to  his  astonished  gaze,  there  was  revealed  a' new  forma 
tion  of  the  very  troops  he  had  ordered  to  seek  safety  in 
retreat.  In  reply  to  his  demand  for  the  reason  of  this 
disposition  of  the  troops,  he  was  informed  that  Washing 
ton,  in  person,  located  the  troops.  He  understood  that 
his  personal  command  ceased  with  the  arrival  of  the 
Commander-in-Chief,  and  he  reported  for  orders.  He  had 
no  time  to  speak,  when  he  met  this  stern  peremptory 
demand,  "What  does  this  mean,  sir?  Give  me  instantly 
an  explanation  of  this  retreat !  "  Appalled  by  the  wrath 
ful  manner  and  awfully  stern  presence  of  Washington, 
as  with  drawn  sword  he  stood  in  his  stirrups,  towering 
above  the  abashed  officer,  Lee  could  only  answer  mechan 
ically,  "Sir?  Sir?"  The  demand  was  repeated  with  an 
emphasis  that ,  hushed  every  observer.  Washington's 
manner,  bearing  and  tone,  are  described  by  those  who 
stood  awe-bound  by  the  scene,  as  "more  than  human." 
It  was  as  if  Liberty  herself  had  descended  to  possess  the 
form  of  her  champion ! 

All  who  felt  his  presence  bent  their  wills  as  rushes 
yield  to  the  tempest,  — so  immediate,  so  irresistible  was 
his  mastery  of  the  occasion.  When  the  half  suppli 
ant  officer  ventured  to  explain  that  "  the  contradictory 
reports  as  to  the  enemy's  movements  brought  about  a 
confusion  that  he  could  not  control,"  and  ventured  far 
ther  to  remind  his  Commander-in-Chief  that  he  "  was 
opposed  to  it  in  council,  and  while  the  enemy  Avas  so 
superior  in  cavalry  we  could  not  oppose  him,"  Washing 
ton,  with  instant  self-control,  replied:  "You  should  not 
have  undertaken  it  unless  prepared  to  carry  it  through  : 
and  whatever  your  opinions,  orders  were  to  be  obeyed." 
Again  turning  to  the  silent  officer,  he  asked  one  single 
question.  It  was  this  :  "  Will  you  remain  here  in  front, 
and  retain  command  while  I  form  the  army  in  the  rear  ;  or 


BATTLE    OF    MONMOUTH. 


shall  I  remain?"  Lee  remained,  until  ordered  to  return 
to-  English  Town  and  assist  in  rallying  the  fugitives  that 
assembled  there.  It  requires  more  time  to  outline  the 
events  of  a  few  precious  moments  at  such  a  crisis  than  the 
events  themselves  occupied.  The  map  discloses  the  final 
position.  Greene  was  on  the  right,  Stirling  was  on  the 
left  —  where  an  admirable  position  of  artillery  prepared 
him  to  meet  the  British  columns.  Lafayette  occupied 
a  second  line,  on  slightly  higher  ground  in  the  rear. 
Greene  sent  six  guns  to  McComb's  Hill,  where  they  could 
direct  enfilading  fire  upon  the  British  colujnns,  already 
advancing  against  the  position  in  which  Washington  had 
placed  Wayne,  Varnum  and  Livingston. 

The  real  Battle  of  Monmouth  had  begun.  The  British 
forces  were  repulsed  at  every  point.  At  the  hedge-row, 
three  brilliant  charges  were  made,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Monckton  of  the  British  Grenadiers  was  among  the  killed. 
As  the  day  advanced,  Lee  reported  in  person,  and  again 
requested  "his  excellency's  pleasure,"  whether  to  form  his 
division  "with  the  main  body,  or  draw  them  up  in  the 
rear."  He  was  ordered  to  re-form  them  in  the  rear  of 
English  Town,  three  miles  distant.  Baron  Steuben  was 
also  on  duty  at  that  point.  When,  about  five  o'clock,  all 
cannonading  ceased  in  the  direction  of  the  battlefield, 
Colonel  Gimat,  of  Washington's  staff,  arrived  at  English 
Town  with  an  order  for  the  advance  of  the  troops  which 
had  been  re-formed  under  Lee's  supervision  ;  announcing 
that  the  British  were  in  confusion.  Colonel  Gimat  stated 
in  his  evidence  before  the  court-martial  which  subse 
quently  tried  Lee,  that  when  he  communicated  this  order 
to  that  officer  Lee  replied,  that  "they  were  only  resting 
themselves,  and  there  must  be  some  misunderstanding 
about  your  being  ordered  to  advance  with  these  troops  "  ; 
"  and  it  was  not  until  General  Muhlenburg  halted,  and  the 
precise  orders  of  Washington  were  repeated,  that  Lee 


234  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

could  understand  that  the  cessation  of  firing  was  occa 
sioned  by  the  retreat  of  Clinton,  and  not  by  the  defeat  of 
Washington." 

During  the  evening,  the  American  army  advanced, 
ready  for  a  general  attack  upon  the  British  troops,  at  day 
break.  Washington,  with  a  small  escort,  visited  every 
picket.  The  position  was  made  impregnable,  and  the 
army  was  in  the  best  possible  spirits  for  a  complete 
victory,  and  expected  victory. 

At  10  o'clock  at  night,  Clinton  silently  broke  camp 
and  departed  for  Middletown,  where  he  joined  Knyp- 
hausen,  reaching  New  York  on  the  last  day  of  June. 
The  British  and  the  American  casualties  were  each  about 
three  hundred,  some  of  these  being  deaths  from  excessive 
heat.  It  appeared  afterwards,  that  the  desertions  from 
the  British  army  numbered  nearly  two  thousand  men. 

European  comments  upon  this  battle  were  as  eulogistic 
of  the  American  Commander-in-Chief  as  after  the  battles 
of  Trenton,  Princeton,  and  Germantown.  The  historian 
Gordon  says  of  Washington,  upon  his  reaching  the 
battlefield :  "  He  animated  his  forces  by  his  gallant 
example,  and  exposed  his  person  to  every  danger  common 
to  the  meanest  soldier  ;  so  that  the  conduct  of  the  soldiers 
in  general,  after  recovering  from  the  first  surprise  occa 
sioned  by  the  retreat,  could  not  be  surpassed." 

General  Lee  was  tried  for  disobedience  of  orders  in 
not  attacking  the  enemy ;  for  misbehavior  before  the 
enemy  ;  a  disorderly  retreat ;  and  insolent  letters  sent  to 
the  Commander-in-Chief,  after  the  battle,  and  was  sen 
tenced  to  "  suspension  from  command  for  twelve  months." 
A  reasonable  self-control,  which  he  never  had  exercised, 
might,  even  at  this  crisis  of  his  history,  have  saved  him 
his  commission.  He  died  ignominiously,  and  even  in 
his  will  perpetuated  his  hatred  of  religion  and  his 
Maker.  An  abstract  of  the  testimony  taken  upon  his 


BATTLE    OF    MONMOUTH.  235 

trial  shows  that  the  adjustment  of  the  advance  troops 
by  General  Lafayette  was  admirable ;  that  up  to  the  time 
when  Lee  ordered  a  retreat  without  consulting  him,  all 
the  troops  were  steady  in  their  positions,  awaiting  some 
systematic  orders  from  Lee,  who  had  just  taken  com 
mand  ;  that  Lee  did  not  intend  to  force  the  battle  which 
Lafayette  had  organized ;  that  brigades  and  detachments 
had  no  information  of  adjoining  commands,  or  supports; 
that  when  Lee's  orders  for  a  general  retreat  reached 
brigades,  each  brigade  moved  more  through  example 
than  instructions,  without  direction  or  intimation  of  any 
new  formation,  or  any  reason  for  the  retreat. 

Recent  writers  have  revived  the  tradition  as  to  Wash 
ington's  alleged  profanity  at  the  Battle  of  Momnouth.  It 
would  seem  that  either  Charles  Lee,  or  his  witnesses,  or 
the  Avitnesses  of  the  United  States,  under  cross-examina 
tion,  immediately  after  the  occurrence,  would  have  tes 
tified  to  such  words,  if  spoken,  for  the  sake  of  vindicat 
ing  Lee,  when  his  commission  and  honor  were  in  jeopardy. 
Every  Avitness  agrees  with  Lee  as  to  language  used ;  but 
none  imply  profanity.  Silence  in  this  respect  is,  prima 
facie,  the  strongest  possible  legal  evidence  in  disproval  of 
the  charge. 

One  of  the  most  eminent  of  American  historians,  in  a 
footnote,  thus  attempts  to  verify  this  vague  tradition 
respecting  Washington:  "It  is  related  that  when  Lafay 
ette  visited  this  country  in  1825,  he  was  the  guest  of  Chief 
Justice  Hornblower  at  Newark,  N.  J.,  and  that  while  seated 
on  his  front  porch,  one  evening,  Lafayette  remarked  that 
the  only  time  when  he  f  ever  heard  Washington  swear, 
was  when  he  rebuked  Lee  at  meeting  him  on  his  retreat 
at  Momnouth.' r'  The  late  Justice  Bradley,  who  married  a 
daughter  of  Judge  Hornblower,  in  a  letter,  thus  meets 
this  statement :  "  Nothing  of  the  kind  ever  occurred. 
Lafayette  did  not  stay  at  Mr.  Hornblower's,  but  at  the 


230  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

principal  public  house  of  the  city.  There  he  was  visited  ; 
but  the  subject  of  the  Battle  of  Monmouth  was  not  men 
tioned." 

Lafayette  does  not,  in  his  Memoirs,  make  such  a  charge  ; 
nor  in  letters  to  his  wife,  which  were  voluminous  in 
sketches  of  his  beloved  commander.  Invariably,  he  exalts 
the  character  of  Washington,  as  "  something  more  divine 
than  human." 

An  additional  statement,  however,  is  given,  to  indicate 
the  intensity  of  feeling  and  excitement  of  manner  which 
characterized  Washington's  deportment  on  the  occasion 
referred  to.  The  late  Governor  Pennington,  of  New  Jer 
sey,  afterwards  Speaker  of  the  American  House  of  Rep 
resentatives,  was  a  pupil  of  Dr.  Asahel  Green,  President 
of  Princeton  College,  and  related  this  incident  of  his  col 
lege  career :  "  Dr.  Green  lectured  on  Moral  Philosophy, 
and  used  as  his  text-book  Paley's  work  on  that  subject. 
When  engaged  on  the  chapter  relative  to  profane  swear 
ing,  after  Dr.  Green  had  dilated  on  the  subject,  expanding 
Paley's  argument  on  the  uselessness  and  ungentlemanli- 
ness  of  the  vice,  and  the  entire  absence  of  any  excuse  for 
it,  some  roguish  student  put  to  him  this  question  :  '  Dr. 
Green,  did  not  Washington  swear  at  Lee,  at  the  Battle  of 
Monmouth?'  Now,  the  doctor  was  present  during  the 
battle,  in  fact,  a  chaplain  in  the  service,  although  a  young 
man,  and  was  an  enthusiastic  admirer,  almost  worship 
per,  of  General  Washington.  When  the  question  was  put 
to  him,  he  drew  himself  up  with  dignity  and  said  :  '  Young 
man,  that  great  man  did,  I  acknowledge,  use  some  hasty 
and  incautious  words  at  the  Battle  of  Monmouth,  when 
Lee  attempted  to  excuse  his  treacherous  conduct :  but, 
if  there  ever  was  an  occasion  on  which  a  man  might 
be  excused  for  such  forgetfulness,  it  was  that  occasion  ! ' ' 

In  reply  to  an  insolent  letter  written  by  General  Lee 
immediately  after  the  battle,  in  which  he  protested  against 


BATTLE    OF    MONMOUTH.  237 

"  very  singular  expressions  used  on  the  field,  which  implied 
that  he  was  either  guilty  of  disobedience  of  orders,  of 
want  of  conduct,  or  want  of  courage,"  Washington  replied  : 
"  I  received  your  letter,  expressed,  as  I  conceive,  in  terms 
highly  improper.  I  am  not  conscious  of  any  very  sin 
gular  expressions  at  the  time  of  my  meeting  you,  as  you 
intimate.  What  I  recollect  to  have  said,  was  dictated  by 
duty  and  warranted  by  the  occasion." 

As  at  Kipp's  Bay,  when  Washington  denounced  the 
panic  as  "  dastardly  and  cowardly,"  and  tradition  called 
that  "profanity,"  —  thus,  at  Monmouth,  Washington  re 
buked  Lee's  conduct.  Lee's  letter,  just  cited,  conveys 
his  estimate  of  Washington's  words  and  manner.  He 
also  testified,  that  it  was  "manner  rather  than  tuords" 
that  gave  him  offence. 

The  Battle  of  Monmouth,  from  first  to  last,  was  a  su 
preme  test  of  Washington  the  Soldier.  From  Monmouth, 
he  marched  to  Brunswick,  where  he  rested  his  troops  ; 
thence  to  Haverstraw  Bay  ;  and  finally,  on  the  twenty- 
second  day  of  July,  ho  established  his  summer  head 
quarters  at  White  Plains. 


.  —  Washington's  Military  Order  Book,  from  the  22nd  of 
June  to  8th  of  August,  1779,  in  his  own  hand-writing,  contains 
the  following  General  Order. 

"  Many  and  pointed  Orders  have  been  issued  against  that  unmean 
ing  and  abominable  custom  of  swearing,  —  notwithstanding  which, 
with  much  regret  the  General  observes  that  it  prevails  if  possible, 
more  than  ever.  His  feelings  are  continually  wounded  by  the  oaths 
and  imprecations  of  the  soldiers  whenever  he  is  in  hearing  of  them. 
The  name  of  that  Being  from  whose  bountiful  goodness  we  are  per 
mitted  to  exist  and  enjoy  the  Comforts  of  life  is  incessantly  imprecated 
and  profaned  in  a  manner  as  wanton  as  it  is  shocking.  For  the  sake 
therefore  of  religion,  decency  and  order,  the  General  hopes  and  trusts 
that  officers  of  every  rank  will  use  their  influence  and  authority  to 
Check  a  vice  which  is  as  unprofitable  as  it  is  wicked  and  shameful. 
If  officers  would  make  it  an  invariable  rule  to  reprimand  and,  if  that 
does  not  do  —  punish  soldiers  for  offences  of  the  kind,  it  would  not 
fail  of  having  the  desired  effect." 


CHAPTER   XXIII. 

THE      ALLIANCE      WITH     FRANCE     TAKES     EFFECT.   --  SIEGE 
OF     NEWPORT. 

"I  rPON  the  return  of  General  Clinton  to  New  York  as 
v_J  the  successor  to  General  Howe  in  command  of  "  all 
the  Atlantic  Colonies  from  Nova  Scotia  to  West  Indies, 
inclusive,"  his  outlook  over  the  territories  which  fell 
under  his  guardianship  must  have  been  that  of  faith 
rather  than  of  sight.  With  the  exception  of  Staten  Island 
and  the  British  supply  depot,  practically  a  part  of  New 
York,  only  one  other  post  in  the  Northern  Department, 
that  of  Newport,  R.I.,  retained  a  British  garrison.  It 
is  very  certain  that  Clinton  did  not  regard  his  exodus 
from  Philadelphia  and  his  collision  with  Washington's 
army  at  Monmouth  with  as  much  enthusiasm  as  did 
Charles  Lee,  who,  shortly  after  that  battle,  when  demand 
ing  a  speedy  court-martial,  informed  Washington  that 
"this  campaign  would  close  the  war."  At  any  rate, 
Clinton  was  hardly  settled  in  his  quarters,  before  tidings 
reached  him  that,  on  the  eighth,  a  formidable  French  fleet 
of  twelve  line-of-battle  ships  and  four  frigates  had  made 
the  Delaware  Capes ;  and  that  one  of  them,  the  Chinier, 
had  conveyed  to  the  American  capital  Monsieur  Conrad 
A.  Gerard,  the  first  French  Ambassador  to  the  United 
States  of  America.  Silas  Deane,  one  of  the  American 
Commissioners  at  Paris,  accompanied  Monsieur  Gerard. 
Clinton  had  reason  to  rejoice  in  this  tardy  arrival.  The 
fleet  sailed  from  Toulon,  April  thirteenth  ;  but  on  account 

238 


ALLIANCE    WITH    FRANCE    TAKES    EFFECT.       239 

of  contrary  winds  did  not  pass  Gibraltar  until  the  fifteenth 
day  of  May.  A  voyage  of  ordinary  passage  would  have 
imperiled  both  Howe  and  Clinton  ;  as  four  thousand  troops 
accompanied  the  squadron,  and  its  naval  force  was,  just 
at  that  time,  superior  to  that  of  Great  Britain  in  Ameri 
can  waters. 

In  order  rightly  to  appreciate  the  campaign  which 
almost  immediately  opened,  it  is  interesting  to  observe 
how  the  operations  of  both  America  and  Britain  were 
controlled  by  incidents  over  which  neither  had  control. 
They  also  illustrate  the  contingencies  which  shape  all 
military  and  naval  operations  over  a  broad  theatre  of  war. 
A  superior  British  squadron,  under  Admiral  Byron,  sailed 
from  Portsmouth,  England,  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that 
France  would  actively  support  the  United  States.  This 
was  on  the  twentieth  day  of  May.  Upon  receipt  of  news, 
supposed  to  be  trustworthy,  that  the  French  fleet  had 
been  ordered  to  the  West  Indies  only,  the  order  was 
suspended  in  time  for  his  return.  Admiral  Byron,  who 
had  been  ordered  to  relieve  Admiral  Howe,  returned 
to  Plymouth.  He  did  not  actually  sail  with  his  fine  fleet 
of  twenty-two  ships  until  the  fifth  of  June.  Even  then, 
the  ships  were  scattered  by  storms ;  and  four  of  them, 
reaching  New  York  separately,  narrowly  escaped  capture 
by  the  French  just  after  Count  d'Estaing  left  that  port 
for  Newport. 

The  French  fleet,  when  advised  of  the  evacuation  of 
Philadelphia,  immediately  sailed  for  New  York.  Its  ar 
rival  produced  intense  excitement.  The  Annual  Register 
(British)  of  that  period  reflects  the  sentiment  very  fully. 
The  British  ships,  then  in  port,  were  inferior  in  number 
and  weight  of  metal  to  those  of  France.  Every  available 
vessel  of  sufficient  capacity  to  carry  heavy  guns  was  im 
mediately  subsidized  for  defence.  The  entire  city  was 
exposed  to  attack  as  when  occupied  by  the  American 


240  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

army  after  its  retreat  from  Long  Island.  It  was  a  strange 
change  in  the  relations  of  the  British  and  American 
forces  in  that  vicinity. 

Washington,  fully  satisfied  that  Clinton  could  have  no 
possible  inducement  again  to  enter  New  Jersey,  hoped, 
that  through  the  presence  of  the  French  ships  and  the 
accompanying  troops  he  might  wrest  Newport  from 
British  control,  and  planned  accordingly.  He  did  not, 
however,  overlook  the  possibility  of  even  striking  New 
York.  He  had  been  advised  by  the  French  Ambassador 
of  the  very  perilous  relations  of  France  in  the  West 
Indies ;  and  that  the  fleet  which  accompanied  him  to 
Philadelphia,  with  the  expectation  of  a  decisive  action 
there,  must  soon  be  released  for  service  elsewhere.  Its 
change  of  destination  to  the  port  of  New  York  involved 
an  unexpected  delay  upon  the  American  coast,  and  con 
tingencies  of  a  very  serious  character.  '  American  critics 
constantly  complained  that  the  French  fleet  did  not  at 
once  bombard  New  York  City.  Even  some  military  men 
of  that  period,  and  some  historical  speculators  since 
that  time,  would  denounce  the  statement  of  the  French 
Admiral,  that  the  depth  of  water  was  insufficient  for  his 
ships  to  approach  the  city,  as  a  mere  excuse  for  not 
doing  so.  Washington  sent  Colonels  Laurens  and  Ham 
ilton,  confidential  members  of  his  staff,  to  learn  the  facts  ; 
and  the  most  experienced  pilots  were  offered  fifty  thou 
sand  dollars  if  they  would  agree  to  conduct  the  ships  to 
the  city.  Hamilton's  Report  read  as  follows  : 

>r  These  experienced  persons  unanimously  declared, 
that  it  was  impossible  to  carry  us  in.  All  refused  ;  and 
the  particular  soundings  which  I  caused  to  be  made  my 
self,  too  well  demonstrated  that  they  were  right." 

Washington  immediately  turned  his  attention  to  New 
port  ;  and  the  French  fleet  sailed  at  once  to  Rhode  Island. 
Count  d'Estaing  cast  anchor  off  Point  Judith,  only  five 


ALLIANCE    WITH    FRANCE    TAKES    EFFECT.        241 

miles  from  Newport,  on  the  twenty-ninth  day  of  July. 
As  an  indication  of  the  condition  of  affairs  at  New  York 
after  his  departure,  the  following  despatch  of  General 
Clinton  to  Lord  Germaine,  bearing  the  same  date,  July 
twenty-ninth,  is  of  interest,  declaring :  "  I  may  yet  be 
compelled  to  evacuate  the  city  and  return  to  Halifax." 

The  reader  will  involuntarily  recall  the  events  of  July 
and  August,  1776,  only  two  years  prior  to  the  date  of 
this  despondent  letter.  Then  General  Howe  and  Ad 
miral  Howe  superciliously  addressed  communications  to 
"  George  Washington,  Esqr."  Now,  General  Howe  was 
homeward  bound,  relieved  from  further  service  in  Amer 
ica,  because  the  same  Washington  had  outgeneraled  him 
as  a  Soldier.  And  his  brother,  Admiral  Howe,  had  been 
granted  his  request  to  be  transferred  to  some  other 
sphere  of  naval  service. 

As  soon  as  the  French  squadron  of  Count  d'Estaing 
sailed  from  New  York,  Washington  instructed  General 
Sullivan,  then  in  command  at  Providence,  R.I.,  to  sum 
mon  the  New  England  militia  to  his  aid  for  a  combined 
attack  upon  Newport ;  assigned  Generals  Greene  and 
Lafayette  to  the  command  of  divisions  ;  and  ordered  the 
brigades  of  Varnum  and  Glover  to  report  to  Lafayette. 
These  officers  had  served  with  Greene  before  Boston,  and 
Yarnuni  was  a  member  of  Greene's  old  company,  the 
Kentish  Guards,  which  marched  with  him  to  Boston  at 
the  outbreak  of  war.  The  proposed  cooperation  of 
French  troops  also  made  the  assignment  of  General 
Lafayette  equally  judicious. 

The  British  garrison  consisted  of  six  thousand  troops 
under  Major-General  Pigot.  On  the  fifth  of  August 
two  French  frigates  entered  the  harbor,  and  the  British 
burned  seven  of  their  own  frigates  with  which  they  had 
controlled  the  waters,  to  avoid  their  capture.  Details  of 
the  siege  of  Newport,  except  as  Washington  bore  rela- 


242  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

tions  to  its  progress  and  its  ultimate  failure,  are  not 
within  the  purpose  of  this  narrative.  It  was  unfortu 
nate  that  General  Sullivan  so  long  detained  the  French 
troops  on  shipboard ;  where,  as  one  of  their  officers 
wrote,  they  had  been  "  cooped  up  "  for  more  than  five 
months.  Their  prompt  landing  would  certainly  have 
averted  the  subsequent  disaster ;  as  storms  of  unprece 
dented  fury  soon  after  swept  the  coast,  with  almost  equal 
distress  to  the  land  forces  and  those  on  the  sea.  In 
General  Washington's  letter,  advising  of  the  departure 
of  Admiral  Howe  from  New  York  for  Newport,  he  thus 
forecast  the  future  :  "  Unless  the  fleet  have  advices  of  re- 
enforcements  off  the  coast,  it  can  only  be  accounted  for 
on  the  principle  of  desperation,  stimulated  by  a  hope  of 
finding  you  divided  in  your  operations  against  Rhode 
Island." 

The  American  force  was  about  ten  thousand  men.  The 
tenth  of  the  month  had  been  specifically  designated  for  a 
joint  movement ;  but  General  Sullivan,  without  notifying 
the  Count  d'Estaing,  anticipated  it  by  a  day,  and  failed. 
Count  d'Estaing  was  a  lieutenant-general  in  the  French 
army  ;  but  agreed  to  waive  his  rank,  and  serve  under 
Lafayette.  The  report  was  current  at  that  time,  that 
ill-feeling  arose  between  General  Sullivan  and  Count 
d'Estaing  because  of  the  precipitate  action  of  General  Sul 
livan  on  this  occasion.  On  the  contrary,  Count  d'Estaing 
understood  that  but  two  thousand  troops  were  in  the 
movement.  He  promptly  called  upon  General  Sullivan 
to  consult  as  to  further  operations ;  and  in  a  Report  to 
Congress  used  this  language,  alike  creditable  to  his  judg 
ment  and  his  candor  :  "  Knowing  that  there  are  moments 
which  must  be  eagerly  seized  upon  in  war,  I  was  cautious 
of  blaming  any  overthrow  of  plans,  which  nevertheless 
astonished  me,  and  which,  in  fact,  merits  in  my  opin 
ion  only  praise ;  although  accumulated  circumstances 


SIEGE    OF    NEWPORT.  243 

might  have  rendered  the  consequences  very  unfortu~ 
nate." 

When  he  made  his  visit  to  General  Sullivan,  he  left 
orders  for  the  troops  that  were  to  join  in  the  land  expe 
dition  to  follow.  He  had  no  knowledge,  at  that  time, 
that  Admiral  Howe  had  received  reinforcements,  and  had 
left  New  York  to  attack  the  French  fleet  then  at  New 
port.  A  large  number  of  the  French  seamen  were  upon 
Connanicut  Island,  on  account  of  scurvy,  and  the  fleet 
was  scattered,  without  apprehension  of  an  attack  from 
the  sea.  A  fog  prevailed  on  the  morning  of  the  visit. 
D'Estaing  returned  to  his  flag-ship,  and  as  the  fog  lifted, 
there  appeared  in  the  offing  a  British  fleet  of  thirty-six 
sail.  Admiral  Howe  had  been  reenforced  by  a  portion 
of  Admiral  Byron's  fleet,  which  arrived  in  advance  of  its 
commander ;  and  this  force  was  superior  to  that  of  his 
adversary.  D'Estaing  was  alert.  Quickly  gathering  his 
ships,  in  spite  of  a  rising  gale,  he  succeeded  in  gaining 
and  holding  the  "  weather-gauge  "  of  Howe,  who  did  not 
dare  press  toward  the  land  against  such  an  advantage  in 
D'Estaing's  favor.  Both  fleets  were  dispersed  by  the 
tempest  over  fifty  miles  of  ocean,  repeatedly  meeting 
with  collisions,  and  after  several  of  his  ships  had  been 
dismasted,  Howe  ran  the  gauntlet  of  a  part  of  the  French 
squadron,  and  returned  to  New  York. 

On  the  twentieth,  Count  d'Estaing  returned  to  New 
port  ;  and  on  the  twenty-second  sailed  for  Boston  to  refit. 
A  protest,  signed  by  General  Sullivan  and  others,  includ 
ing  John  Hancock,  who  took  an  active  part  in  the  opera 
tions  of  the  siege,  did  not  change  his  purpose.  He  had  no 
alternative.  It  is  true  that  much  bad  feeling,  soon  proven 
to  have  been  absolutely  unjustifiable,  existed  among 
Americans  at  the  date  of  his  departure.  Sullivan  him 
self  issued  an  intemperate  order,  which  he  speedily  modi 
fied,  but  not  until  it  had  gone  to  the  public  ;  in  which  he 


244  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

used  these  words  :  "  The  general  yet  hopes  the  event  will 
prove  America  able  to  procure  that  by  her  own  arms, 
which  her  allies  refuse  to  assist  in  obtaining." 

Just  at  this  time,  a  courier  from  Washington  reached 
Sullivan's  headquarters  with  the  information  that  General 
Clinton  had  sailed  from  New  York  with  four  thousand 
troops  to  reenforce  the  garrison  of  Newport ;  and  strongly 
intimated  "the  importance  of  securing  a  timely  retreat 
from  the  Island."  The  suggestion  was  heeded.  On  the 
twenty-sixth,  the  heavy  baggage  was  removed.  On  the 
twenty-eighth,  a  council  of  officers  decided  to  withdraw  to 
the  north  end  of  the  island,  until  a  messenger  could  be  sent 
to  Boston  to  urge  the  return  of  the  French  fleet.  La 
fayette  was  the  messenger,  and  made  the  round  trip  in  a 
few  hours.  Count  d'Estaing  very  properly  held,  that  to 
put  in  peril  the  entire  fleet  of  France,  in  support  of  land 
operations  so  far  from  home  and  upon  a  strange  coast, 
was  a  practical  disobedience  of  his  orders,  and  unjust  to 
his  sovereign ;  but,  while  he  would  not  return  with  his 
fleet,  he  informed  Lafayette,  that  he  "  was  willing  to 
lead  the  French  troops,  in  person,  to  Newport"  and  place 
himself  "under  General  Sullivan's  orders."  In  a  manly 
explanation  of  his  course,  and  notwithstanding  General 
Sullivan's  proclamation,  of  which  he  was  advised,  he  used 
this  language  :  "  /  was  'anxious  to  demonstrate  thai  my 
countrymen  could  not  be  offended  by  a  sudden  expression  of 
feeling ;  and  that  he  who  commanded  them  in  America,  was, 
and  would  be,  at  all  times,  one  of  the  most  devoted  and 
zealous  servants  of  the  United  States." 

By  three  o'clock  of  the  twenty-ninth,  the  Americans 
occupied  Quaker  Hill  and  Turkey  Hill.  These  localities 
are  still  remembered  for  the  gallantry  of  their  defenders 
during  subsequent  British  assaults.  At  eleven  o'clock, 
Lafayette  returned  from  Boston,  and  before  twelve  — 
as  reported  by  Sullivan  —  "  the  main  army  had  crossed 


SIEGE    OF    NEWPORT.  245 

to  the  mainland  with  stores  and  baggage."  As  at  Brandy- 
wine,  Barren  Hill  and  Monmouth,  Lafayette  remained 
with  the  rear  guard,  and  brought  away  the  last  of  the 
pickets  in  good  order,  rf  not  a  man  nor  an  article  of  bag 
gage  having  been  left  behind." 

On  the  morning  of  the  thirtieth,  one  hundred  and  five 
sail  of  British  vessels  were  in  sight,  bringing  Clinton's 
army  to  the  rescue  of  the  garrison.  Howe  returned  im 
mediately  to  New  York,  although  Gray  made  an  expe 
dition  from  Newport  which  committed  depredations  at 
Bedford,  Fairhaven,  Martha's  Vineyard,  and  all  places 
from  which  American  privateers  were  fitted  out  for 
assaults  upon  British  commerce.  Admiral  Howe  after 
wards  sailed  for  Boston,  but  being  unable  to  entice  Count 
d'Estaing  to  so  unequal  a  contest,  returned  again  to  New 
York.  On  the  first  of  November,  Admiral  Byron  appeared 
off  Boston  with  a  large  naval  force,  but  was  driven  to  sea 
by  a  storm  which  so  disabled  his  fleet  that  he  was  com 
pelled  to  go  to  Newport  and  refit.  On  his  voyage  from 
England  he  had  been  compelled  to  stop  at  Halifax,  and  it 
has  been  well  said  of  this  officer,  that  he  chiefly  "  fought 
the  ocean,  during  the  year  1778." 

Count  d'Estaing  sailed  for  the  West  Indies  on  the  third 
of  November.  The  first  cooperation  of  the  French  navy 
in  support  of  the  United  States  had  resulted  in  no  victories, 
on  land  or  sea ;  but  it  had  precipitated  the  evacuation  of 
Philadelphia,  restricted  the  garrison  of  New  York  to 
operations  within  the  reach  of  the  British  navy,  and  was 
a  practical  pledge  of  thorough  sympathy  with  America  in 
her  struggle  for  complete  independence  of  Great  Britain, 
and  of  the  emphatic  determination  of  France  to  maintain, 
as  well  as  acknowledge,  that  independence. 


CHAPTER    XXIV. 

MINOR    EVENTS    AND    GRAVE    CONDITIONS,     1779. 

THE  Headquarters  of  the  American  Army  remained  at 
White  Plains  until  the  latter  part  of  September. 
Upon  reaching  that  post,  immediately  following  the  Bat 
tle  of  Monmouth,  after  two  years  of  absence,  the  Amer 
ican  Commander-in-Chief,  profoundly  appreciating  the 
mutations  of  personal  and  campaign  experience  through 
which  himself  and  army  had  kept  company  in  the  service 
of  "  God  and  Country,"  thus  expressed  himself: 

r'  The  hand  of  Providence  has  been  so  conspicuous,  that 
he  must  be  worse  than  an  infidel  that  lacks  faith ;  and 
more  than  wicked  that  has  not  gratitude  enough  to  recoo-- 

o  o  o 

nize  the  obligation." 

Washington's  self-control  of  a  strongly  passionate  nat 
ural  temper,  and  his  equanimity  under  most  exasperating 
ordeals,  first  were  due  to  maternal  influence,  and  then  to 
his  faith  in  some  guiding  principle  of  the  inner  self  which 
enabled  him  to  devote  his  entire  faculties  to  passing 
duty,  unhampered  by  the  many  personal  considerations 
which  so  grievously  worried  many  of  his  subordinates. 

Upon  the  failure  of  operations  against  Newport,  Sulli 
van  reoccupied  Providence  ;  Lafayette  occupied  Bristol, 
and  afterwards  withdrew  to  Warren,  beyond  the  reach  of 
the  British  shipping.  Greene,  still  acting  as  Quarter 
master-General,  went  to  Boston,  to  superintend  the  pur 
chase  of  supplies  for  the  French  fleet.  It  is  to  be  noticed, 
in  connection  with  the  presence  of  the  French  fleet  at 

246 


MINOR  EVENTS  AND   GRAVE   CONDITIONS.        247 

Boston,  that  one  of  its  officers,  Chevalier  de  Saint  Sau- 
veur,  was  killed  while  attempting  to  quiet  an  affray 
between  the  French  and  some  disorderly  persons  who 
visited  a  French  bakery.  On  the  next  day,  the  Massa 
chusetts  General  Assembly,  ordered  the  erection  of  a 
monument  to  his  memory. 

Washington  removed  from  White  Plains  to  Fishkill, 
ever  on  the  watch  for  the  defences  of  the  Hudson  and 
the  assurance  of  constant  communication  between  New 
England  and  New  York.  On  the  tenth,  he  was  at 
Petersburg.  On  the  twenty-seventh,  he  announced  the 
disposition  of  the  army  for  the  approaching  winter. 

The  formal  assignments  of  commands  to  posts  and 
departments,  at  this  time,  indicate  his  judgment  of  their 
relative  value  and  exposure  :  "  Nine  brigades  are  disposed 
on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson  River,  exclusive  of  the 
garrison  of  West  Point ;  one  of  which  will  be  near 
Smith's  Clove,  for  the  security  of  that  pass,  and  as  a 
reinforcement  to  West  Point,  in  case  of  necessity.  The 
Jersey  brigade  is  ordered  to  spend  the  winter  at  Eliza- 
bethtown,  to  cover  the  lower  parts  of  New  Jersey.  Seven 
brigades,  consisting  of  the  Virginia,  Maryland,  Delaware, 
and  Pennsylvania  troops,  will  be  at  Middlebrook ;  six 
brigades  will  be  left  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  and  at 
West  Point ;  three  of  which  (of  Massachusetts  troops) 
will  be  stationed  for  the  immediate  defence  of  the  High 
lands,  —  one  at  West  Point,  in  addition  to  the  garrison 
already  there,  and  the  other  two  at  Fishkill  and  Conti 
nental  Village.  The  remaining  three  brigades,  composed 
of  the  New  Hampshire  and  Connecticut  troops,  and 
Hazen's  Regiment,  will  be  posted  in  the  vicinity  of  Dan- 
bury,  for  the  protection  of  the  country  lying  along  the 
Sound ;  to  cover  our  magazines  lying  on  Connecticut 
river ;  and  to  aid  the  Highlands,  on  any  serious  move 
ment  of  the  enemy  that  way.  The  park  of  artillery  will 


248  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

be  at  Pluckemin ;  the  cavalry  will  be  disposed  of  thus  : 
Eland's  Regiment  at  Winchester,  Va." 

The  significance  of  this  last  assignment  will  be 
apparent,  if  it  be  remembered  that  the  Hessian  troops, 
captured  at  Saratoga,  preferred  to  remain  in  America ; 
so  that,  when  Burgoyne's  army  reached  Cambridge  for 
transportation  to  England,  the  foreign  troops  were  sent 
to  Virginia.  Some  threats  had  reached  the  ever-attentive 
ear  of  the  American  Commander-in-Chief,  that  an  attempt 
would  be  made  to  release  this  command  and  employ  it  in 
the  field,  at  the  south.  Of  the  other  cavalry  squadrons, 
Baylis'  was  to  occupy  Frederick,  or  Hagerstown,  Md.  ; 
Sheldon's,  to  be  at  Durham,  Conn.  ;  and  Lee's  Corps, 
(Col.  Harry  Lee),  "will  be  with  that  part  of  the  army 
which  is  in  the  Jerseys,  acting  on  the  advanced  posts." 

General  Putnam  was  assigned  to  command  at  Danbury, 
General  McDougall,  in  the  Highlands  ;  and  general  head 
quarters  were  to  be  near  Middlebrook. 

No  extensive  field  operations  took  place  in  the  Northern 
States,  after  the  Battle  of  Monmouth.  Several  restricted 
excursions  were  made,  which  kept  the  American  Com 
mander-in-Chief  on  the  watch  for  the  Highland  posts  ;  but 
these  became  less  and  less  frequent  as  the  year  1778  drew 
near  its  close.  The  British  cabinet  ordered  five  thousand 
of  Clinton's  troops  to  the  West  Indies,  and  three  thousand 
more  to  Florida. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  September,  General  Gray 
surprised  Colonel  Baylor's  Light  Horse  at  Tappan,  on 
the  Hudson,  as  completely  as  he  had  surprised  Wayne 
at  Paoli.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Campbell,  accompanied  by 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Simcoe,  confirmed  their  usual  custom 
of  warfare  by  forays  which  brought  little  plunder  and  less 
intrinsic  cre/?',t.  Cornwallis  with  five  thousand  men  made 
an  incursion  into  New  Jersey,  between  the  Hudson  and 
the  Hackensack ;  and  Lieutenant-General  Knyphausen, 


MINOR  EVENTS   AND   GRAVE   CONDITIONS.        249 

with  three  thousand  men,  operated  in  Westchester  County, 
between  the  Bronx  and  the  Hudson,  but  with  small  acqui 
sition  of  provisions  or  other  supplies. 

On  the  eighth  of  October  General  Clinton,  in  writing  to 
Lord  Germaine,  says  :  "  With  an  army  so  much  dimin 
ished,  at  New  York,  nothing  important  can  be  done, 
especially  as  it  is  weakened  by  sending  seven  hundred 
men  to  Halifax,  and  three  hundred  to  Bermuda."  On  the 
fifteenth  of  October,  Captain  Ferguson  of  the  Seventieth 
British  Foot,  with  three  thousand  regulars  and  the  Third 
New  Jersey  Volunteers  (royalists)  made  a  descent  upon 
Little  Neck,  N.  J.,  where  many  privateers  were  equipped  ; 
surprised  a  detachment  of  Count  Pulaski's  American 
Brigade,  and  inflicted  a  loss  of  fifty  killed,  but  none 
wounded,  including  Lieutenant-Colonel  the  Baron  de 
Bose,  and  Lieutenant  de  la  Borderie.  Ferguson  says,  in 
his  official  report :  "It  being  a  night  attack,  little  quarter, 
of  course,  could  be  given ;  so  that  there  were  only  five 
prisoners."  Count  Pulaski  vigoiously  pursued  the  party, 
inflicting  some  loss.  This  Ferguson  was  one  of  the 
partisan  leaders  who  was  merciless  in  slaughter,  as  too 
many  of  the  auxiliary  leaders  of  that  period  proved 
themselves  to  be  when  upon  irresponsible  marauding 
expeditions. 

Meanwhile,  Indian  massacres  in  Wyoming  Valley, 
during  July,  and  that  of  Cherry  Valley,  on  the  eleventh 
of  November,  afterwards  to  be  avenged,  multiplied  the 
embarrassments  of  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  kept 
the  Cornmander-m-Chief  constantly  on  the  alert.  The 
condition  of  Clinton,  in  New  York,  had  indeed  become 
critical.  The  position  of  the  American  army  so  restricted 
even  his  food-supplies,  that  he  had  to  depend  largely  upon 
England  ;  and  on  the  second  day  of  December  he  wrote 
again,  and  even  more  despondently,  to  the  British  Secre 
tary  of  State  :  "  I  do  not  complain ;  but,  my  lord,  do  net 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


let  anything  be  expected  of  me,  circumstanced  as  I  am." 
The  British  Cabinet  had  already  indicated  its  purpose  to 
abandon  further  extensive  operations  in  the  Northern 
States,  and  to  utilize  the  few  troops  remaining  in  America, 
in  regions  where  less  organized  resistance  would  be  met, 
and  where  their  fleets  could  control  the  chief  points  to  be 
occupied.  As  early  as  November  twenty-seventh,  Com 
modore  Hyde  Parker  had  convoyed  a  fleet  of  transports 
to  Savannah,  with  a  total  land  force  of  thirty-five  hun 
dred  men  ;  and  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  December,  Savannah 
had  been  captured. 

The  year  1778  closed,  with  the  Southern  campaign 
opened  ;  but  the  American  Congress  had  no  money  ;  and 
the  loose  union  of  the  States  constantly  evoked  sectional 
jealousies.  Any  thoughtful  reader  of  this  narrative  must 
have  noticed  with  what  discriminating  judgment  enlist 
ments  were  accommodated  to  the  conditions  of  each  sec 
tion,  and  that  care  was  taken  to  dispose  of  troops  where 
their  local  associations  were  most  conducive  to  their 
enthusiastic  effort.  Washington  thus  forcibly  exposed 
the  condition  of  affairs,  when  he  declared  that  "the  States 
were  too  much  engaged  in  their  local  concerns,  when  the 
great  business  of  a  nation,  the  momentous  concerns  of  an 
empire,  were  at  stake." 

Bancroft,  the  historian,  thus  fitly  refers  to  Washing 
ton  at  this  eventful  crisis  in  American  affairs:  "He, 
who  in  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution  used  to  call 
Virginia  his  country,  from  this  time  never  ceased  his 
efforts,  by  conversation  and  correspondence,  to  train  the 
statesmen  of  America,  especially  of  his  beloved  State,  to 
the  work  of  consolidation  of  the  Union." 

At  the  close  of  1778,  General  Washington  visited 
Philadelphia  ;  and  thus  solemnly  and  pungently  addressed 
Colonel  Harrison,  Speaker  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Bur 
gesses.  After  urging  Virginia  to  send  the  best  and 


MINOR  EVENTS   AND   GRAVE   CONDITIONS.        ^1 

ablest  of  her  men  to  Congress,  he  thus  continues : 
"They  must  not  slumber  nor  sleep  at  home,  at  such  a 
time  of  pressing  danger ;  content  with  the  enjoyment  of 
places  of  honor  or  profit  in  their  own  State,  while  the 
common  interests  of  America  are  mouldering  and  sink 
ing  into  inevitable  ruin.  ...  If  I  were  to  draw  a 
picture  of  the  times  and  men,  from  what  I  have  seen, 
heard,  and  in  part  know,  I  should,  in  one  word  say  :  that 
idleness,  dissipation,  and  extravagance,  seem  to  have 
laid  fast  hold  of  many  of  them ;  that  speculation,  pecu 
lation,  and  an  insatiable  thirst  for  riches  seem  to  have 
got  the  better  of  every  other  consideration  and  almost  of 
every  order  of  men ;  that  party  disputes  and  personal 
quarrels  are  the  great  business  of  the  day  ;  .  .  .  while 
a  great  and  accumulating  debt,  depreciated  money,  and 
want  of  credit,  which  in  its  consequences  is  the  want  of 
everything,  are  but  secondary  considerations,  if  our 
affairs  wore  the  most  promising  aspect.  .  .  .  An 
assembly,  a  concert,  a  dinner,  a  supper,  will  not  only 
take  men  away  from  acting  in  this  business,  but  even  from 
thinking  of  it ;  while  the  great  part  of  the  officers  of  our 
army,  from  absolute  necessity,  are  quitting  the  service  ; 
and  the  more  virtuous  few,  rather  than  do  this,  are 
sinking  by  sure  degrees  into  beggary  and  want." 

There  is  a  touch  of  the  pathetic,  and  an  almost  despond 
ent  tone  with  which  the  closing  paragraph  of  this  utter 
ance  of  the  American  Commander-in-Chief  closes,  when 
he  adds  :  "  Our  affairs  are  in  a  more  distressed,  ruinous 
and  deplorable  condition,  than  they  have  been  since  the 
commencement  of  the  war." 

There  was  no  danger  from  any  extended  movement 
of  British  armies  in  force,  and  a  consequent  relaxation  of 
effort  pervaded  the  Colonies  which  had  been  most  largely 
called  upon  for  men  to  meet  immediate  invasion.  This 
partial  repose  brought  actual  indolence  and  loss  of  en- 


252  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

thusiasm  in  general  operations  beyond  the  districts  im 
mediately  exposed  to  British  attack.  The  winter  garrison 
of  Philadelphia,  like  that  of  Howe  the  previous  year, 
languished  in  confinement,  grew  feeble  in  spirit,  and 
weakened  in  discipline.  Congress  shared  the  enervating 
effect  of  the  temporary  suspension  of  active  hostilities  ; 
and  it  was  not  until  the  ninth  of  March,  1779,  that  the 
definite  establishment  of  the  army,  upon  the  fixed  basis  of 
eighty  battalions,  was  formally  authorized. 

The  inaction  of  Clinton  at  New  York  gave  the  Amer 
ican  Conimander-in-Chief  an  opportunity  to  turn  his  atten 
tion  to  the  Indian  atrocities  perpetrated  the  previous 
year  in  central  New  York  ;  and  on  the  nineteenth  of  April 
he  sent  a  force  under  Colonel  Schenck,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Willett  and  Major  Cochran,  which  destroyed  the  settle 
ment  of  the  Onondagas,  on  the  lands  still  occupied  by 
them,  near  the  present  city  of  Syracuse  in  that  State. 
An  expedition  was  again  planned  for  Canada,  but  the 
wisdom  of  Washington  induced  Congress  to  abandon  it. 
Confederate  money  dropped  to  the  nominal  value  of  three 
or  four  cents  on  the  dollar ;  and  Washington  was  con 
strained  to  offer  his  private  estate  for  sale,  to  meet  his 
personal  necessities.  Congress  seemed  incapable  of 
realizing  the  impending  desolation  which  must  attend  a 
forcible  invasion  of  the  southern  States,  and  Washington 
was  powerless  to  detach  troops  from  the  north,  equal  to 
any  grave  emergency  in  that  section,  so  long  as  Clinton 
occupied  New  York  in  force.  General  Greene,  compre 
hending  the  views  of  Washington  and  the  immediate 

O  O 

necessity  for  organizing  an  army  for  the  threatened  States, 
equal  to  the  responsibility,  asked  permission  to  undertake 
that  responsibility  ;  but  Congress  refused  to  sanction  such 
a  detail,  although  approved  by  Washington.  This  refusal, 
and  the  consequent  delay  to  anticipate  British  invasion  at 
the  South,  protracted  the  war,  and  brought  both  disaster 


MINOR   EVENTS  AND   GRAVE   CONDITIONS,  1779.     253 

and  loss  which  early  action  might  have  anticipated,  or 
prevented.  The  utmost  that  could  be  secured  from  Con 
gress  was  permission  for  the  detail  of  a  portion  of  the 
regular  troops  which  had  been  recruited  at  the  South,  to 
return  to  that  section  for  active  service. 

Lafayette,  finding  that  active  duty  was  not  antici 
pated,  sailed  from  Boston  for  France,  January  11,  1779, 
upon  the  frigate  Alliance,  which  the  Continental  Con 
gress  placed  at  his  disposal. 

General  Lincoln,  of  the  American  army — who  had 
reached  Charleston  on  the  last  day  of  December,  1778  — 
attempted  to  thwart  the  operations  of  the  British  General 
Sir  Augustine  Prevost ;  but  without  substantial,  perma 
nent  results.  The  British,  from  Detroit,  operated  as  far 
south  as  the  valley  of  the  Wabash  River,  in  the  Illinois 
country ;  but  Thomas  Jefferson,  then  Governor  of 
Virginia,  with  troops  raised  in  Virginia  and  North  Caro 
lina,  strengthened  the  western  frontier  and  placed  it  in 
a  condition  of  defence,  unaided  by  Congress. 

The  Middle  States,  however,  had  some  experience  of 
the  desultory  kind  of  warfare  which  characterized  the 
greater  part  of  the  military  operations  of  1779.  General 
Matthews  sailed  from  New  York  late  in  April,  with  two 
thousand  troops  and  five  hundred  marines,  laid  waste 
Norfolk  and  Portsmouth,  Virginia,  destroyed  over  one 
hundred  vessels,  and  returned  to  New  York  with  seven 
teen  prizes  and  three  thousand  hogsheads  of  tobacco, 
without  serious  loss  to  his  command.  As  if  keen  to 
watch  for  the  slightest  opportunity  of  resuming  active 
operations  from  New  York,  and  constantly  dreading  the 
nearness  and  alertness  of  the  American  headquarters  in 
New  Jersey,  Clinton,  on  the  thirteenth  of  May,  under 
convoy  of  the  fleet  of  Sir  George  Collier,  surprised  the 
small  garrisons  at  Verplanck's  and  Stony  Point,  re-garri 
soned  them  with  British  troops,  and  retired  to  Yonkers, 


254  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

leaving  several  small  frigates  and  sloops-of-war  to  cover 
each  post. 

The  American  army  was  removed  from  Middlebrook  to 
Smith's  Clove,  on  the  ninth.  On  the  twenty-third, 
Washington  removed  his  headquarters  to  New  Windsor, 
leaving  General  Putnam  in  command.  General  Heath 
was  ordered  to  Boston,  and  General  Wayne  was  sta 
tioned  between  the  Clove  and  Fort  Montgomery,  near 
Dunderburg  Mountain. 

Such  were  the  modified  positions  of  the  two  armies  of 
the  north,  at  the  close  of  June,  1779. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

MINOR  OPERATIONS  OF  1779  CONTINUED.  STONY  POINT 

TAKEN.  NEW  ENGLAND  RELIEVED. 

IN  Fennimore  Cooper's  interesting  romance,  "  The 
Spy,"  he  furnishes  graphic  delineations  of  the  true 
character  of  those  minor  operations  about  New  York 
which  were  parts  of  General  Clinton's  military  recrea 
tion,  while  he  had  too  small  a  force  to  meet  Washington's 
compact  army  in  actual  battle.  Night  forays  and  short 
excursions,  under  the  cover  of  small  vessels-of-war  and 
assured  of  safe  retreat,  were  of  frequent  occurrence. 
Mounted  bands,  officially  known  as  the  Queen's  Rangers, 
had  very  large  discretion  in  their  movements  and  methods. 
They  galloped  to  and  fro,  at  will,  sometimes  securing 
plunder,  and  sometimes  barely  escaping  with  less  than 
they  started  with.  As  a  general  rule,  some  "  spy  "  was 
on  the  watch,  and  their  ventures  were  simply  mis-ad 
ventures.  The  American  "  cow-boys  "  were  just  as  real 
characters,  although  less  organized ;  and  each  party  car 
ried  on  a  small  war  of  its  own,  for  the  plunder  realized. 
Clinton's  lucky  capture  of  Stony  Point  encouraged  him 
to  undertake  other  enterprises  which  weakened  the  re 
sources  of  the  people,  without  enhanced  prestige  to  the 
British  troops.  On  the  first  of  July,  Tarleton  went  out 
for  twenty-four  hours,  and  on  his  return,  made  report. 
He  had  "  surprised  Sheldon's  cavalry,  near  Salem  ;  capt 
ured  Sheldon's  colors  [accidentally  left  in  a  barn], 
burned  the  Presbyterian  church,  and  received  little  loss." 

255 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


He  says  :  "  I  proposed  terms  to  the  militia,  that  if  they 
would  not  fire  from  the  houses,  I  would  not  burn  them." 
But  the  militia  that  gathered  in  his  rear  made  the  expedi 
tion  unprofitable.  In  less  than  eight  hours  Washington 
learned  of  the  excursion. 

On  the  third  day  of  July,  General  Tryon,  under  con 
voy  of  the  fleet  of  Sir  George  Collyer,  which  had  es 
corted  General  Clinton  to  Stony  Point,  sailed  with  twenty- 
six  hundred  men  for  New  Haven,  Conn.  On  Sunday, 
July  fourth,  when  the  people  were  observing  the  Sab 
bath  and  looking  forward  with  enthusiasm  to  the  follow 

er 

ing  morning  and  the  observance  of  "  Independence  Day," 
Tryon  published  the  following  letter  to  the  people  of 
Connecticut  :  Pf  The  ungenerous  and  wanton  insurrections 

O 

against  the  sovereignty  of  Great  Britain  into  which  this 
colony  has  been  deluded  by  the  artifices  of  designing  men, 
for  private  purposes,  might  well  justify  in  you  every  fear 
which  conscious  guilt  could  form  respecting  the  intentions 
of  the  present  movement.  The  existence  of  a  single 
habitation  on  your  defenceless  coast,  ought  to  be  a  con 
stant  reproof  to  your  ingratitude." 

The  landing  of  the  various  divisions  at  East  Haven, 
Savin  Rock,  and  other  points  ;  and  the  vigorous  defence 
upon  the  New  Haven  Green,  by  Capt.  James  Hillhouse, 
in  command  of  the  students  of  Yale  College,  are  matters 
of  familiar  history.  Fairfield,  Green  Farms,  Huntington, 
Long  Island,  Greenfield  and  Norwalk  shared  in  this  raid  ; 
but  it  only  embittered  the  struggle,  and  on  the  thirteenth 
the  expedition  returned  to  New  York.  When  Tryon's 
expedition  started,  Washington  was  opposite  Staten 
Island  ;  being  on  a  tour  of  personal  inspection  of  all  posts 
along  the  Hudson  and  the  New  Jersey  approaches  from 
the  sea.  On  the  seventh  of  July,  when  advised  that 
Tryon  had  sailed,  he  sent  an  express  to  Governor  Trum- 
bull,  and  ordered  General  Glover,  then  at  Providence,  to 


MINOR  OPERATIONS   OF   1779   CONTINUED.         257 

cooperate  with  the  militia  in  case  the  enemy  should  make 
any  descent  upon  the  Connecticut  coast. 

Meanwhile,  and  as  the  result  of  his  tour  of  inspection, 
he  planned  a  counter  movement  to  these  demonstrations 
of  the  New  York  garrison.  During  the  six  weeks'  occu 
pation  of  Stony  Point  by  the  British  Grenadiers  of  the 
Seventieth  Regiment,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Webster, 
heavy  guns  had  been  mounted  ;  breastworks  and  batteries 
had  been  built  in  advance  of  the  fort,  and  two  rows  of 
abatis  crossed  the  slope  leading  to  the  water.  Washing 
ton,  perfectly  familiar  with  the  post  and  the  additions 
to  its  defences,  prepared  a  minute  plan  for  its  capture. 
General  Wayne,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  been  posted 
near  Dunderburg  Mountain,  in  the  distribution  of  officers 
made  on  the  twenty-third  of  the  month.  Wayne  entered 
into  the  plan  with  avidity.  The  detail  of  troops  made 
by  Washington  and  the  instructions  given  have  interest, 
as  every  possible  effort  was  made  to  avoid  failure  or  pre 
mature  disclosure  of  the  design.  Colonel  Febiger's  Regi 
ment,  followed  by  Colonel  Webb's  (Lieutenant-Colonel 
Meigs  commanding)  and  a  detachment  from  West  Point 
under  Major  Hull,  formed  the  right.  Colonel  Butler's  Regi 
ment,  and  two  companies  of  North  Carolina  troops  under 
Major  Murphy,  formed  the  left.  Colonel  Lee's  Light 
Horse,  three  hundred  strong,  which  had  been  manceuvered 
during  the  day  so  as  not  to  lead  vagrants  or  spies  to 
suspect  their  destination,  formed  the  covering  party,  and 
took  a  position  on  the  opposite  side  of  a  swamp  near  the 
post.  The  troops  left  Sandy  Beach  at  midnight  and 
marched  by  single  files,  over  mountains,  through  morasses, 
and  deep  defiles.  At  eight  o'clock  of  the  sixteenth,  the 
command  was  within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  fort. 
Wayne  made  reconnoissance  in  person,  and  at  half-past 
eleven  at  night  the  advance  was  ordered.  In  order  to 
prevent  any  deserter  from  giving  warning  to  the  garrison, 


258  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

the  purpose  of  the  expedition  was  not  announced  until 
the  order  to  attack  could  be  given  personally,  by  each 
officer,  to  his  individual  command. 

The  following  order  was  at  the  same  time  communi 
cated  to  the  men:  "  If  any  soldier  presume  to  take  his 
musket  from  his  shoulder ;  attempt  to  fire  ;  or  begin  the 
battle  till  ordered  by  his  proper  officer,  he  shall  be 
instantly  put  to  death  by  the  officer  next  him."  (This 
implied,  of  course,  death  by  the  sword.)  The  advance 
was  to  be  "  with  fixed  bayonets,  and  unloaded  muskets." 
Each  officer  and  soldier  had  been  ordered  to  place  a  white 
paper  or  cloth  upon  his  cap,  to  distinguish  him  from 
an  enemy ;  and  the  watchword,  to  be  shouted  aloud 
whenever  one  detachment  reached  its  point  of  attack,  as 
an  encouragement  to  the  others  and  a  terror  to  the  gar 
rison,  was,  "  The  fort  is  ours!"  Pioneer  parties,  care 
fully  selected,  wrenched  away  the  abatis.  The  detach 
ments  moved  instantly,  as  if  impelled  by  some  invisible, 
resistless  force.  The  two  assaulting  columns  met  in  the 
centre  of  the  works  almost  at  the  same  moment.  Wayne 
fell,  seriously  but  not  mortally  Avounded,  while  passing 
the  abatis.  The  entire  American  loss  was  fifteen  killed, 
and  eighty-three  wounded.  The  British  loss  was  one 
officer  and  nineteen  men  killed ;  six  officers  and  sixty- 
eight  men  wounded  ;  twenty-five  officers  and  four  hundred 
and  forty-seven  men  taken  prisoners  ;  two  officers  and 
fifty-six  men  missing.  The  night  was  dark,  and  the 
difficulties  of  crossing  the  morass  below  the  fort,  at  nearly 
full  tide,  and  clambering  up  rugged  cliffs  thick  with  briars 
and  underbrush,  cannot  be  described.  A  modern  visitor 
will  find  it  difficult  enough  to  make  the  same  trip,  by 
daylight.  The  stores,  valued  at  $158,640,  were  divided 
by  Washington's  order  among  the  troops,  in  proportion 
to  the  pay  of  officers  and  men.  The  courteous  treatment 
extended  by  him  to  the  prisoners  received  very  gracious 


MINOR  OPERATIONS   OF   1779   CONTINUED.         259 
recognition  from  the  British  authorities.     The  faithful- 

O 

ness,  skill,  and  daring,  and  the  good  judgment  with 
which  Wayne  comprehended  and  carried  out,  in  almost 
literal  detail,  the  plans  of  Washington,  were  greatly  to 
his  honor,  and  evoked  most  appreciative  commendation 
from  his  superior  officer. 

General  Clinton  promptly  organized  a  force,  and  pro 
ceeded  up  the  river  to  recapture  the  post ;  but  Washing 
ton,  having  dismantled  it,  decided  that  its  further  reten 
tion  was  not  of  sufficient  value  to  spare  a  garrison  for  its 
permanent  defence,  and  left  it  for  occupation  by  the 
British  at  their  leisure. 

Another  excursion  from  New  York  by  Tarleton,  into 
Westchester  County,  about  the  middle  of  August,  was 
reciprocated  under  Washington's  orders,  with  decided 
gclat  and  success.  On  the  nineteenth  of  August,  Col. 
Henry  Lee  crossed  the  Hackensack ;  moved  down  the 
Hudson  River,  and  at  half-past  two  o'clock  in  the  morn 
ing,  at  low  tide,  captured  Paulus  Hook,  where  Jersey 
City  now  stands,  nearly  opposite  Clinton's  New  York 
headquarters.  Not  a  shot  was  fired  by  the  storming 
party.  Only  the  bayonet  was  used.  The  Americans 
lost  twenty,  and  the  British  lost  fifteen,  besides  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  taken  prisoners. 

For  many  months  Washington  had  been  watching  for 
an  opportunity  of  sufficient  relief  from  British  activity, 
to  punish  the  Indians  who  perpetrated  their  outrages  in 
the  Wyoming  Valley  ;  and  as  early  as  the  sixth  of  March, 
he  tendered  to  General  Gates  the  command  of  an  expedi 
tion  for  that  purpose.  In  this  assignment  he  enclosed  an 
order  for  him  to  assume  General  Sullivan's  command  at 
Providence,  in  case  he  declined  the  expedition.  General 
Gates,  then  at  Boston,  thus  replied  :  "  Last  night,  I  had 
the  honor  of  your  Excellency's  letter.  The  man  who 
undertakes  the  Indian  service  should  enjoy  youth  and 


260  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

strength,  which  I  do  not  possess.  It  therefore  grieves 
me  that  your  Excellency  should  offer  me  a  command  to 
which  I  am  entirely  unequal.  In  obedience  to  your  com 
mand  I  have  forwarded  your  letter  to  General  Sullivan  ; 
and  that  he  may  not  be  one  moment  delayed,  I  have 
desired  him  to  leave  the  command  with  General  Greene 
until  I  arrive  in  Providence." 

General  Sullivan  marched  from  Eastern  Pennsylvania, 
reaching  Wyoming  Valley  on  the  thirty-first  of  July, 
and  Tioga  Point,  N.Y.,  on  the  eighth  of  August,  with 
a  force  of  five  thousand  men.  Gen.  James  Clinton 
joined  him  from  the  northern  army.  The  brigades  of 
Generals  Poor,  Hand,  and  Maxwell,  Parr's  Rifle  Corps, 
and  Proctor's  Artillery,  all  familiar  to  the  reader,  formed 
the  invading  force.  On  the  twenty-ninth  day  of  August, 
the  Battle  of  Chemung  was  fought,  near  the  present  city 
of  Elmira,  and  the  towns  of  the  Six  Nations  were  laid 
waste,  including  orchards,  gardens,  houses,  clothing,  and 
provisions,  indiscriminately.  There  was  nothing  in  this 
punishment  of  the  Six  Nations  which  commended  the 
American  cause  to  their  favor ;  but  they  did  not  regard 
the  details  of  these  ravages  as  a  part  of  Washington's  in 
structions.  When  the  War  for  Independence  closed,  and 
their  alliance  with  the  United  States  became  a  fixed  fact, 
Washington  represented  their  ideal  of  the  great  soldier  — 
"  He  had  made  the  power  of  Britain  to  yield  to  his  arms." 
Governor  Blackstone,  Chief  of  the  Senecas,  Cornplanter, 
and  Halftown,  the  famous  trio  who  made  the  treaty  with 
Washington,  were  ever  known  as  "  the  friends  of  Wash 
ington."  A  silver  medal  presented  to  Governor  Black- 
stone,  which  bore  the  simple  inscription  "  Second  Presi 
dency  of  George  Washington,"  was  long  esteemed  as  a 
most  precious  relic.  Handsome  Lake,  known  as  the 
"Peace  Prophet,"- —brother  of  Tecumseh,  —  made  as  a 
tribute  to  Washington  one  of  the  most  impressive  utter- 


NEW   ENGLAND   RELIEVED.  261 

ances  of  his  mission  among  the  Six  Nations.  Even  as 
late  as  the  Eleventh  United  States  Census,  1890,  Wash 
ington's  name,  alone  of  all  the  American  Presidents,  was 
not  found  among  the  children's  names  of  the  Six  Nations  ; 
so  greatly  was  he  held  in  reverence.  They  also  engrafted 
into  their  religion  the  myth  that  "  he  occupies  a  mansion 
at  the  gate  of  Paradise,  \vhere  he  becomes  visible  to  all 
who  enter  its  portals  and  ascend  to  the  Great  Spirit,  and 
both  recognizes  and  returns  the  salute  of  all  who  enter." 

o 

This  devotion  of  his  Indian  admirers  is  hardly  less 
valuable  than  the  tributes  of  Frederick  the  Great  and 
other  European  soldiers  and  statesmen  to  the  qualities  of 
Washington  as  a  Soldier ;  and  it  permanently  redeems 
the  name  of  Washington  from  any  responsibility  for  the 
excessive  desolation  with  which  the  Six  Nations  were  vis 
ited  in  the  expedition  of  1779. 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  August,  while  Sullivan  was 
upon  this  Indian  expedition,  Admiral  Arbuthnot  arrived 
with  reinforcements  of  three  thousand  men,  and  relieved 
Sir  George  Collyer  in  naval  command.  On  the  twenty- 
first  of  September,  Sir  Andrew  Hammond  arrived  with 
an  additional  force  of  fifteen  hundred  men,  from  Cork, 
Ireland.  At  this  juncture,  Count  d'Estaing,  having  capt 
ured  St.  Vincent  and  Granada  in  the  West  Indies,  sud 
denly  made  his  appearance  off  the  coast  of  Georgia. 
Spain  had  joined  France  in  war  against  Great  Britain  ;  so 
that  the  whole  line  of  British  posts,  from  Halifax  to  St. 
Augustine,  was  exposed  to  such  naval  attacks  as  would 
divert  the  attention  of  Great  Britain  from  the  designs  of 
her  allied  enemies  against  her  West  India  possessions. 

Washington,  upon  the  arrival  of  these  British  ree'n- 
forcements,  strengthened  West  Point  with  additional 
works ;  but  Clinton,  even  with  his  large  naval  force,  did 
not  venture  an  attack  upon  that  post,  as  had  been  his 
intention  when  making  requisition  for  more  troops. 


262  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  October,  1779,  General  Clinton 
abandoned  Newport,  R.I.  ;  then  Verplanck  Point ;  then 
Stony  Point :  and  for  the  first  time  since  Washington 
landed  in  New  York,  in  1776,  the  whole  of  New  Eng 
land  and  the  entire  stretch  of  the  Hudson  River,  was 
unvexed  by  British  steel  or  British  keel. 


CHAPTER   XXVI. 

SHIFTING  SCENES.  TEMPER  OF  THE  PEOPLE. SAVANNAH. 

IF  the  mind  weary  of  the  recital  of  events  which  by 
night  and  by  day  burdened  the  soul  and  tasked  the 
energies  of  the  American  Commander-in-Chief  to  their 

O 

utmost  strain,  it  cannot  but  be  refreshed  by  evidence  of 
his  abiding  confidence  and  patience  in  the  cause  of  Ameri 
can  Independence,  as  the  theatre  of  war  enlarged  and 
gradually  placed  every  colony  under  the  weight  of  British 
pressure.  The  issue  of  two  hundred  millions  of  paper 
money  had  indeed  been  authorized,  and  a  loan  wTas  invited 
abroad ;  but,  as  ever,  men  were  wanted,  and  were  not 
forthcoming.  Even  the  States  which  had  longest  borne  the 

o  O 

brunt  of  battle,  and  had  only  just  been  relieved  from  its 
immediate  dangers,  seemed  to  weary  under  the  reaction 
of  that  relief,  as  if  the  storm  had  passed  by,  never  again 
to  sweep  over  the  same  surface.  It  was  also  very  natural 
as  well  as  true,  that  the  pledge  of  French  intervention 
and  the  gleam  of  the  oriflamme  of  France,  did,  in  a 
measure,  compose  anxiety  and  lessen  the  sense  of  local 
responsibility  for  such  a  contribution  of  troops  from  every 
section  as  would  make  the  nation  as  independent  of 
France  as  of  Great  Britain. 

There  was  a  sense  of  weariness,  a  tendency  to  fitful 
strokes  of  local  energy,  without  that  overwhelming  sense 
of  need  which  first  rallied  all  sections  to  a  common  cause. 
Congress  also  seemed,  at  times,  almost  to  stagger  under 
its  load.  But  Washington,  who  sometimes  grew  weary 

2G3 

1 


264  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

and  groaned  in  spirit,  and  sometimes  panted  with 
shortened  breath  while  toiling  upward  to  surmount 
some  new  obstruction,  never,  never  staggered.  For 
him,  there  were  "  stepping-stones  in  the  deepest  waters." 
For  him,  though  tides  might  ebb  and  flow,  the  earth 
itself  forever  kept  its  even  course  about  the  guiding 
sun  ;  and  for  him,  the  sun  of  Liberty  was  the  light  of  the 
soul.  Every  circling  year  but  added  blessings  from  its 
glow,  and  energy  from  its  power.  The  intensity  of  his 
emotion  when  he  penned  those  solemn  truthful  words  to 
Harrison,  showed  but  the  impulse  of  a  spiritual  power 
which  the  times  demanded,  but  would  neither  comprehend 
nor  brook  if  from  other  sources  than  Washington's  majes 
tic  will  and  presence.  From  the  summit  of  his  faith,  he 
clearly  indicated  with  pen-point  the  driveling  selfishness 
which  postponed  triumph  and  made  the  chariot-wheels 
drag  so  heavily  through  the  advancing  war. 

The  scenes  were  suddenly  shifted  to  the  southern  stage 
of  operations.  New  characters  were  to  take  the  parts 
of  some  who  had  fulfilled  their  destiny ;  but  many  of 
both  men  and  ships  that  participated  in  the  siege  of 
Boston  itself,  were  still  to  act  an  honored  part  until  the 
revolution  should  be  complete.  The  cities  of  Charleston 
and  Savannah  were  to  be  visited,  as  Boston,  New  York, 
and  Philadelphia  had  been  visited  :  not  with  a  paternal 
yearning  for  their  return  to  a  cheerful  "mother-home"; 
but  in  the  spirit  of  a  master  dealing  with  overworked 
and  fractious  slaves.  But  the  slaves  had  both  burst  and 
buried  their  shackles  ;  and  whether  in  city  or  country,  on 
mountain  or  in  valley,  in  forest  or  in  swamp  —  wherever 
animal  life  could  exist,  there,  and  everyAvhere,  the  South, 
ever  generous,  ever  proud,  ever  self-respecting,  and  ever 
loyal  to  convictions  of  duty,  were  to  besprinkle  the  altar 
of  their  country  with  life-blood,  and  consummate  the  War 
for  American  Independence  upon  her  consecrated  soil. 


SHIFTING    SCENES.  265 

The  short-sighted  critics  of  the  North  who  had  tried  to 

O 

play  upon  sectional  prejudice,  that  some  one  of  their 
self-sufficient  number  might  fill  Washington's  saddle, 
began  to  wonder  why  he  remained  at  his  post  in  New 
Jersey  ;  why  he  did  not  surrender  the  northern  command 
to  one  of  their  number,  and  then  go  where  his  ancestral 
home  was  endangered  and  the  companions  of  his  youth 
were  to  struggle  for  very  life  itself.  But  the  greatness 
of  Washington  the  Soldier  was  never  more  apparent" 
than  now.  Calmly  he  sustained  himself  at  this  point  of 
vantage;  stretching  out  his  arm  —  in  turn  to  soothe  and 
warn,  or  to  hurl  defiance  in  the  teeth  of  foes  or  strag 
glers,  but  ever  to  nerve  the  nation  to  duty. 

There  was  no  costly  throne  set  up  at  Morristown,  or 
Middlebrook.  There  was  no  luxury  there.  There  were 
camp-cots,  and  camp-chairs,  and  usually,  rations  sufficient 
for  the  daily  need  ;  but  the  centre  of  the  upheaving  ener 
gies  of  American  Liberty  was  there  ;  and  these  energies 
were  controlled  and  directed,  with  no  loss  in  transmission, 
by  the  immediate  presence  of  the  Comniander-in-Chief. 

It  will  be  remembered,  at  the  very  mention  of  South 
ern  Colonies,  or  Southern  States,  how  peculiar  was 
their  relation  to  the  mother  country,  from  the  earliest 
British  supremacy  along  the  eastern  Atlantic  coast. 
The  Eomanist,  the  Churchman,  the  Presbyterian,  and  the 
Huguenot,  in  their  respective  search  for  larger  liberty 
and  missionary  work,  had  shared  equally  in  a  sense  of 
oppression,  before  their  migration  to  America.  They 
had  much  in  common  with  the  early  settlers  of  the  New 
England  coast.  The  Hollanders  of  New  Jersey  and  the 
Quakers  of  Pennsylvania,  between  the  extremes,  were 
not  wholly  absorbed  in  business  ventures.  But  all  alike 
had  additional  incentives  to  a  more  independent  life,  far 
removed  from  those  social  and  artificial  obligations  which 
reigned  supreme  in  the  Old  World.  There  were  indeed 


266  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

adventurers  for  conquest,  for  wealth,  and  for  political 
power,  among  them ;  and  the  aristocratic  usages  which 
accompanied  the  royal  prerogative  were  fostered  by  the 
presence  of  slavery,  so  that  they  affected  the  vital 
functions  of  the  new  Republic  for  generations.  But,  with 
the  exception  of  elements  earlier  noticed,  the  "  ferment 
of  American  Liberty  "  was  never  more  decided,  pure,  and 
constant  in  Massachusetts  than  in  Virginia ;  nor  more 
bold,  desperate  and  defiant,  among  the  Green  Mountains 
of  Vermont  than  among  the  pine  woods  and  palmetto 
groves  of  North  and  South  Carolina. 

The  closing  months  of  the  nineteenth  century  seem  to 
have  been  reserved,  in  the  providence  of  God,  for  the 
consummation  of  that  lofty  anticipation  of  Washington 
which  Daniel  Webster  formulated  in  one  sublime  utter 
ance,  "The  Union;  now  and  forever;  One  and  Insepa 
rable.'' 

And  now,  in  the  spirit  of  this  memory  of  the  pioneers 
of  American  civilization,  the  narrative  returns  to  the 
immediate  burdens  upon  the  mind  of  Washington ;  as, 
in  the  closing  months  of  1779,  we  face  the  mirror  south 
ward,  and  catch  its  reflections. 

As  the  winter  season  of  1779-'80  drew  on,  and  the 
ordinary  hurricanes  of  the  West  India  storm-belt  indi 
cated  a  very  restricted  use  of  the  French  navy  in  those 
waters,  an  effort  was  made  to  induce  Count  d'Estaing  to 
support  an  American  attack  upon  Savannah.  lie  re 
sponded  promptly ;  and  besides  sending  five  ships  to 
Charleston  to  perfect  details  for  the  combined  movement 
of  both  southern  armies,  anchored  his  principal  squadron 
of  twenty  ships-of-the-line,  two  50's  and  eleven  frigates, 
outside  the  bar  of  Tybee  Island,  on  the  eighth  day  of 
September.  Six  thousand  French  troops  accompanied 
the  fleet.  Governor  Rutledjje  of  South  Carolina  so 


SHIFTING   SCENES.  2(57 

actively  aided  the  enterprise,  that  a  sufficient  number  of 
small  craft  were  procured  to  land  thirty-five  hundred  and 
twenty-four  of  these  troops  at  Bieulien,  on  Ossahaw  Inlet, 
about  twelve  miles  from  Savannah.  The  march  was  imme 
diately  begun.  On  the  sixteenth,  Count  d'Estaing  de 
manded  surrender  of  the  city.  The  Legislature  of  South 
Carolina  adjourned.  Militia  replaced  the  regulars  at  Fort 
Moultrie,  and  withinfour  days,  on  the  eighth,  quite  a  strong 
force  marched  for  Savannah.  General  Lincoln  left  on  the 
tenth.  Meanwhile,  the  British  General  Prescott  had  so 
actively  destroyed  bridges  and  obstructed  roads,  that  the 
Americans  did  not  join  the  French  troops  until  the  six 
teenth.  Trenches  were  not  begun  until  the  twenty- 
fourth  of  September,  and  the  difficulty  of  obtaining 
draught  animals  for  hauling  heavy  siesfe-^uns  to  their 

O  O  «/  O        O 

proper  position,  still  longer  delayed  the  movement.  The 
enthusiasm  of  the  American  officers  over  the  prospect  of 
French  cooperation  led  them  to  assure  Count  d'Estaing 
that  his  delay  before  Savannah  would  not  exceed  from 
ten  to  sixteen  days  ;  and  upon  this  distinct  assurance,  he 
had  thus  promptly  disembarked  his  land  forces.  The 
French  West  Indies  had  been  left  without  naval  support ; 
and  already  an  entire  month  had  passed  with  every  prob 
ability  that  a  British  fleet  from  New  York  would  take 
advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  recapture  West  India 
posts  so  recently  captured  by  the  French.  Abandonment 
of  the  siege,  or  an  assault,  became  an  immediate  neces 
sity,  especially  as  Count  d'Estaing  had  undertaken  the 
enterprise,  urged  by  Lafayette,  with  no  other  authority 
than  his  general  instructions  as  to  America,  and  his  deep 
interest  in  the  struggle. 

The  assault  was  made  on  the  ninth  day  of  October. 
It  was  desperate,  with  alternate  success  and  failure  at 
different  portions  of  the  works  ;  but  ultimately,  a  repulse. 
The  British  casualties  were  few,  four  officers  and  thirty- 


268  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

six  men  killed  ;  four  officers  and  one  hundred  and  fifteen 
men  wounded  and  missing.  The  French  loss  was  fifteen 

o 

officers  and  one  hundred  and  sixteen  men  killed ;  forty- 
three  officers  and  four  hundred  and  eleven  men  wounded. 
Count  d'Estaing  was  twice  wounded,  and  Count  Pulaski, 
as  well  as  Sergeant  Jasper,  so  brave  at  Moultrie  in  1776, 
were  among  the  killed.  Colonel  Laurens,  aid-de-camp 
to  Washington,  was  conspicuous  in  the  assault,  as  he 
proved  himself  at  Newport,  and  afterwards  at  Yorktown. 

The  French  withdrew  their  artillery,  and  sailed  on  the 
twenty-ninth.  The  Americans  returned  to  Charleston. 
The  result  of  the  siege  affected  both  northern  armies. 
Washington  abandoned  an  attack  upon  New  York,  for 
which  he  had  assembled  a  large  force  of  New  York  and 
Massachusetts  militia.  Learning  that  Clinton  was  pre 
paring  to  go  South,  either  to  Georgia  or  South  Carolina, 
he  ordered  the  North  Carolina  troops  to  march  to  Charles 
ton  in  November,  and  the  Virginia  regulars  to  follow 
in  December.  Clinton  left  New  York  on  the  twenty- 
sixth  of  December  for  Charleston  with  seven  thousand 
five  hundred  men,  leaving  Lieutenant-General  Knyphau- 
sen  in  command. 

Washington  again  placed  General  Heath  in  command 
of  the  Highlands  ;  sent  the  cavalry  to  Connecticut,  and 
with  the  remainder  of  the  army  marched  to  Morristown, 
which  for  the  second  time  became  his  winter  headquarters. 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 

THE    EVENTFUL    YEAR     1780.  NEW     JERSEY     ONCE     MORE 

INVADED. 

r  I  1HE  first  act  of  General  Washington  upon  reaching 
_J_  Morristown  was  to  invoice  his  resources  and  bal 
ance  his  accounts.  He  "  called  the  roll  "  of  his  army, 
made  record  of  all  supplies,  and  framed  estimates  for 
forthcoming  necessities.  It  was  a  depressing  exhibit. 
Excluding  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  troops,  which 
were  assigned  to  their  own  home  department,  the  entire 
Muster,  including  all  independent  organizations  as  well 
as  drummers,  filers,  teamsters,  and  all  attaches  of  every 
kind,  and  upon  the  impossible  assumption  that  every 
man  on  the  original  Roll  was  still  living,  and  in  the 
service,  footed  up  only  twenty-seven  thousand  and 
ninety-nine  men. 

The  army  was  in  huts.  The  snow  was  an  even  two 
feet  in  depth.  All  defiles  were  drifted  full,  and  hard- 
packed,  well-nigh  impassable.  But  a  few  days  more  of 
the  year  remained.  On  the  thirty-first,  within  a  few 
days,  two  thousand  and  fifty  enlistments  would  expire. 
In  ninety  days  more,  March  the  thirty-first,  six  thou 
sand  four  hundred  and  ninety-six  more  would  expire. 
By  the  last  of  April,  when  active  operations  might  be 
anticipated,  the  total  reduction  by  expiration  of  term  of 
service  would  reach  eight  thousand  one  hundred  and 
fifty ;  by  the  last  of  September,  ten  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  nine ;  and,  during  the  year,  twelve  thou 
sand  one  hundred  and  fifty. 

2G9 


270  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

The  total  force  enlisted  "  for  the  Avar"  was  but  fourteen 
thousand  nine  hundred  and  ninety-eight  men ;  and  from 
the  numbers  already  given,  were  to  be  detailed  the 
necessary  number  of  artificers,  armorers,  wagoners, 
quartermasters'  employees,  and  all  those  subordinate 
detachments  which  reduce  the  fighting  force  of  an  army, 
as  well  as  all  casualties  since  their  first  muster.  To  this 
is  to  be  added  the  fact,  that  the  several  States  furnished 
their  respective  quotas  at  different  times,  and  for  differ 
ent  periods,  so  that  there  was  a  constant  addition  of  raw 
levies.  The  army,  in  fact,  had  no  opportunity  to  be 
thoroughly  drilled  and  disciplined,  in  all  its  parts.  Such 
was  the  condition  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States, 
when  the  second  campaign  in  the  Southern  States 
began. 

Some  reader  may  very  naturally  inquire  why  Wash 
ington  did  not  attack  the  British  garrison  of  New  York, 
after  Clinton's  departure  for  Charleston  with  so  many 
troops.  Critics  at  the  time  made  complaint,  and  some 
writers  have  indorsed  their  criticisms  through  igno 
rance  of  the  facts.  An  examination  of  the  original  Re- 

O 

turns  of  Clinton,  still  found  in  the  British  archives,  gives 

the   following    result.     This    estimate  was  taken  at  the 
o 

time  when  Washington  was  preparing  to  make  an  attempt 
on  New  York.  The  British  force  of  that  post  and  its 
dependencies  was  twenty-six  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  fifty-six  effectives.  There  were  in  Georgia  three 
thousand  nine  hundred  and  thirty  men ;  and  in  Florida, 
one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty-seven  effectives. 
At  Penobscot,  Me.,  and  at  Halifax,  subject  to  call, 
there  was  an  additional  force  of  three  thousand  four  hun 
dred  and  sixty,  making  an  aggregated  force  of  nearly 
thirty-eight  thousand  men. 

When  General  Clinton  sailed  with  his  seven  thousand 
five  hundred  men,  the  British  force  in  the  Southern  De- 


THE   EVENTFUL  YEAR   1780.  271 

partment  became  thirteen  thousand  two  hundred  and 
sixty-seven ;  but  it  left  in  New  York  an  effective  strength 
of  twenty-one  thousand  and  six  men.  And  yet  this  gar 
rison  was  not  without  apprehension  of  attack.  The 
winter  was  one  of  unexampled  severity.  New  York 
harbor  froze  until  teams  could  cross  upon  the  ice.  Tho 
British  army  was  almost  in  a  starving  condition.  Country 
supplies  of  wood  were  cut  off,  until  vessels  at  the  wharves 
were  chopped  up  for  fuel.  The  American  army  was  not 
wholly  idle.  Lord  Stirling,  with  twenty-five  hundred 
men,  crossed  to  Staten  Island  on  the  ice,  in  spite  of  the 
extreme  cold,  to  attack  that  British  supply-post ;  but  a 
sudden  opening  in  the  ice  restored  British  communica 
tion  with  the  city,  and  his  expedition  failed  of  valuable 
results.  On  the  twenty-fifth  of  January,  General  Knyp- 
hausen  sent  a  small  detachment  across  the  ice  at  Paulus 
Hook  and  captured  a  company  at  Newark ;  while  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Buskirk  crossed  from  Staten  Island,  and  at 
Elizabethtown  captured  the  picket  and  burned  the  Town 
House,  as  well  as  the  church  of  the  Rev.  James  Cald- 
well,  Chaplain  of  Colonel  Elias  Dayton's  Regiment.  On 
the  second  of  February,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Norton  rode 
in  sleighs,  to  attack  a  small  American  post  near  White 
Plains;  but,  otherwise,  the  British  as  well  as  the  Amer 
ican  army  had  enough  to  do  to  prevent  freezing  to  death. 
During  the  extreme  freeze  of  January,  1780,  the  suf 
fering  in  the  American  camp  is  reported  as  "  baffling  de 
scription.  The  paths  were  marked  by  blood  from  the 
feet  of  bare-footed  soldiers."  Bancroft  and  Irving  have 
left  nothing  to  add  here.  General  Greene,  Quartermaster- 
General,  reported  on  the  eleventh  of  January  :  "  Such 
weather  I  never  did  feel.  For  six  or  eight  days  there  has 
been  no  living  abroad.  We  drive  over  the  tops  of  fences. 
We  have  been  alternately  out  of  meat  and  bread  for 
eight  or  nine  days  past,  and  without  either  for  three  or 


272  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

four."  It  was  a  time,  also,  when  the  royalist  element 
gained  some  hope ;  and  Clinton's  Official  Return  for  De 
cember  reports  a  force  of  four  thousand  and  sixty-four 
Provincials  then  in  British  pay.  The  women  of  New 
Jersey  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  suffering  soldiers  of 
Washington  in  a  manner  that  exhausts  all  possible  forms 
of  recognition.  Clothing  and  feeding  the  naked  and 
hungry  was  their  constant  employment.  Washington 
says  of  New  Jersey,  that  "his  requisitions  were  punctu 
ally  complied  with,  and  in  many  counties  exceeded." 
;.  During  this  entire  period  there  was  one  supervision  ex 
ercised  by  the  American  Commander- in-Chief  which  knew 
no  interruption,  whatever  the  inclemency  of  the  weather. 
Every  pass  to  his  strongly  intrenched  camp,  and  every 
bold  promontory,  or  distinct  summit,  that  observed  or 
commanded  approach,  was  guarded,  and  watch-fires  were 
instituted  for  signals  of  danger,  or  warning  to  the  mili 
tia.  The  perpetuation  of  his  strongholds  in  New  Jersey 
saved  the  Republic. 

During  this  well-nigh  desperate  condition  of  his  army, 
and  the  increasing  peril  to.  the  Southern  Department,  he 
made  one  more  Report  of  his  condition  to  Congress ;, 
and  it  belongs  to  this  narrative  as  a  signal  exhibit  of  his 

~  o 

wisdom  and  courage,  as  well  as  his  discernment  of  the 
increasing  lethargy  of  sections  not  in  immediate  danger 
from  British  aggression.  It  reads  as  follows  :  "  Certain  I 
am,  unless  Congress  are  vested  with  powers  by  the  sepa 
rate  States  competent  to  the  great  purposes  of  the  war, 
or  assume  them  as  a  matter  of  right,  and  they  and  the 
States  act  with  more  energy  than  they  have  done,  our. 
cause  is  lost.  We  can  no  longer  drudge  along  in  the  old' 
way.  By  ill-timing  in  the  adoption  of  measures,  by  de 
lays  in  the  execution  of  them,  or  by  unwarranted  jealous 
ies,  we  incur  enormous  expenses  and  derive  no  benefit 
from  them.  One  State  will  comply  with  a  requisition  of 


THE  EVENTFUL  YEAR   1780*:  273 

Congress  ;  another  neglects  to  do  it ;  a  third  executes  it 
by  halves  ;  and  they  differ  in  the  manner,  the  matter,  or 
so  much  in  point  of  time,  that  we  are  always  working  up 
hill.  While  such  a  system  as  the  present  one,  or  rather, 
the  want  of  one,  prevails,  we  shall  be  ever  unable  to 
apply  our  strongest  resources  to  any  advantage.  .  .  > 
I  see  one  head  gradually  organizing  into  thirteen.  I  see 
one  army  branching  into  thirteen,  which  instead  of  look 
ing  up  to  Congress  as  the  supreme  controlling  power  of 
the  United  States,  are  considering  themselves  dependent 
upon  their  respective  States." 

On  the  third  of  April,  Washington  again  wrote  in  such 
plain  terms  of  "  the  mutinous  spirit,  intense  disgust,  and 
absolute  desperation  of  his  small,  famished,  ragged,  and 
depleted  command,"  that  after  hot  debate,  a  committee  of 
three  was  reluctantly  sent  to  advise  with  him  as  to  meas 
ures  of  relief. 

That  the  reader  may  more  fully  appreciate  the  temper  of 
some  narrow-minded  men  of  that  period,  and  at  so  fear 
ful  a  crisis,  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  to  the 
Count  de  Vergennes  is  cited.  In  referring  to  the  simple 
question  of  appointing  a  committee  to  visit  their  Com- 
inander-in-Chief,  this  American  writes :  "  It  was  said 
that  the  appointment  of  a  committee  would  be  putting 
too  much  power  in  a  few  hands,  and  especially  in  those 
of  the  Commander-in-Chief ;  that  his  influence  already 
was  too  great ;  that  even  his  virtues  afforded  motives  for 
alarm ;  that  the  enthusiasm  of  his  army,  joined  to  the 
kind  of  dictatorship  already  confided  to  him,  put  Congress 
and  the  United  States  at  his  mercy ;  that  it  was  not  ex 
pedient  to  expose  a  man  of  the  highest  virtues  to  such 
temptations." 

General  Schuyler,  then  in  Congress,  John  Matthews 
and  Nathaniel  Peabody  served  on  this  committee,  and  as 
the  result,  Congress  resolved  to  equalize  the  pay  of  the 


274  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

army,  and  make  more  systematic  efforts  to  recruit  and 
maintain  it. 

On  the  twelfth  of  February,  Congress  affirmed  the 
sentence  of  a  court-martial  which  sentenced  Arnold,  then 
commanding  at  Philadelphia,  to  a  reprimand  for  giving 
passes  to  disaffected  citizens  and  using  public  transporta 
tion  for  private  use.  The  reprimand  was  mildly  admin 
istered  :  but  it  made  Arnold  very  angry.  His  life  of 
ostentatious  display,  his  extravagant  habits,  and  his 
loose  views  of  moral  obligation,  aroused  public  indigna 
tion  ;  and  the  mere  matter  of  the  charges  upon  which  he 
was  sentenced  would  not  have  appeared  so  grave,  ex 
cept  that  he  was  universally  suspected  of  using  his  official 
position  for  private  emolument." 

During  all  these  struggles  to  keep  his  army  together 
and  prevent  British  operations  out  from  New  York, 
Washington  was  watchful  of  the  operations  then  in 
progress  at  the  South.  General  Clinton  cleared  the  ice 
without  difficulty,  and  left  New  York  on  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  December,  as  already  stated,  expecting  to  reach 
his  destination  within  ten  days ;  but  a  storm  dispersed 
his  fleet,  and  one  vessel  foundered.  Nearly  all  of  his 
cavalry,  and  all  of  his  artillery  horses,  perished.  Although 
they  reached  Tybee  Island,  their  first  rendezvous,  within 
the  month,  they  did  not  leave  for  St.  John  Island,  thirty 
miles  below  Charleston,  until  the  tenth  of  February ;  and 
did  not  take  up  their  position  before  Charleston,  between 
the  Ashley  and  Cooper  rivers,  until  the  twelfth  of  March. 
It  appears  from  documentary  data  that  the  retention  of 
Charleston,  garrisoned  by  only  two  thousand  two  hundred 
regulars  and  a  thousand  militia,  was  largely  induced  by 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city.  It  is  true  that  Commodore 
Whipple  of  the  American  navy  regarded  it  as  defensible  ; 
but  Washington  did  not  concur  in  that  opinion.  He  held 
that  the  same  force  which  would  be  required  ;to  hold  the 


THE  EVENTFUL  YEAR   1780.  275 

city,  could  do  far  greater  and  better  service  by  remaining 
without  the  city,  besides  being  more  independent  in 
securing  supplies  and  cooperating  with  militia  and  other 
forces  seeking  their  support.  Besides  this,  the  defences 
had  been  prepared  to  resist  approach  by  sea,  and  not  by 
land.  An  extract  from  Tarleton's  history  of  the  cam 
paigns  of  1780-'81,  is  as  follows,  indicating  the  pur 
pose  of  the  movement  itself :  rr  The  richness  of  the 
country,  its  vicinity  to  Georgia,  and  it*  distance  from 
Washington,  pointed  out  the  advantages  and  facility  of 
its  conquest." 

The  British  forces  broke  ground  on  the  first  of  April ; 
on  the  nineteenth  established  their  second,  and  on  the  sixth 
of  May,  their  third,  parallel.  On  the  twelfth,  the  British 
took  possession  of  the  city.  The  schedule  of  prisoners 
prepared  by  Major  Andre,  of  General  Clinton's  staff, 
included  all  citizens,  as  prisoners  of  war.  The  Conti 
nental  troops,  including  five  hundred  in  hospital,  did  not 
exceed  two  thousand.  General  Clinton  followed  up  this 
success  by  an  absurd  proclamation  to  the  people,  and 
wrote  a  more  absurd  letter  to  Lord  Germaine,  which  is 
valuable  to  the  reader,  for  the  interest  which  attaches  to 
its  terms  in  connection  with  subsequent  operations  of 
Clinton,  upon  his  return  northward.  It  is  as  follows  : 
"The  inhabitants  from  every  quarter  declare  their  alle 
giance  to  the  king,  and  offer  their  services  in  arms. 
There  are  few  men  in  South  Carolina  who  are  not  either 
our  prisoners,  or  in  arms  with  us."  On  the  fifth  of  June, 
General  Clinton  returned  to  New  York,  leaving  Lord 
Cornwallis  in  command. 

During  the  absence  of  Clinton  from  New  York,  and 
with  the  opening  of  spring,  Washington's  position 
became  more  offensive  to  the  garrison  of  New  York. 
Amid  all  his  gloom  on  account  of  the  condition  of  his 
army,  a  bright  episode  gladdened  his  heart  and  nerved 


^76  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

him  for  action.  He  had  a  visitor.  The  Marquis  do  La 
fayette,  who  reached  Boston  on  the  28th  of  April,  by  the 
frigate  Hermione,  entered  Washington's  headquarters  on 
the  morning  of  May  10th.  He  announced,  that  the 
Count  de  Rochambeau  was  on  the  seas  with  the  first 
division  of  an  army,  coming  to  support  the  American 
Republic.  This  French  army  was  not  directed  to  report 
to  the  American  Congress,  nor  to  take  orders  from  that 
body.  Washington  opened  the  communication  which 
Lafayette  was  intrusted  to  deliver,  in  advance  of  the 
arrival  of  Count  de  Rochambeau,  and  the  following  is  a 
copy  of  the  instructions  to  that  officer:  "The  French 
troops  are  to  obey  Washington;  to  admit  the  precedence 
of  American  officers  of  equal  rank ;  on  all  formal  occa 
sions  to  yield  the  right  to  the  American  army  ;  and  bear 
in  mind  that  the  whole  purpose  is,  heartily  and  efficiently, 
to  execute  the  will  of  the  American  Commander-in- 
Chief." 

On  the  fourteenth,  after  four  days  of  confidential  con 
ference,  Lafayette,  bearing  a  letter  from  Washington, 
reported  to  the  President  of  Congress  for  duty,  preserv 
ing,  for  the  time,  the  secret  that  the  troops  of  France 
were  already  on  their  way  to  America. 

But  what  a  condition  of  affairs  awaited  the  arrival  of 
these  gallant  allies  !  The  American  army  had  already 
lost  more  in  numbers  than  was  anticipated  by  Washington 
in  the  official  Report,  already  noticed.  On  the  second  of 
April,  his  entire  force  on  both  sides  of  the  Hudson  River 
consisted  of  only  ten  thousand  four  hundred,  rank  and 
file  ;  and  of  these  two  thousand  eight  hundred  had  only 
two  weeks  to  serve.  Lord  Rawdon  had,  indeed,  taken 
from  the  New  York  garrison  two  thousand  five  hundred 
men  as  a  reenforcement  to  General  Clinton  ;  but  nearly 
twelve  thousand  remained  behind.  Although  this  increase 
of  Clinton's  command  afforded  Washington  small  ground 

~  o  • 


THE   EVENTFUL   YEAR  a78CK,  277 

for  hope  of  success  in  the  Southern  Department,,  he  real 
ized  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  abandon  his  present 
position.  But  he  immediately  despatched  southward  the 
Maryland  and  Delaware  troops,  which  had  fought  in 
nearly  every  battle  with  the  skill  of  veterans,  and  the 
First  Artillery,  all  under  the  command  of  the  Baron 
De  Kalb. 

AVhile  sparing  these  well  disciplined  troops,  Washing 
ton's  position  involved  vastly  increased  responsibility. 
On  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  May,  two  iConnecticut  regi 
ments  mutinied,  declaring  that  they  would  "  march  home," 
or  at  least  secure  subsistence  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 
Handbills  were  printed  in  New  York  and  distributed, 
urging  the  soldiers  to  desert.  "This  mutiny,"  says  Wash 
ington,  most  impressively,  "has  given  infinite  concern." 
There  was  no  money  except  the  Continental,  and  of  this 
he  says  :  "It  is  evidently  impracticable,  from  the  immense 
quantity  it  would  require,  to  pay  them  as  much  as  to 
make  up  the  depreciation."  He  further  adds  :  ";This  is  a 
decisive  moment,  one  of  the  most.  I  will  go  further, 
and  say,  the  most  important  America  has  ever  seen.  The 
Court  of  France  has  made  a  glorious  effort  for  our  deliv 
erance,  and  if  we  disappoint  its  intentions  by  our  supine- 
ness,  we  must  become  contemptible  in  the  eyes  of  all 
mankind ;  nor  can  we,  after,  venture  to  confide  that  our 
allies  will  persist  in  an  attempt  to  establish  what  we  want 
ability,  or  inclination,  to  assist  them  in." 

General  Greene  thus  addressed  the  Colonel  of  the 
Morristown  militia:  "There  are  no  more  provisions  than 
to  serve  one  regiment,  in  the  magazine.  The  late  terri 
ble  storm,  the  depth  of  the  snow,  and  the  drifts  in  the 
roads,  prevent  the  little  stock  from  coming  forward  which 
is  in  distant  magazines.  The  roads  must  be  kept  open 
by  the  inhabitants,  or  the  army  cannot  be  subsisted. 
Unless  the  good  people  lend  their  assistance  to  forward 


278  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

supplies,  the  army  must  disband.  The  army  is  stripped 
naked  of  teams,  as  possible,  to  lessen  the  consumption  of 
forage.  Call  to  your  aid  the  overseers  of  the  highways, 
and  every  other  order  of  men  who  can  give  despatch  to 
this  business.  P.S. —  Give  no  copies  of  this  order,  for 
fear  it  should  get  to  the  enemy." 

There  was  indeed  reason  for  this  considerate  post 
script.  The  mutinous  spirit  which  had  been  evoked  by 
sheer  starvation,  had  been  misinterpreted  by  the  British 
officers  in  New  York ;  and  General  Knyphausen  must 
have  been  very  proud  of  an  opportunity  to  distinguish 
himself,  in  the  absence  of  General  Clinton,  when  he  con 
ceived  of  the  poor  American  soldier  as  an  unfortunate 
hireling  waiting  for  a  deliverer.  He  would  become 
their  Moses  and  conduct  them  back  to  the  royal  father's 
embrace.  He  organized  his  missionary  venture  carefully. 
Accompanied  by  Generals  Try  on,  Matthews,  and  Ster 
ling,  he  crossed  from  Staten  Island  to  Elizabethtown 
Point.  (See  map.)  He  had  a  twofold  plan  in  mind. 
He  would  demonstrate  to  the  people  of  New  Jersey  that 
their  half-frozen,  hungry,  and  ragged  countrymen  with 
Washington,  could  not  protect  their  homes  from  hostile 
incursions  out  from  New  York ;  and  also  supposed,  in 
case  he  were  very  prompt  and  expeditious,  that  he  might 
pounce,  like  a  hawk,  upon  the  coop  of  the  arch-rebel 
himself.  General  Sterling  led  the  advance,  starting  be 
fore  daybreak.  The  column  was  hardly  distinguishable, 
company  from  company,  so  heavy  were  the  sea-mist  and 
darkness.  Suddenly,  one  shot,  and  then  another,  came 
from,  an  invisible  American  outpost.  General  Sterling 
received  the  first,  which  ultimately  proved  fatal,  and  was 
removed  to  the  rear.  Knyphausen  took  his  place  at  the 
front.  The  rising  sun  dispelled  the  fog,  but  disclosed 
the  assembling  of  Colonel  Elias  Dayton's  Regiment,  from 
various  quarters.  The  anticipated  surprise,  and  a  cor- 


THE   EVENTFUL   YEAR   1780.  271) 

responding  welcome  from  the  American  soldiers,  did  not 
occur.  The  militia  retired  after  a  few  scattering  shots, 
and  Simcoe's  Queen's  Rangers  dashed  forward,  followed 
by  the  British  and  Hessian  Infantry.  As  by  magic,  the 
militia  multiplied.  Fences,  thickets,  orchards,  and  single 
trees  were  made  available  for  as  many  single  riflemen ; 
and  at  every  step  of  advance,  one  and  then  another  of 
his  majesty's  troops  were  picked  off.  During  the  march 
to  Connecticut  Farms,  a  distance  of  only  seven  miles,  no 
friendly  tokens  of  welcome  appeared  in  sight.  Puffs 
of  smoke,  and  the  rifle's  sharp  crack,  could  hardly  be 
located  before  similar  warnings  succeeded,  and  details 
to  take  care  of  the  wounded  soon  began  to  thin  out  and 
sag  the  beautiful  lines  of  the  British  front.  Still,  the 
column  advanced  toward  Springfield,  and  directly  on  the 
line  of  travel  which  led  immediately  to  Washington's  en 
campment. 

At  this  point,  Dayton's  Regiment,  which  had  been  so 
troublesome  as  skirmishers,  hastened  step,  came  into 
regimental  order,  and  quickly  crossed  the  Rahw ay  bridge. 
But,  to  the  surprise  of  the  advancing  enemy,  the  division 
of  General  Maxwell  was  in  battle  array,  silently  inviting 
battle.  General  Knyphausen  halted  to  bring  up  artillery 
and  his  full  force  of  five  thousand  men.  He  stopped  also, 
to  burn  Connecticut  Farms,  because,  "  shots  from  its 
windows  picked  off  his  officers  and  guides."  Among  the 
victims  to  his  responsive  fire,  was  the  wife  of  Chaplain 
Chapman  of  Dayton's  Regiment.  The  news  of  her  death 
spread,  as  a  spark  over  pine  or  prairie  regions.  When 
within  a  half  mile  of  Springfield,  the  Hessian  general 
again  halted  for  consultation  as  to  his  next  order. 
Cannon  sounds  began  to  be  heard  from  various  directions, 
answering  signal  for  signal.  The  ascending  smoke  of 
beacon-fires  crowned  every  summit.  The  whole  country 
seemed  to  have  been  upheaved  as  if  by  some  volcanic 


280  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

force.  Maxwell's  Brigade  was  just  across  the  Rah  way, 
and  less  than  one-third  the  strength  of  the  Hessian's  com 
mand.  But  General  Knyphausen  was  too  good  a  soldier 
not  to  peer  through  Maxwell's  thin  line,  and  recognize,  in 
solid  formation,  the  entire  army  of  Washington,  waiting 
in  silence  to  give  him  a  hearty  soldier's  reception.  The 
day  passed  ;  and  for  once,  both  armies  were  at  full  halt. 
Knyphausen,  for  the  time,  was  Commander-in-Chief  of 
both,  for  it  devolved  upon  him  alone  to  order  battle. 
He  was  filling  the  part  of  Pharaoh,  and  not  that  of  Moses. 

One  monotonous  sound  echoed  from  a  summit  near 
Morristown.  Tt  was  the  "  minute-gun,"  Avhich  had  been 
designated  by  the  American  Commander-in-Chief  as  a 
continuous  signal  whenever  he  wanted  every  man  within 
hearing,  who  had  a  gun,  to  come  at  once  to  his  demand. 
Night  came  on,  and  with  it,  rain  ;  but  still  the  minute- 
gun  boomed  on,  with  solemn  cadence,  and  instead  of 
smoking  hill-tops,  the  blaze  of  quickened  beacons  illu 
mined  the  dull  sky  as  if  New  Jersey  were  all  on  fire. 
The  night  covered  the  Hessians  from  view,  and  when 
morning  came  they  attempted  to  regain  Staten  Island ; 
but  the  tide  retired,  leaving  boats  stranded  and  the  mud 
so  dee})  that  even  cavalry  could  not  cross  in  safety. 
Having  heard  on  the  first  of  June  that  Clinton  was  en 
route  for  New  York,  Knyphausen  simply  strengthened 
the  New  York  defences  and  awaited  the  arrival  of  his 
superior  officer. 

On  the  tenth,  Washington  wrote  :  "  Their  movements 
are  mysterious,  and  the  design  of  this  movement  not 
easily  penetrated."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  there  were  few 
operations  of  the  war  which  bore  so  directly  upon  the 
safety  of  the  American  army  and  the  American  cause,  as 
the  operations  before  Springfield  during  June,  1779  ;  and 
the  conduct  of  both  armies  indicated  an  appreciation  of 
their  importance. 


THE   EVENTFUL   YEAR   1780.  281 

On  the  thirteenth  of  June,  Congress,  without  consult 
ing  Washington,  appointed  General  Gates  to  the  command 
of  the  Southern  Department.  Gates  had  spent  the  winter 
at  his  home  in  Virginia,  but  eagerly  accepted  this  com 
mand,  although  he  had  lacked  the  physical  vigor  to 
engage  in  the  Indian  campaign  in  New  York.  His  most 
intimate  friend  and  companion,  both  in  arms  and  in 
antagonism  to  Washington,  Charles  Lee,  sent  him  one 
more  letter.  It  was  a  wiser  letter  than  earlier  corre 
spondence  had  been,  and  decidedly  prophetic.  It  closed 
with  something  like  pathetic  interest :  "  Take  care  that 
you  do  not  exchange  your  Northern  laurels  for  Southern 
willows." 

At  this  time,  it  did  seem  as  if  the  bitter  cup  would 
never  be  withdrawn  from  the  lips  of  the  American  Com- 
mander-in-Chief ;  for  he  had  neither  provisions  for  his 
army,  nor  the  means  of  making  welcome  and  comfortable 
his  expected  allies  and  guests  from  over  the  sea. 


CHAPTER    XXVIII. 

BATTLE      OF     SPRINGFIELD.  KOCHAMBEAU.  ARNOLD.  

GATES. 

SIR  HENRY  CLINTON  returned  from  Charleston  to 
New  York  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  June,  1780. 
He  must  have  contrasted  his  report  made  to  the  British 
War  Office,  of  the  "  conquest  of  South  Carolina,"  with 
that  made  by  General  Knyphausen  to  himself,  of  the 
recent  experience  of  British  operations  in  New  Jersey. 
But  Clinton  was  ever  a  man  of  action,  prompt  and  ener 
getic.  He  felt  deeply  the  long  protracted  embarrassment 
of  his  position,  while  holding  such  a  vast  and  respon 
sible  command  without  sufficient  resources  for  pressing 
exigencies.'  He  knew,  and  Washington,  with  a  soldier's 
instinct,  knew  that  Clinton  knew,  that  there  was  no 
safety  for  New  York,  and  no  possibility  of  effective  oper 
ations  out  from  New  York,  so  long  as  a  strong,  faithful 
American  army  held  the  fastnesses  of  New  Jersey,  and  a 
vigorous  espionage  of  the  Hudson  River  region  was 
maintained.  The  sweep  of  Washington's  arm  was  largely 
shaping  the  future  destiny  of  America  from  very  humble 
headquarters  ;  but  no  less  firmly  and  decisively. 

Clinton  did  not  remain  idle,  nor  undecided,  a  single 
day.  Troops  were  embarked  upon  transports  immedi 
ately  ;  and  all  suitable  demonstrations  were  made  as  if 
an  organized  movement  against  West  Point  were  de 
signed.  Washington  placed  his  entire  army  in  motion 
and  advanced  one  division  eleven  miles,  toward  Pompton, 

282 


BATTLE    OF    SPRINGFIELD. 


on  the  twenty-second,  en  route  for  the  Hudson,  to 
be  prepared  for  whatever  might  be  the  scheme  of  his 
adversary.  His  confidential  agents  in  New  York  were 
always  quick  to  report  details  of  British  movements. 
Washington  invariably  exacted  "minute"  details;  and 
from  these  he  interpreted  the  general  plans  of  the  enemy. 
In  this  instance,  the  embarking  of  field  batteries  instead 
of  heavy  guns,  which  could  always  be  procured  from 
ships,  satisfied  him  that  his  own  headquarters  and  the 
destruction  of  his  army  were  Clinton's  real  objectives. 

He  was  prepared  for  Clinton's  choice  of  the  alternate 
movements.  Although  one  division  had  been  advanced 
in  the  direction  of  the  Hudson  River,  Generals  Greene, 
Maxwell,  and  Stark,  with  Harry  Lee's  cavalry,  and  u 
strong  force  of  militia,  had  been  left  in  position  near 
Springfield.  Few  battles  of  the  American  Revolution 
have  received  less  attention,  as  among  the  decisive  battles 
of  the  war,  than  that  of  Springfield,  N.J.  And  yet  few 
Avere  more  strikingly  illustrative  of  the  strategic  wisdom 
with  which  Washington  had  planned  the  successful  prose 
cution  of  the  war,  as  early  as  1776. 

On  the  morning  of  the  twenty-third,  at  live  o'clock, 
the  British  army,  having  crossed  from  State  n  Island  in 
two  columns,  began  its  advance.  (See  maps,  "Battle  of 
Springfield,"  and,  "  Operations  in  New  Jersey.")  Its 
force  consisted  of  five  thousand  infantry,  nearly  all  of 
their  cavalry,  and  eighteen  pieces  of  artillery.  General 
Clinton,  with  the  right  wing,  advanced  along  the  Spring 
field  road  with  vigor,  but  deliberately,  as  if  this  were  his 
principal  line  of  attack.  Upon  approaching  the  first 
bridge  near  the  Matthews  House,  he  was  obliged  to  halt 
until  his  guns  could  gain  a  suitable  position,  since  Colonel 
Angel's  Rhode  Island  regiment,  with  one  gun,  commanded 
the  bridge  over  the  Rah  way,  and  occupied  an  orchard 
which  gave  good  cover.  At  first,  the  British  guns  were 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


aimed  too  high  and  did  little  execution.  By  fording  the 
stream,  which  was  not  more  than  twelve  yards  wide, 
Angel's  position  was  turned,  so  that  he  was  crowded 
back  to  the  second  bridge,  over  a  branch  of  the  Rah  way, 
where  Colonel  Shreve  resisted  with  equal  obstinacy  and 
bravery.  By  reference  to  the  map  it  will  be  seen  that 
General  Greene,  as  well  as  Dickinson's  militia  on  a  slight 
ridge  in  the  rear  of  Shreve,  was  admirably  posted  for 
reserve  support.  Angel  lost  one-fourth  of  his  men  and 
was  ordered  to  fall  back,  with  Colonel  Shreve,  to  the  high 
ground  occupied  by  Generals  Maxwell  and  Stark,  near  a 
mill.  Colonel  Dayton's  Regiment  was  also  distinguished 
for  its  gallant  conduct.  Washington  Irving  refers  very 
pleasantly  to  the  part  taken  in  the  action  by  Chaplain 
Caldwell,  whose  church  had  been  burned  on  the  twenty- 
fifth  of  January  and  whose  wife  had  been  killed  on  the 
sixth  of  June,  as  follows:  "None  showed  more  ardor  in 
the  tight  than  Caldwell  the  chaplain,  who  distributed 
Watts's  psalm  and  hymn  books  among  the  soldiers  when 
they  were  in  want  of  wadding,  with  the  shout:  'Put 
Watts  into  them,  boys  !  '  " 

The  other  British  column  had  for  its  special  objective 
the  seizure  of  the  pass  leading  to  Chatham  and  Morris- 
town.  Major  Lee's  cavalry,  and  a  picket  under  Captain 
Walker,  had  been  posted  at  Little's  bridge,  on  the  Vaux- 
hall  road,  and  Colonel  Ogden's  Regiment  covered  them. 
General  Greene  found  that  he  could  not  afford  to  hold  so 
extensive  a  front,  and  concentrated  his  force  at  other 
positions  eminently  strong  and  capable  of  vigorous  de 
fence.  The  remainder  of  Maxwell's  and  Stark's  brigades 
also  took  high  ground,  by  the  mill,  with  the  militia  force 
of  Dickinson,  on  the  flanks. 

General  Knyphausen  led  this  column  in  person.  But 
the  Vauxhall  bridge  was  as  closely  contested  as  had  been 
that  at  Springfield.  Greene  shifted  his  position,  in  view 


BATTLE    OF    SPRINGFIELD.  285 

of  this  second  attack  and  its  pronounced  objective,  to  ai 
range  of  hills  in  the  rear  of  Byron's  tavern,  where  the 
roads  were  brought  so  near,  that  succor  might  be  readily 
transferred  from  one  to  the  other.  The  movement  was 
admirable,  scientific,  and  successful.  In  his  report  to 
Washington,  he  says :  "  I  was  thus  enabled  to  reach 
Colonel  Webb's  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hunton 
commanding,  and  Colonel  Jackson's  Regiment,  with  one 
piece  of  artillery,  which  entirely  checked  the  advance  of 
the  enemy  upon  the  American  left,  and  secured  that 
pass." 

The  Battle  of  Springfield  had  been  fought  with  cool 
ness  and  unfaltering  bravery,  and  had  been  won.  General 
Clinton  burned  Springfield,  crossed  to  Staten  Island  at 
midnight,  withdrew  his  bridge  of  boats,  and  reached  his 
headquarters  in  safety.  His  loss,  as  reported  by  con 
temporary  journalists,  was  placed  at  about  one  hundred 
and  fifty  men  ;  but  comparison  of  his  Reports  and  Musters, 
before  and  after  the  expedition,  make  the  killed,  wounded, 
and  missing  twice  that  number.  The  American  lossYwas 
one  officer  and  twelve  non-commissioned  officers  killed, 
five  officers  and  fifty-six  privates  wounded,  and  nine 
missing;  "  Captain  Davis  and  the  militia  not  reporting." 

General  Clinton's  report  says:  "I  could  not  think  of 
keeping  the  field  in  New  Jersey ;  and  wished  to  land  the 
troops  and  give  a  camp  of  rest  to  an  army  of  which  many 
corps  had  had  an  uninterrupted  campaign  of  fourteen 
months." 

For  five  years,  New  Jersey  had  been  a  constant  theatre 
of  active  war.  It  was  indeed  the  strategic  centre  of  the 
war  for  American  Independence.  The  bravery  of  her 
soldiery,  whose  homes  were  constantly  menaced,  was 
only  surpassed  by  the  heroism  of  her  women.  These, 
constantly  exposed  to  every  possible  desolation  that 
attended  the  marching  and  counter-marching  of  contend- 


286  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

ing  armies,  never  flagged,  flinched,  nor  failed,  until  her 
delivery  was  at  last  complete. 

On  the  night  of  June  24,  1780,  the  day  after  the  Battle 
of  Springfield,  Washington,  upon  return  to  his  head 
quarters,  addressed  another  call  to  Governors  of  States 
for  their  full  quota,  under  new  assignments,  and  awaited 
with  interest  further  tidings  from  the  progress  of  the 
French  allies,  then  on  the  sea.  This  Battle  of  Spring 
field  had  vindicated  his  confidence  in  the  Continental 
troops ;  and,  as  in  all  armies,  some  regiments  proved  in 
variably  reliable,  under  whatever  conditions  they  fought. 

On  the  tenth  day  of  July,  1780,  the  first  division  of 
the  French  army  sent  by  Louis  XVI.,  in  aid  of  American 
Independence,  consisting  of  six  thousand  troops,  landed 
at  Newport,  R.I.  All  were  under  the  command  of  Lieu 
tenant-General  Rochambeau,  accompanied  by  Major- 
General  Chastellux,  a  relative  of  Lafayette,  and  escorted 
by  seven  heavy  battleships,  under  command  of  Chevalier 
de  Ternay. 

Washington  immediately  submitted  a  project  for  the 
capture  of  New  York ;  but  on  the  thirteenth  of  July 
Admiral  Graves  reached  that  city  with  six  ships-of-the- 
line,  which  gave  to  the  British  such  superiority  of  ships 
and  guns,  that  the  plan  was  postponed  to  wait  the  arrival 
of  the  second  French  division,  of  equal  numbers,  which 
was  supposed,  at  the  time,  to  be  already  on  its  way  from 
France.  But  Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  not  inactive.  The 
time  to  strike  was  before  the  French  could  unite  with 
Washington  and  take  their  place  in  the  American  army. 
He  planned  a  surprise,  arid  advanced  with  eight  thousand 
troops  as  far  as  Huntington,  L.I.,  for  a  descent  upon 
Newport ;  but  Washington  put  his  entire  army  in  readi 
ness  to  advance  upon  New  York.  Clinton,  having  learned 
that  Rochambeau,  advised  by  Washington,  had  gone  into 
camp  in  a  strong  position,  and  with  the  rapidly  asseni- 


ROCHAMBEAU.  287 

bling  militia  would  ho  superior  in  force,  recalled  his 
troops.  He  converted  the  expedition  into  a  naval  block- 
ade  of  Newport,  if  possible  thereby  to  cut  off  the  second 
division  of  the  French  army,  upon  its  arrival  within 
American  waters. 

The  Count  de  Rochambeau,  with  a  soldier's  exactness, 
soon  caught  the  fire  of  Washington's  zeal,  and  well  com 
prehended  the  situation  of  American  affairs  generally. 
So  intense  is  his  delineation  of  the  condition  of  things  as 
he  observed  them,  that  if  penned  by  Washington  himself, 
nothing  could  have  been  added.  His  letter  to  the  Count 
de  Verge-lines,  dated  on  July  sixteenth,  only  six  days  after 
his  landing  in  America,  reads,  in  part,  as  follows  :  "  Upon 
our  arrival  here,  the  country  was  in  consternation ;  the 
paper  money  had  fallen  to  sixty  for  one.  ...  I 
spoke  to  the  principal  persons  of  the  place,  and  told 
them,  as  I  write  to  General  Washington,  that  this  was 
merely  the  advance-guard  of  a  greater  force,  and  that  the 
king  was  determined  to  support  them  Avith  his  whole 
power.  In  twenty-four  hours  their  spirits  rose,  and  last 
night,  all  the  streets,  houses,  and  steeples  were  illumi 
nated,  in  the  midst  of  fireworks  and  great  rejoicing.  .  .  . 
You  see,  Sir,  how  important  it  is  to  act  with  vigor.  .  .  . 
Send  us  troops,  ships,  and  money  ;  but  do  not  depend  upon 
this  people,  nor  upon  their  means.  They  have  neither 
money  nor  credit.  Their  means  of  resistance  are  but 
momentary,  and  called  forth  when  they  are  attacked  in 
their  homes.  Then  they  assemble  themselves  for  the 
moment  of  immediate  danger,  and  defend  themselves. 
Washington  sometimes  commands  fifteen  thousand,  and 
sometimes  three  thousand  men." 

The  restriction  of  the  French  fleet  to  Narragansett  Bay 
so  immediately  after  its  arrival,  led  Washington  and 
Rochambeau  to  postpone  operations  against  New  York ; 
and  it  is  proper  to  notice  the  fact  that  no  news  was 


288-  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

received  of  the  second  division  of  French  troops  until  late 
in  the  fall,  when  it  was  reported  as  blockaded  in  the  home 
port  of  Brest.  A  proclamation  was  made  and  published 
by  Lafayette,  with  the  sanction  of  Washington,  announc 
ing  to  the  Canadians  that  the  French  would  aid  them  to 
expel  the  British  troops  from  their  country.  The  object 
of  this  proclamation  was  chiefly  to  divert  the  attention  of 
the  garrison  of  New  York  from  a  proposed  joint  attack 
upon  that  city,  which  Washington  kept  always  in  view. 
The  expedition  was  never  seriously  entertained ;  but 
General  Clinton,  on  the  thirty-first  of  August,  as  antici 
pated  by  Washington,  forwarded  a  copy  of  the  paper  to 
Lord  Germaine,  while  at  the  same  time  he  placed  before 
him,  in  confidence,  a  proposition  of  a  different  kind,  from 
which  he  derived  a  strong  expectation  of  British  gain, 
through  the  acquisition,  by  purchase,  of  the  principal 
Hudson  River  military  post,  West  Point  itself. 

Washington  had  advised  General  Arnold  that  he  would 
soon  be  tendered  an  active  command.  But  that  officer, 
pleading  as  excuse  continued  suffering  from  his  wounds, 
expressed  a  preference  for  the  command  of  a  military 
post.  After  urgent  solicitation  of  himself  and  his  friends, 
he  was  authorized  to  designate  the  post  of  his  choice. 
As  the  result,  on  the  third  of  August,  he  was  assigned  to 
the  command  of  "West  Point  and  its  dependencies,  in 
which  all  are  included,  from  Fishkill  to  King's  Ferry." 
At  the  date  of  this  assignment  of  Arnold  to  a  post  which 
was  rightly  regarded  by  Washington  as  most  vital  to 
ultimate  American  success,  a  clandestine  correspondence 
had  already  passed  between  Generals  Clinton  and  Arnold, 
through  the  medium  of  Major  John  Andre. 

The  attention  of  the  reader  is  naturally  retrospective, 
as  the  name  of  Andre  reappears  in  connection  with  that 
of  Arnold.  He  had  been  taken  prisoner  at  St.  John's  ; 
was  once  on  parole  at  Montreal,  and  familiar  with  Arnold's 


ARNOLD.  289 

habits  and  the  outrageous  abuse  of  his  public  trust  with 
which,  there,  as  afterwards  at  Philadelphia,  he  had  been 
charged.  Andre  also  knew  of  his  gambling,  his  extrava 
gance,  his  ambition,  and  his  reckless  daring,  generally, 
His  own  personal  antecedents  during  the  grand  ovation 
tendered  to  General  Howe,  upon  that  officer's  departure 
from  Philadelphia,  in  which  he  had  so  conspicuously 
figured  as  escort  to  Miss  Shippen,  afterwards  the  wife  of 
Arnold,  acquire  special  interest.  He  was,  and  long  had 
been,  a  confidential  member  of  General  Clinton's  staff. 
Neither  Clinton  nor  Andre  could  conceive,  for  a  mo 
ment,  that  Arnold  and  his  wife,  formerly  Miss  Shippen, 
would  betray  Andre's  confidence  ;  or,  if  the  proposition 
to  betray  West  Point  failed,  that  Andre  would  be  allowed 
to  suffer. 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  August,  General  Clinton  wrote 
to  Lord  Germaine  as  follows  :  "  At  this  new  epoch  of 
the  war,  when  a  foreign  foe  has  already  landed,  and  an 
addition  to  it  is  expected,  I  owe  it  to  my  country,  and  T 
must  in  justice  say,  to  my  own  fame,  to  declare  to  your 
lordship  that  I  become  every  day  more  sensible  of  the 
utter  impossibility  of  prosecuting  the  war  in  this  country 
without  reinforcements.  .  .  .  We  are,  by  some 
thousands,  too  weak  to  subdue  the  rebellion."  On  the 
twenty-seventh  of  September,  Lord  Germaine  wrote 
in  reply  :  "  Next  to  the  destruction  of  Washington's  army, 
the  gaining  over  of  officers  of  influence  and  reputation 
among  the  troops  would  be  the  speediest  way  of  subdu 
ing  the  rebellion  and  restoring  the  tranquillity  of  America. 
Your  commission  authorizes  you  to  avail  yourself  of  such 
opportunities,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  expense 
will  be  cheerfully  submitted  to."  The  British  archives, 
then  secret,  show  that  Lord  Germaine  was  kept  fully 
advised  of  the  whole  scheme.  On  the  thirtieth  of 
August,  Arnold  solicited  an  interview  with  some  respon- 


290  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

sible  party,  in  order  definitely  to  settle  upon  the  price 
of  surrendering  West  Point  to  Great  Britain.  Andre 
was  selected,  as  mutually  agreeable  to  both  Clinton  and 
Arnold.  On  the  eighteenth  of  September,  Arnold  wrote, 
advising  that  Andre  be  sent  up  to  the  sloop-of-war 
Vulture,  then  anchored  in  Haverstraw  Bay,  promising 
to  send  a  person  with  a  flag  of  truce  and  boat  to  meet 
him.  Clinton  received  the  note  011  the  next  day.  Under 
the  pretence  of  an  expedition  to  Chesapeake  Bay,  freely 
made  public,  a  body  of  picked  troops  embarked  on  frig 
ates.  Andre  readied  the  Vulture  on  the  twentieth.  On 
the  twenty-first  he  landed,  met  Arnold,  accompanied 
him  first  to  the  Clove,  and  then  to  the  house  of  Josiah 
Holt  Smith.  (See  map,  "Highlands  of  the  Hudson.") 
Smith's  antecedents  were  those  of  a  royalist ;  but  the 
secret  was  too  valuable  to  be  intrusted  to  such  a  man ; 
and  subsequent  investigations  failed  to  connect  him  with 
any  knowledge  of  the  conspiracy.  The  terms  of  purchase 
were,  in  so  many  words  :  "Pay,  in  gold,  and  a  brigadier- 
general's  commission  in  the  British  Army." 

The  terms  were  settled  and  the  bargain  was  closed. 
Besides  knowledge  of  the  plans  of  the  post  and  its 
approaches,  Andre  was  advised  of  the  signals  to  be 
exchanged  ;  the  disposition  of  the  guards  ;  and  the  points 
of  surest  attack  which  would  be  within  the  immediate 
control  of  disembarking  grenadiers  and  sharp-shoot 
ers.  The  Vulture  had  dropped  down  the  river  with  the 
tide  too  far  to  be  promptly  reached ;  so  that  Andre 
crossed  the  river,  and  having  proper  passports  attempted 
to  save  time  by  returning  to  New7  York  by  land.  While 
passing  through  Tarrytown,  he  was  challenged,  stopped, 
examined,  and  made  prisoner.  On  the  second  of 
October,  he  was  executed  as  a  spy.  America  grieved 
over  his  fate,  and  no  one  with  more  of  pity  than  did 
Washington.  His  soul  still  felt  sore  over  the  fate  of 


GATES.  291 

Nathan  Hale,  and  after  a  solitary  hour  of  anguish  in 
spirit,  he  suggested  to  General  Clinton  a  method  of 
escape  for  Andre.  He  offered  to  exchange  him  for  Bene 
dict  Arnold.  Clinton  could  not  do  this  without  loss  of 
honor  to  himself  and  Great  Britain,  Andre  had  to  die. 
Washington,  with  tender  consideration  and  profound 
sympathy,  gave  to  Mrs.  Arnold  a  safe  conduct  and  escort 
to  her  former  home  in  Philadelphia,  and  shared  the  senti 
ment  of  all  who  knew  her  best,  that  the  wife  was  not  the 
confidante  of  her  husband's  treason.  Lafayette  most  ten 
derly  announced  his  sympathy  in  her  behalf. 

General  Greene  was  immediately  assigned  to  command 
West  Point  and  its  dependencies.  The  garrison  was 
also  entirely  changed.  The  works  were  skilfully  modi 
fied  and  strengthened,  so  that  any  plans  in  the  possession 
of  Clinton  would  be  useless  ;  and  Washington  took  post, 
in  person,  at  Brakeness,  near  Passaic  Falls,  N.J. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Baron  De  Kalb  left  Morris- 
town  on  the  sixteenth  of  the  previous  April  with  ree'n- 
forcenients  for  the  Southern  army.  On  the  sixth  of 
July,  he  reached  Buffalo  Ford  and  Deep  River,  N.C. 
On  the  twenty-fifth,  Gates,  who  had  been  assigned  to 
command  of  the  Southern  Department,  joined  him. 
"Away  from  Washington,"  Baron  De  Kalb  experienced 
deeply  the  sentiment  of  unreasonable,  but  perhaps  natu 
ral  jealousy  of  foreign  officers  which  pervaded  portions  of 
the  American  army ;  and  General  Caswell,  in  defiance  of 
positive  orders  to  report  to  Baron  De  Kalb,  marched 
directly  to  Camden  and  reported  to  General  Gates.  It 
had  been  De  Kalb's  purpose,  as  an  experienced  soldier, 
to  advance  by  Charlotte  and  Salisbury,  where  supplies 
could  be  readily  obtained.  "  General  Gates,"  says  Irving, 
"  on  the  twenty-seventh,  put  what  he  called  the  r  Grand 
Army'  on  its  march  through  a  barren  country  which 
could  offer  no  food  but  lean  cattle,  fruit,  and  unripe 


292  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

maize."  The  Battle  of  Camden,  or  "Sanders'  Creek," 
which  followed,  was  a  complete  rout.  Baron  De  Kalb 
fought  with  the  utmost  confidence  and  bravery,  but  fell 
upon  the  field,  after  having  been  eleven  times  wounded. 
Any  support  whatever,  on  the  part  of  Gates,  would  have 
secured  victory,  or  a  well-balanced  action.  Gates  over 
estimated  his  own  force  ;  refused  to  examine  his  Adjutant- 
General's  statement,  or  to  consider  the  advice  of  his 
officers,  who  understood  exactly  the  true  condition  of  the 
crude  material  which  he  styled  his  "  Grand  Army,"  and 
fled  from  the  battlefield  at  full  speed.  He  did  not  halt 
until  reaching  Charlotte,  sixty  miles  away ;  and  by  the 
twentieth  reached  Hillsborough,  one  hundred  and  eighty 
miles  distant,  without  gathering  a  sufficient  force  to  form 
an  escort.  He  said  that  he  was  "  carried  away  from  the 
field  by  a  torrent  of  flying  soldiers."  His  self-conceit 
and  presumption,  like  that  of  Lee,  on  account  of  having 
once  served  in  the  British  army,'  and  his  utter  want  of 
every  soldierly  quality,  except  the  negative  sense  of 
pride  in  having  a  personal  command,  were  exposed  to 
the  American  people  without  delay.  He  claimed  to  have 
made  an  attempt  to  rally  his  troops ;  but  he  had  no  influ 
ence  whatever.  During  the  Burgoyne  campaign,  he  was 
never  under  fire ;  and  Lee's  unheeded  warning  did  indeed 
secure  to  his  memory  the  wreath  of  "  Southern  willow,  in 
place  of  that  of  laurel "  which  Congress  had  placed  upon 
his  brow,  when  the  laurel  had  been  earned  by  the  brave 
and  patriotic  Schuyler.  The  troops  of  Delaware  and 
Maryland  alone  would  have  saved  the  battle,  if  properly 
supported  by  Gates.  The  gallant  Delaware  Battalion 
which  fought  with  De  Kalb,  was  almost  destroyed.  The 
Maryland  troops  lost  in  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners 
nearly  four  hundred,  out  of  a  total  of  fourteen  hundred  : 
but  to  their  perpetual  honor  it  is  to  be  recorded,  that  of  the 
number  swept  away  in  the  final  retreat  of  the  whole  army, 


BATTLE    OF    SPRINGFIELD.  293 

seven  hundred  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates 
reported  for  duty  by  the  twenty-ninth  of  the  month. 

On  the  eighth  of  October,  the  Battle  of  King's  Moun 
tain  was  fought ;  and  the  names  of  Shelby,  Campbell, 
McDowell,  Sevier,  and  Williams  are  still  associated  with 
descendants  from  the  brave  participants  in  that  battle. 
It  partially  offset  the  disaster  at  Camden,  and  was  an 
inspiration  to  Washington  in  the  adjustment  of  his  plans 
for  Greene's  movements.  It  compelled  Cornwallis  to 
delay  his  second  invasion  of  North  Carolina ;  and  Tarle- 
ton,  in  writing,  says  of  this  people,  that  "the  counties 
of  Mecklenburg  and  Rowan  wTere  more  hostile  to  Eng 
land  than  any  others  in  America." 

Gates  endeavored  to  gather  the  remnant  of  his  army  ; 
and,  before  his  leaving  to  answer  before  a  Court  of  Inquiry 
ordered  by  Congress,  about  twenty-three  hundred  men 
assembled.  On  inspection,  it  was  found  that  but  eight 
hundred  in  the  whole  number  were  properly  clothed  and 
equipped. 

The  Southern  campaign  became  one  of  petty  operations 
mostly.  Neither  Cornwallis,  Tarlcton,  Rawdon,  nor 
Balfour  made  progress  in  subjugation  of  the  people. 
Sumner,  although  wounded  at  Black's  Plantation  on  the 

O 

twentieth  of  October,  gained  credit  in  several  lesser  expe 
ditions.  But  universal  British  failures  disappointed  the 
expectations  of  the  British  Commander-in-Chief  at  New 
York.  The  loss  of  Charleston,  in  the  opinion  of  Wash 
ington  and  the  best  military  critics,  was  not  without  its 
compensations ;  and  the  collapse  of  Gates  was  an  illus 
tration  of  Washington's  knowledge  of  men  and  his  fore 
sight  as  a  Soldier. 


CHAPTER   XXIX. 


AS  a  bird's  overlook  of  its  wide  field  of  vision  can 
not  comprehend  all  objects  within  range,  except  in 
turn,  so  must  the  patient  reader  comeback  again  to  stand 
behind  Washington  and  look  over  his  shoulder  as  he  points 
the  glass  of  observation  to  the  activities  which  he  in  turn 
surveys  ;  to  catch  with  him  their  import,  and  so  far  as 
possible  strain  the  eye  of  faith  with  him,  while  with 
slowly  sweeping  supervision  he  comprehends  all  that  the 
war  for  American  Independence  has  intrusted  to  his  care. 
Mountain  and  valley,  ocean  and  river,  marsh  and  morass, 
cave  and  ravine,  are  representatives  of  the  various  scenes 
of  agitation  and  conflict.  The  entire  land  is  in  excited 
expectancy,  and  everywhere  war  is  waged  ;  but  beyond 
and  over  all  these  contending  conditions  he  discerns  the 
even  horizon  of  assured  victory.  And  just  now,  immedi 
ately  at  hand,  under  his  very  feet,  as  well  as  wherever 
partisan  warfare  tears  life  out  of  sweet  homes  for  the 
sprinkling  of  liberty's  altar,  there  is  indescribable  pain 
and  anguish.  His  heart  bleeds  with  theirs  ;  for  he  is  one 
with  them,  and  they  are  one  with  him,  in  the  willing 
consecration  which  generations  yet  unborn  shall  forever 
honor. 

And  as  the  year  1780  came  to  its  close,  he  drew  his 
sword-girth  tighter,  and  seemed  to  stand  many  inches 
taller,  as  he  embraced,  in  one  reflected  view,  the  suffer 
ing  South  and  the  half-asleep  North.  Between  the  two 

294 


BIRD'S-EYE   VIEW   OF   THEATRE   OF   WAR.         295 

sections  there  was  some  restless  impatience  over  such  exact 
ing  contributions  of  fathers,  brothers  and  sons,  to  regions 
so  far  from  home  ;  and  just  about  his  humble  sleeping  quar 
ters,  were  suffering,  faithful  sharers  of  his  every  need. 

Tidings  of  the  failure  of  Gates,  with  its  disaster  and  its 
sacrifices  of  brave  legions,  did  not  reach  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  until  September.  But  it  was  impossible  for  him 
to  send  troops  in  sufficient  numbers  to  cope  with  the 
army  of  Cornwallis.  The  second  French  division,  so  long 
expected  (and  never  realized),  was  reported  to  be  block 
aded  at  home,  and  of  no  possible  immediate  use  to 
America.  The  British  fleet  still  blockaded  Newport. 
Lafayette  did  indeed  elaborate  a  plan  for  an  assault  upon 
New  York,  Fort  Washington,  and  Staten  Island ;  but  the 
plan  was  abandoned  through  lack  of  boats  for  such 
extended  water-carriage.  There  were  few  periods  of  the 
war  where  more  diverse  and  widely  separated  interests 
required  both  the  comprehensive  and  the  minute  consid 
eration  of  the  American  Commander-in-Chief. 

A  few  illustrations  represent  the  many.  Forts  Ann 
and  George  were  captured,  by  a  mixed  force  of  Cana 
dians,  Indians,  and  British  regulars,  in  October.  Fort 
Edward  was  saved  through  the  sagacity  of  Colonel  Living 
ston  ;  who,  having  a  garrison  of  only  seventy-nine  men, 
averted  attack  by  sending  to  the  commanding  officer  of 
Fort  George  an  exaggerated  report  of  his  own  strength, 
with  a  promise  to  come  to  his  aid.  This  was  designed 
to  be  intercepted,  and  the  British  regulars  had  actually 
approached  Saratoga,  before  their  return  to  Lake  Cham- 
plain.  An  excursion  from  Fort  Niagara  into  the  Mohawk 
Valley  desolated  the  homes  of  the  Oneidas,  who  were 
friendly  to  the  United  States.  Some  leaders  in  certain 
Vermont  circles  corresponded  with  British  officials  in 
Canada  ;  and  such  was  the  uneasiness  which  prevailed  alon<r 
the  northern  and  northwestern  frontier,  that  three  re<ri- 


296  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

inents  had  to  be  sent  to  Albany,  to  compose  the  unrest  of 
that  single  region.  On  the  seventh  of  November,  Wash 
ington  wrote :  "  The  American  army  is  experiencing 
almost  daily  want ;  while  the  British  army  derives  ample 
supplies  from  a  trade  with  "New  York,  New  Jersey,  and 
Connecticut,  which  has  by  degrees  become  so  common 
that  it  is  hardly  thought  a  crime." 

Early  in  September,  a  commercial  treaty  between  Hol 
land  and  the  United  States  came  under  consideration,  and 
Colonel  Laurens  was  sent  as  commissioner  to  conduct  the 
negotiations  abroad ;  but  he  was  taken  prisoner  and 
locked  up  in  the  Tower  of  London,  to  stand  trial  on  the 
charge  of  high  treason  against  the  British  crown.  His 
papers  were  seized,  and  on  the  second  day  of  December, 
Great  Britain  declared  war  against  Holland. 

The  condition  of  Great  Britain,  at  that  time,  was  in 
deed  one  of  supreme  trial;  and  it  is  well  for  the' people 
of  America  to  honor  the  inherent  forces  of  British  liberty 
which  vindicated,  under  such  adverse  ruling  conditions, 
the  very  principles  for  which  their  brethren  fought  in 
America.  It  was  the  one  solemn  hour  in  British  history 
when  America,  if  fostered  as  a  trusted  and  honored 
child,  would  have  spared  England  long  years  of  waste  in 
blood  and  treasure.  Not  only  were  Spain  and  France 
combined  to  plunder  or  acquire  her  West  India  posses 
sions  ;  but  Spain  was  pressing  the  siege  of  Gibraltar. 
Both  Denmark  and  Sweden  united  with  Catharine  of 
Russia  to  adopt  the  famous  system  of  "  Armed  Neutral 
ity,"  which  declared  that  "  free  ships  make  free  goods," 
and  that  "  neutrals  might  carry  any  goods  or  supplies 
wherever  they  pleased,  with  complete  immunity  from 
search  or  capture."  That  was  a  deadly  blow  at  British 
commerce.  Even  in  the  East  Indies,  her  crown  was  one 
of  thorns.  Hyder  Ali  swept  through  the  Province  of 
Madras,  and  Warren  Hastings  was  contending  for  very 


BIRD'S-EYE   VIEW  OF   THEATRE   OF   WAR.         297 

life,  to  save  British  rule  in  India  from  overthrow-:  France 
sent  aid  to  Hyder  AH,  as  well  as  to  America ;  and  was 
thus,  at  this  very  period,  unexpectedly  limited  in  her 
anticipated  contributions  to  the  army  of  Washington. 

Domestic  excitements  increased  Britain's  burdens. 
Flighty  thousand  volunteers  had  been  enrolled  in  Ireland 
in  view  of  apprehended  French  invasion.  A  large  num 
ber  of  her  statesmen  favored  "  peace  at  any  price/'  The 
wonderful  capacity  of  Great  Britain  to  withstand  external 
force  and  to  uncover  the  equally  wonderful  resources  at. 
her  command,  ought  to  have  convinced  her  rulers  that 
on  the  same  basis,  and  by  a  legitimate  inheritance,  the 
American  Colonies  were  unconquerable. 

On  the  eleventh  of  November,  General  Sullivan,  having 
resigned,  took  his  seat  in  Congress.  Qn  the  twentieth, 
Washington  thus  addressed  him  : 

'f  Congress  will  deceive  themselves,  if  they  imagine  that 
the  army,  or  a  State,  that  is  the  theatre  of  war,  can  rub 
through  another  campaign  as  the  last.  It  would  be  as 
unreasonable  to  suppose  that  because  a  man  had  rolled  a 
snow-ball  till  it  had  acquired  the  size  of  a  horse,  he  might 
do  it  until  it  was  the  size  of  a  house.  Matters  may  be 
pushed  to  a  certain  point,  beyond  which  we  cannot  move 
them.  Ten  months'  pay  is  now  due  the  army.  Every 
department  of  it  is  so  much  indebted  that  we  have  not 
credit  for  a  single  expense,  and  some  of  the  States  are 
harassed  and  oppressed  to  a  degree  beyond  bearing.  .  .  , 
To  depend,  under  these  circumstances,  upon  the  resources 
of  the  country,  unassisted  by  foreign  bravery,  will,  I  am 
confident,  be  to  lean  upon  a  broken  reed." 

At  a  conference  held  with  Count  Rochambeau  at  Hart 
ford,  Conn.,  it  had  been  proposed  by  General  Sul 
livan,  "  that  the  French  fleet  seek  Boston,  and  the  French 
army  join  Washington " ;  but  this  was  impracticable. 
The  stay  at  Newport  prevented  the  operations  of  the 


298  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

British  blockading  fleet  elsewhere  along  the  southern 
Atlantic  coast ;  and  thus  far,  restricted  British  move 
ments  generally.  As  early  as  October  sixteenth,  General 
Leslie  left  New  York  with  three  thousand  troops  ;  landed 
at  Portsmouth,  Va.,  and  joined  Cornwallis  at  Charles 
ton  late  in  December.  A  son  of  Rochambeau  left  New 
port  on  the  eighteenth  of  October,  ran  the  gauntlet  of 
the  British  fleet,  in  a  gale,  safely  reached  France,  .and 
urged  "  immediate  additional  aid  of  men,  arms,  and 
money  "  The  Chevalier  de  Ternay  died  at  Newport,  on 
the  fifteenth  of  December,  and  was  succeeded  by  Chevalier 
Destouches.  Colonel  Fleury,  who  will  be  remembered 
as  distinguishing  himself  at  Fort  Mifflin  and  Stony  Point, 
joined  Rochambeau.  These  gallant  French  officers,  like 
their  sovereign,  were  so  devoted  to  Washington,  and  en 
tertained  such  absolute  faith  in  his  capacity  as  patriot  and 
soldier,  that  the  narrative  of  his  career  during  the  war 
would  savor  of  ingratitude  if  their  faithful  service  were 
not  identified  with  his  memory.  At  that  time,  there  was 
a  design  under  consideration,  but  never  matured,  for  the 
association  of  Spain  with  France  in  active  operations  on 
the  American  coast. 

Meanwhile,  Washington  proposed  another  plan  for  the 
reconstruction  of  the  army,  through  the  consolidation  of 
battalions  ;  thereby  reducing  their  numbers,  but  fixing  a 
permanent  military  establishment.  It  will  appear  from 
a  letter  written  to  Franklin  on  the  twentieth  of  Decem 
ber,  that  he  had  reached  a  point,  where,  even  under  so 
many  embarrassments,  he  felt  that  ultimate  success  was 
not  far  distant.  The  letter  reads  as  follows  :  "  The  cam 
paign  has  been  thus  inactive,  after  a  flattering  prospect 
at  the  opening  of  it  and  vigorous  struggles  to  make  it  a 
decisive  one,  through  failure  of  the  unexpected  naval 
superiority  which  was  the  pivot  upon  which  everything 
turned.  The  movements  of  Lord  Cornwallis  during1  the 

c? 


BIRD'S-EYE   VIEW   OF  THEATRE   OF   AVAR.         299 

last  month  or  two  have  been  retrograde.  What  turn  the 
late  reinforcements  which  have  been  sent  him  may  give 
to  his  affairs,  remains  to  be  known.  I  have  reenforced  our 
Southern  army  principally  with  horse  ;  but  the  length  of 
the  march  is  so  much  opposed  to  the  measure  that  every 
corps  is  in  a  greater  or  less  degree  ruined.  I  am  happy, 
however,  in  assuring  you  that  a  better  disposition  never 
prevailed  in  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States  than  at 
this  time.  The  folly  of  temporary  expedients  is  seen  into 
and  exploded  ;  and  vigorous  efforts  will  be  used  to  obtain 
a  permanent  army,  and  carry  on  the  war  systematically, 
if  the  obstinacy  of  Great  Britain  shall  compel  us  to  con 
tinue  it.  AVe  want  nothing:  but  the  aid  of  a  loan,  to  en- 

c_5 

able  us  to  put  our  finances  into  a  tolerable  train.  The 
country  does  not  want  for  resources  ;  but  we  want  the 
means  of  drawing  them  forth." 

The  new  organization  was  to  consist  of  fifty  regiments 
of  foot,  four  of  artillery,  and  other  bodies  of  mounted  men, 
including  in  all,  thirty-six  thousand  men,  fairly  appor 
tioned  among  the  States.  But  not  more  than  half  that 
number  were  ever  in  the  field  at  one  time,  and  the  full 
complement  never  was  recruited.  The  prejudice  against 
a  regular  army  of  any  size  was  bitter  ;  and  Hildreth  states 
the  matter  very  truthfully  when  he  says,  that  "Congress, 
led  by  Samuel  Adams,  was  very  jealous  of  military  power, 
and  of  everything  which  tended  to  give  a  permanent 
character  to  the  army."  Mr.  Adams  was  sound  in  principle, 
for  he  not  only  realized  that  the  Colonies  had  suffered 
through  the  employment  of  the  British  army  to  enforce 
oppressive  and  unconstitutional  laws,  but  equally  well 
knew  that  a  larger  army  than  the  State  needed  for  its 
protection  against  invasion  and  the  preservation  of  the 
peace,  was  inimical  to  true  liberty. 

Money  was  still  scarce.  A  specie  tax  of  six  millions 
was  imposed,  and  the  sixth  annual  campaign  of  the  war 


300  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

drew  near  its  close.  John  Trumbull,  Jr. ,  became  Secretary 
to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  vice  Robert  H.  Harrison  who 
became  Chief  Justice  of  Maryland  ;  and  Colonel  Hand 
became  Adjutant-General,  vice  Scamraon,  resigned.  Mor 
gan  was  promoted,  and  with  General  Steuben  and  Harry 
Lee's  horse,  was  ordered  to  the  Southern  Department, 
accompanied  by  Kosciusko  as  engineer,  vice  Du  Portail, 
captured  at  Charleston. 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  November,  Washington  desig 
nated  the  winter  quarters  for  the  army,  establishing  his 
own  at  New  Windsor.  The  Pennsylvania  Line  were  near 
Morristown ;  the  Jersey  line,  at  Pompton  ;  the  Maryland 
horse,  at  Lancaster,  Penn.  ;  Sheldon's  horse,  at  Col 
chester,  Conn.,  and  the  New  York  regiments  at  Fort 
Schuyler,  Saratoga,  Albany,  Schenectady,  and  other 
exposed  Northern  posts.  This  distribution  of  troops, 
from  time  to  time  indicated,  enables  the  reader  to  under 
stand  how  a  wise  disposition  of  the  army,  when  active 
operations  Avere  practically  suspended,  equally  enabled 
Washington  to  resume  active  service  upon  the  shortest 
notice. 

On  the  eighth  of  October,  General  Greene,  who  had 
been  tendered  the  command  of  the  Southern  Department, 
vice  Gates,  submitted  to  Washington  his  plan  of  conduct 
ing  the  next  campaign.  He  desired,  substantially,  "  a  flying- 
army  "  ;  that  is,  "  one  lightly  equipped,  mobile  as  possible, 
and  familiar  with  the  country  in  which  operations  were  to 
be  conducted."  To  secure  to  Greene  prompt  support  in 
his  new  command,  Washington  addressed  letters  to  Gov. 
Abner  Nash,  of  North  Carolina,  Gov.  Thomas  Jefferson,  of 
Virginia,  and  Gov.  Thomas  S.  Lee,  of  Maryland,  solicit 
ing  their  cordial  cooperation  in  the  work  of  the  new  De 
partment-Commander.  Greene  began  his  journey  on  the 
twenty-ninth  day  of  November,  attended  by  Baron  Steu 
ben.  He  stopped  at  each  capital  to  urge  the  necessity  of 


BIRD'S-EYE   VIEW  OF  THEATRE   OF   WAR.         3d 

immediate  action,  and  secured  the  services  of  Generals 
Smallwood  and  Gist,  of  Maryland  and  Delaware,  for  re 
cruiting  service  in  those  States.  Upon  reaching  Virginia, 
he  found  that  State  to  be  thoroughly  aroused  for  her  own 
defence.  General  Leslie,  whose  departure  from  New 
York  has  been  noticed,  had  fortified  both  Norfolk  and 
Portsmouth,  and  this  increase  of  the  British  forces  had 
very  justly  alarmed  the  people.  Washington  had  already 
sent  Generals  Muhlenburg  and  Weedon  to  Virginia  to 
organize  its  militia,  and  they  were  endeavoring  to  confine 
the  forces  of  Leslie  within  the  range  of  his  fortified  posi 
tions.  These  officers  had  also  served  under  General 
Greene,  making  their  assignment  eminently  judicious. 
The  matter  of  supplies,  of  all  kinds,  became  a  matter  of 
the  greatest  concern,  if  operations  were  to  be  carried  on 
effectively  against  Corn  wall  is  at  the  South :  while  also 
maintaining  full  correspondence  with  the  troops  of  the 
centre  zone,  and  the  North.  The  consolidation  of  regi 
ments  left  many  officers  without  commands ;  but  the 
selection  of  a  competent  Quartermaster-General  became 
an  imperative  necessity.  Col.  Edward  Carrington  was 
selected,  and  of  him,  Chief  Justice  Marshall  says:  "He 
was  eminently  qualified  to  undertake  the  task  of  combin 
ing  and  conducting  the  means  of  the  Quartermaster-Gen 
eral's  department ;  obeyed  the  call  to  the  office  ;  and  dis 
charged  it  with  unequalled  zeal  and  fidelity." 

For  the  purposes  of  this  narrative,  it  is  only  necessary 
to  indicate  the  general  conduct  of  operations  southward, 
so  far  as  they  illustrate  the  wisdom  of  Washington  in 
the  selection  of  officers,  and  the  instructions  under  which 
he  made  use  of  their  services.  He  concurred  with  Greene 
in  his  general  plan ;  and  the  initiative  was  undertaken 
with  as  frequent  exchange  of  views,  through  express 
messengers  or  couriers,  as  was  then  practicable.  Orders 
were  issued  for  Colonel  Carrington  to  explore  the  coun- 


302  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

try  of  the  Dan,  the  Yadkin,  and  Catawba  rivers,  and  to 
make  himself  acquainted  with  the  streams  into  which 
they  discharged  themselves.  Kosciusko,  Engineer-in- 
Chief  of  Greene,  was  charged  with  selecting  proper  places 
for  defending  or  securing  safe  fording-places.  A  princi 
pal  storehouse  and  laboratory  was  established  at  Prince 
Edward's  Court  House,  and  Baron  Steuben  was  charged 
with  maintaining  the  supply  of  powder  from  the  manu 
factories,  and  of  lead  from  the  mines  of  Fincastle  County. 
Such  was  the  general  preparation  for  the  forthcoming 
campaign. 

General  Greene  reached  Charlotte  on  the  second  of 
December,  and  relieved  Gates,  who  had  been  awaiting  his 
arrival  for  the  surrender  of  his  command.  After  exchange 
of  the  proper  courtesies,  Gates  returned  to  his  farm. 
The  wisdom  of  Washington's  choice  in  the  assignment  of 

O  O 

General  Greene  may  be  seen  by  the  citation  of  some  of 
Greene's  letters  written  at  that  crisis. 

To  Jefferson  he  Avrites  thus  :  "  I  find  the  troops  in  a 
most  wretched  condition,  destitute  of  every  necessity, 
either  for  their  comfort  or  convenience,  and  they  may  be 
literally  said  to  be  naked.  It  will  answer  no  good  purpose 
to  send  men  here  in  such  a  condition.  .  .  .  There  must 
be  either  pride,  or  principle,  to  make  a  soldier.  No  man 
will  think  himself  bound  to  fisrht  the  battles  of  a  State 

O 

that  leaves  him  to  perish  for  want  of  clothing,  nor  can 
you  inspire  a  soldier  with  the  sentiment  of  pride  while 
his  situation  renders  him  more  an  object  of  pity,  than  of 
envy.  The  life  of  a  soldier,  in  the  best  estate,  is  liable 
to  innumerable  hardships  :  but  when  these  are  aggravated 
by  the  want  of  provisions  and  clothing,  his  condition 
becomes  intolerable  ;  nor  can  men  long  contend  with  such 
complicated  difficulties  and  distress.  Death,  desertion, 
and  the  hospital,  must  soon  swallow  up  an  army  under 
such  circumstances ;  and  if  it  were  possible  for  men  to 


BIRD'S-EYE   VIEW  OF   THEATRE   OF   WAR.         3Q3 

maintain  such  a  wretched  existence,  they  would  have  no 
spirit  to  face  their  enemies,  and  would  invariably  disgrace 
themselves  and  their  commander.  It  is  impossible  to 
presume  discipline,  when  troops  are  in  want  of  every 
thing  :  to  attempt  severity,  will  only  thin  the  ranks  by 
more  heavy  desertion." 

To  Marion  he  wrote  :  fr  I  am  fully  sensible  that  your 
service  is  hard,  and  your  sufferings  great ;  but  how  great 
the  prize  for  w^hich  we  contend !  I  like  your  plan  of  fre 
quently  shifting  your  ground.  It  frequently  prevents 
surprise,  and  perhaps  the  total  loss  of  your  party.  Until 
a  more  permanent  army  can  be  collected  than  is  in  the 
field  at  present,  we  must  endeavor  to  keep  up  a  partisan 
war,  and  preserve  the  tide  of  sentiment  among  the 
people  in  our  favor,  as  much  as  possible.  Spies  are  the 
eyes  of  an  army,  and  without  them,  a  general  is  always 
groping  in  the  dark." 

In  all  these  letters  and  the  measures  undertaken, 
Greene  reflects  the  principles  upon  which  his  Cornmander- 
in-Chief  carried  on  the  war,  and  it  was  his  highest  pride  so 
to  act,  as  if  under  the  direct  gaze  of  Washington.  On 
the  twentieth  of  December,  having  been  detained  by  rains 
at  Charlotte,  he  abandoned  his  huts  ;  and  by  the  twelfth 
of  January,  1781,  was  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the 
Peedee  River,  awaiting  the  opening  of  the  final  campaign 
of  the  war  for  American  Independence.  Col.  Chris 
topher  Greene,  as  well  as  Colonel  Washington,  Harry 
Lee,  and  Morgan,  had  already  joined  him,  and  Washing 
ton  had  thus  furnished  to  the  Southern  army  his  ablest 
general  and  such  choice  details  of  officers  and  men  as  had 
been  faithful,  gallant,  and  successful  throughout  the  war. 


CHAPTER    XXX. 

THE    SOLDIER    TRIED.  --  AMERICAN    MUTINY.  --  FOREIGN 
JUDGMENT.  — ARNOLD'S  DEPREDATIONS. 

"TVTOTHING  new  or  unfamiliar  to  the  American  student 
1  \l  can  be  said  as  to  the  military  operations  of  the 
British,  French  and  American  armies  during  the  closing 
year  of  the  war  for  American  Independence  ;  but  they 
may  be  so  grouped  in  their  relations  to  Washington  as 
a  Soldier,  that  he  may  stand  forth  more  distinctly  as 
both  nominal  and  real  Commander-in-Chief.  His  original 
commission,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  accompanied  by 
the  declaration  of  Congress  that  "  they  would  maintain 
and  assist  him,  and  adhere  to  him,  with  their  lives  and 
fortunes,  in  the  cause  of  American  liberty."  After  the 
Battle  of  Trenton,  when  Congress  solemnly  declared  that 
"  the  very  existence  of  Civil  Liberty  depended  upon  the 
right  execution  of  military  powers  "  it  invested  him  with 
dictatorial  authority,  being  "  confident  of  the  wisdom, 
vigor,  and  uprightness  of  George  Washington."  And  in 
1778,  after  the  flash  of  the  Burgoyne  campaign  had  spent 
itself,  and  the  experiences  of  the  American  army  at  Valley 
Forge  attested  the  necessity  for  a  fighting  army  under  a 
fighting  soldier,  Washington  was  again  intrusted  with  the 
reorganization  of  the  army,  both  regular  and  militia,  in 
respect  of  all  elements  of  enlistment,  outfit,  and  supply. 
From  the  date  of  his  commission,  through  all  his  acts 
and  correspondence,  it  has  been  evident,  that  he  has  been 
perfectly  frank  and  consistent  in  his  assignments  of  officers 

304 


THE   SOLDIER  TRIED.  305 

or  troops,  either  to  position  or  command  ;  and  his  judg 
ment  of  men  and  measures  has  had  constant  verification 
in  realized  experience. 

It  was  very  natural  for  European  monarchs,  including 
Louis  XVI.,  to  behold  in  the  very  preeminent  and  asser 
tive  force  of  Washington's  character  much  of  the  "  one- 

o 

man  power "  which  was  the  basis  of  their  own  asserted 
prerogative  ;  and  there  were  astute  and  ambitious  states 
men  and  soldiers  of  the  Old  World  who  hoped  that  a  new 
empire,  and  a  new  personal  dynasty,  would  yet  arise  in 
the  western  world,  to  be  their  associated  ally  against 
Great  Britain  herself.  They  did  not  measure  the  Ameri 
can  Revolution  by  right  standards  ;  because  they  could  not 
conceive,  nor  comprehend  the  American  conception  of,  a 
rr  sovereign  people." 

There  was  one  foreign  soldier  in  the  American  army, 
and  of  royal  stock,  who  must  have  clung  to  Washington 
and  his  cause,  with  most  ardent  passion  as  well  as  obedi 
ent  reverence.  Nothing  of  sacrifice,  exposure,  or  vile 
jealousy,  whether  in  closet,  camp,  or  field,  amid  winter's 
keenest  blasts  or  summer's  scorching  fires,  was  beyond 
the  life  and  soul  experience  of  Thaddeus  Kosciusko.  His 
name,  and  that  of  Pulaski,  so  dear  to  Washington,  and  so 
true  to  him,  should  be  ever  dear  to  the  American  ;  and  in 
the  history  of  their  country's  fall,  there  should  ever  be 
cherished  a  monumental  recognition  of  ancient  Poland  and 
the  Pole. 

It  was  one  of  the  most  striking  characteristics  of  Wash 
ington's  military  life  that  he  recognized  and  trusted  so 
many  of  these  heroic  men  whose  lives  had  been  nursed 
and  developed  in  the  cause  of  liberty  and  country.  Such 
men  as  these  beheld  in  Washington  a  superhuman  regard 
for  man,  as  man;  and  the  youthful  Lafayette  almost  wor 
shipped,  wrhile  he  obeyed,  until  his  entire  soul  was  pene 
trated  by  the  spirit  and  controlled  by  the  example  of  his 


306  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

beloved  Chief.  Some  of  these,  who  survived  until  the 
opening  of  the  year  1781,  were  able  to  realize  that  its 
successive  months,  however  blessed  in  their  ultimate 
fruition,  were  months  in  wrhich  Washington  passed  under 
heavier  yokes  and  through  tougher  ordeals  than  were 
those  of  Valley  Forge  or  Yorktown.  For  the  first  time 
during  the  Revolutionary  struggle,  the  American  citizens 
who  did  the  fighting  might  well  compare  their  situation 
under  the  guardianship  of  the  American  Congress,  with 
that  of  Colonial  obligation  under  the  British  Parliament 
and  the  British  crown. 

The  fluctuations  of  numbers  in  the  American  army 
seemed  very  largely  to  depend  upon  its  vicinity  to 
endangered  sections.  Remoteness  from  the  seaboard 
induced  indifference  to  expenditures  for  the  navy,  because 
British  ships  could  not  operate  on  land ;  and  seaboard 
towns,  which  were  constantly  in  peril,  insisted  upon 
retaining  their  able-bodied  militia  within  easy  reach, 
until  armed  vessels  could  be  built  and  assigned  for  their 
protection.  The  same  unpatriotic  principle  of  human 
nature  affected  all  supplies  of  food  and  clothing.  It  has 
already  been  noticed  that  Washington  was  profoundly 
grieved  that  country  people  courted  the  British  markets 
of  New  York,  and  that  British  gold  was  of  such  mighty 
weight  in  the  balance  of  "  stay-at-home  comfort,"  against 
personal  experience  in  some  distant  camp.  Starvation 
and  suffering  could  not  fail  to  arouse  resistance  to  their 
constraints.  The  condition  of  the  army  was  one  of  pro 
tracted  agony.  Lafayette  wrote  home  to  his  wife  as 
follows:  "Human  patience  has  its  limits.  No  European 
army  would  suffer  one-tenth  part  of  what  the  Americans 
suffer.  It  takes  citizens,  to  support  hunger,  nakedness, 
toil,  and  the  total  want  of  pay,  which  constitute  the  con 
dition  of  our  soldiers,  —  the  hardiest  and  most  patient 
that  are  to  be  found  in  the  world." 


AMERICAN  MUTINY.  307 

Marshall  states  the  case  fairly  when  he  asserts  that 
"it  was  .not  easy  to  persuade  the  military,  that  their 
brethren  in  civil  life  were  unable  to  make  greater  exer 
tions  in  support  of  the  war,  or,  that  its  burdens  could  not 
be  more  equally  borne." 

On  Xew  Year's  Day,  January  1,  1781,  the  Pennsylvania 
line  (Continentals)  revolted,  and  Captain  Billings  was 
killed  in  the  effort  to  suppress  the  outbreak.  Thirteen 
hundred  men,  with  six  guns,  started  for  Philadelphia. 
Wayne  was  powerless  to  control  even  his  own  command  ; 
and  so  advised  Washington.  The  Commander-in -Chief 
was  at  tirst  impelled  to  leave  Xew  Windsor  and  go  in 
person  to  the  camps  ;  but  knowing  that  he  had  troops 
who  would  obey  him,  whatever  conditions  might  arise, 
he  addressed  himself  to  this  state  of  affairs  with  a  dignity, 
deliberation,  and  sympathy,  so  calm  and  yet  so  impres 
sive,  that  he  both  retained  the  full  prestige  of  his  posi 
tion,  and  secured  full  control  of  the  disaffection.  He 
allowed  passion  to  subside  ;  and  then  resolved  to  execute 
his  own  will,  at  all  hazards.  The  details  of  his  mental 
struggle,  and  the  precautionary  measures  taken  by  him 
to  master  the  situation,  with  eager  and  excited  veterans 
at  his  back  to  enforce  his  will,  would  fill  a  volume. 
Recognizing  the  neglect  of  State  authorities  to  furnish 
their  own  respective  regiments  with  food,  clothing,  and 
money,  he  proudly,  sublimely,  and  with  a  dignity  beyond 
any  heroic  act  of  the  battlefield,  called  upon  the  Gov 
ernors  of  the  Northern  States  to  send  their  militia,  at 
once,  to  take  care  of  Clinton'*  army  in  New  York,  if 
they  wished  to  prevent  the  invasion  and  waste  of  their 
own  peaceful  homes.  In  other  words,  as  plainly  as  he 
could  do  it,  he  made  the  "  stay-at-homes  "  responsible  for 
their  own  further  immunity  from  battle  scenes  and  battle 
waste. 

This  mutiny  was  indeed,  a  natural  outbreak,  inevitable, 


308  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

irresistible  !  It  did  not  impair  loyalty  to  country.  The 
emergency  overwhelmed  every  purely  military  obligation 
in  that  of  self-preservation  —  of  life  itself.  It  did 
impair  discipline,  and  did  disregard  authority,  for  the 
time;  but  in  its  manifestations  had  many  of  the  elements 
of  lawful  revolution.  The  State  first  failed  in  duty  to  its 
defenders.  For  such  a  cause,  the  Revolution  had  its  first 
outbreaks  at  Lexington  and  Concord.  Washington  was 
never  so  great  in  arms,  as  when  with  calm  trust  and 
steady  nerve  he  faced  this  momentous  issue.  Besides  his 
demand  upon  the  States  most  exposed  to  British  incur 
sions,  for  men,  he  demanded  money.  Massachusetts  and 
New  Hampshire  promptly  gave  twenty-four  dollars  extra, 
in  specie,  to  each  enlisted  man.  Colonel  Laurens  was 
appointed  as  special  agent  to  France,  to  secure  a  loan. 
Eventually,  he  succeeded ;  but  Count  de  Vergennes, 
when  advised  of  his  mission,  wrote  on  the  fifteenth  of 
February :  "  Congress  relies  too  much  on  France  for 
subsidies  to  maintain  their  army.  They  must  absolutely 
refrain  from  such  exorbitant  demands.  The  great  ex 
penses  of  the  war  render  it  impossible  for  France  to  meet 
these  demands,  if  persisted  in."  Franklin,  then  at  Paris, 
wrote  to  his  daughter,  Mrs.  Balche  :  "  If  you  see  Wash 
ington,  assure  him  of  my  very  great  and  sincere  respect, 
and  tell  him  that  all  the  old  Generals  here  amuse  them 
selves  in  studying  the  accounts  of  his  operations,  and 
approve  highly  of  his  conduct."  Lafayette  also  wrote, 
urging  full  supplies  of  men  and  money ;  with  most 
pointed  assurances  that  the  ''American  States  would 
surely  realize  success,  and  be  amply  able  to  refund  all 
advances  which  might  be  made  by  the  king." 

Up  to  this  time,  the  individuality  of  the  States,  in 
spite  of  Washington's  repeated  appeals  for  entire  unity  of 
purpose  and  action  on  the  part  of  all,  had  been  jealously 
maintained.  A  partial  relief  was  afforded,  when,  on  the 


FOREIGN  JUDGMENT.  309 

second  of  March,  1781,  the  Articles  of  Confederation 
finally  went  into  effect,  Maryland  having  yielded  her 
assent  on  the  previous  day.  Four  years  and  four  months 
had  elapsed  since  their  formal  adoption  and  submission  to 
the  several  States  for  acceptance. 

All  the  insubordination  of  the  American  army  before 
referred  to,  was  well  known  at  British  headquarters  in 
New  York.  That  of  the  previous  year  had  disappointed 
both  Clinton  and  Knyphausen,  who  invaded  New  Jersey, 
it  will  be  remembered,  hoping  to  reap  some  benefits  from 
its  expression  ;  but  now  that  it  assumed  such  unmistak 
able  signs  of  armed  revolt,  they  doubled  their  interest  in 
its  movements.  General  Clinton,  mindful  of  his  error  on 
a  former  occasion,  simply  watched  Washington.  He  re 
ceived  information  of  the  general  insubordination  as  early 
as  Washington,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-third, 
sent  messengers  to  the  American  army  with  propositions 
looking  to  their  return  to  British  allegiance.  He  entirely 
misconceived  the  nature  of  the  disaffection,  and  his  agents 
were  retained  in  custody.  In  writing  to  Lord  Germaine, 
he  says  :  "  General  Washington  has  not  moved  a  man 
from  his  army  [near  West  Point]  as  yet ;  and  as  it  is 
probable  that  their  demands  are  nearly  the  same  with  the 
Pennsylvania  line,  it  is  not  thought  likely  that  he  will. 
I  am,  however,  in  a  situation  to  avail  myself  of  favorable 
events  ;  but  to  stir  before  they  offer,  might  mar  all." 

At  this  period,  the  influence  of  the  American  Commis 
sioners —  Adams,  Franklin  and  Jay,  was  proving  very 
beneficial  to  the  American  cause  with  the  Governments  of 
Spain  and  Holland,  as  well  as  with  France  ;  and  Colonel 
Laurens,  upon  his  arrival  at  Paris,  after  release  from 
prison,  pretty  plainly  assured  the  French  Ministry  that 
it  "  would  be  much  wiser  policy  to  advance  money  to 
America,  than  to  risk  such  an  accommodation  with  Eng 
land  as  would  compel  America,  so  near  her  West  India 


310  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

possessions,  to  make  common  cause  with  England  against 
France."  Notwithstanding  these  negotiations,  then  in 
progress,  the  American  army  had  become  reduced  to  an 
effective  force  of  barely  five  thousand  men  ;  and  the  French 
army  could  not  be  disposable  for  general  service  while 
their  fleets  were  so  closely  confined  to  the  harbor  of  New 
port.  The  British  fleet  was  wintering  at  Gardiner's  Bay, 
L.I.,  so  as  to  watch  all  vessels  that  entered  or  departed 
from  Long  Island  Sound,  and  maintained  its  blockade. 
Late  in  January  a  violent  north-east  storm  made  havoc 
with  the  British  ships.  The  Culloden,  line-of-battle 
ship  (74  guns),  was  sunk.  The  Bedford  was  dis 
masted,  and  the  America  was  driven  to  sea.  Wash 
ington  seized  upon  this  incident  to  make  a  diversion 
southward  and  attempt  the  capture  of  Arnold,  who  was 
in  full  commission  as  a  brigadier-general  of  the  British 
army. 

Arnold  had  left  New  York  with  sixteen  hundred  men, 
on  the  nineteenth  of  the  preceding  December,  for 
Virginia.  His  command  consisted  of  the  eighteenth 

O  G> 

British  (Scotch)  regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Dundas, 
and  the  Queen's  Rangers,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Simcoe ; 
the  latter  being  a  skilful  officer,  shrewd  and  cool,  but 
noted,  in  the  heat  of  battle,  for  characteristic  ferocity  in 
shortening  fights,  and  thus  reducing  the  number  of 
wounded  prisoners  to  be  cared  for.  Clinton  seems  not 
to  have  fully  relied  upon  the  discretion  of  Arnold,  since 
he  reports,  having  fr  detailed  two  officers  of  tried  ability 
and  experience,  and  possessing  the  entire  confidence  of 
their  commander."  As  with  so  many  naval  expeditions 
of  that  period,  a  gale  overtook  Arnold  on  the  twenty- 
sixth  and  twenty-seventh  of  December,  scattering  his 
transports,  so  that  without  waiting  for  those  still  at  sea, 
he  landed  with  twelve  hundred  men  and  moved  up  the 
James  River  on  the  fourth  of  January.  He  landed  at 


ARNOLD'S  DEPREDATIONS.  ;U  1 

Westover,  twenty-five  miles  below  Richmond,  and  imme 
diately  marched  upon  the  city.  On  the  afternoon  of  the 
fifth,  he  entered  Richmond.  The  militia,  under  Col. 
John  Nichols,  only  two  hundred  in  number,  assembled 
upon  Richmond  Hill,  but  had  to  retire  before  Simcoe's 
advance.  A  few  men  stationed  on  Shrcve  Hill,  also  re 
tired.  At  Westham,  seven  miles  above  Richmond,  a 
foundry,  a  laboratory,  and  some  shops  were  destroyed,  as 
well  as  the  Auditor's  Records,  which  had  been  removed 
from  Richmond  for  safety.  Arnold  sent  a  proposition  to 
Governor  Jefferson,  offering  to  spare  the  city  if  no  op 
position  were  made  to  his  vessels  ascending  the  river  to 
remove  tobacco  and  other  legitimate  plunder  of  Avar. 
Upon  rejection  of  this  proposition,  he  burned  so  much  of 
the  city  as  time  allowed,  and  returned  to  Westover,  with 
out  loss.  He  carried  oft'  seven  brass  cannon,  three  hun 
dred  stands  of  arms  found  in  the  loft  of  the  Capitol,  and  a 
few  quartermasters'  stores,  as  his  sole  trophies  of  war. 
Upon  information,  however,  that  Baron  Steuben  was  at 
Petersburg  with  some  militia,  Arnold  hastened  to  Ports 
mouth  to  put  its  defences  in  better  condition. 


CHAPTER   XXXI. 

THE     SOUTHERN    CAMPAIGN,     1781,    OUTLINED.  COWPENS. 

GUILFORD    COURT-HOUSE. EUTAW    SPRINGS. 

BEFORE  developing  Washington's  plan  for  the  capt 
ure  of  Benedict  Arnold,  it  is  advisable  to  glance 
at  the  military  condition  of  the  Southern  Department  in 
which  Arnold  was  then  serving  in  command  of  British 
troops.  Lafayette  had  been  intrusted  with  execution  of 
the  plan.  He  knew  perfectly  well  that  Arnold  would 
not  venture  far  from  his  fortified  position  at  Portsmouth, 
and  thus  incur  risk  of  capture  and  an  inevitable  death 
upon  the  gibbet. 

The  assignment  of  General  Greene  to  the  command  of 
that  department  was  designed  by  Washington,  for  the 
purpose  of  initiating  a  vigorous  campaign  against  all 
posts  occupied  by  British  garrisons,  and  gradually  to 
clear  that  country  of  the  presence  of  British  troops. 
He  had  great  confidence  in  such  men  as  Marion,  Sumter, 
Hampton,  and  other  partisan  leaders,  who  were  perpetu 
ally  on  the  alert,  by  night  and  by  day,  for  opportunities 
to  repress  royalist  risings,  and  harass  the  enemy  at  every 
possible  point  of  contact.  It  was  very  natural,  then, 
to  overestimate  the  British  successes  at  Savannah  and 
Charleston,  and  even  to  assume  that  the  British  army 
would  be  uniformly  equal  to  active  campaign  service,  and 
would  not  find  it  difficult  to  maintain  supplies  in  the 
field.  In  view  of  the  condition  of  roads,  water-courses, 
swamps,  and  the  limited  agricultural  improvements  of 

312 


THE   SOUTHERN   CAMPAIGN:   COWPENS.  313 

those  times,  it  is  greatly  to  the  credit  of  the  British  offi 
cers  that  so  much  was  accomplished  by  them,  in  the  face 
of  the  partisan  operations  above  noticed. 

Washington  appreciated  this  condition  fully ;  urged 
the  Southern  governors  to  renewed  activity,  and  fur 
nished  General  Greene  with  instructions  respecting  what 
he  regarded  as  the  final  campaign  of  the  war.  The  first 
element  of  success  which  he  enjoined  as  a  duty  was  "to 
avoid  battle  with  fresh  British  troops,  just  out  of  garrison, 
and  therefore  in  complete  readiness  for  action."  The 
second  injunction  was,  "  so  far  as  possible,  to  give  a  par 
tisan  or  skirmish  character  to  engagements  where  infe 
rior  numbers  could  keep  their  adversaries  under  constant 
and  sleepless  apprehension  of  attack."  The  third  was, 
"to  utilize  and  control  streams,  swamps,  and  woods, 
where  the  bayonet  and  artillery  could  not  be  successfully 
employed  by  British  troops."  The  fourth  principle  of 
action  was  characteristic  of  Washington's  early  experi 
ence,  and  was  exemplified  throughout  the  war  —  "never 
to  halt,  over  night,  without  making  artificial  protection 
against  surprise  ;  and  to  surprise  the  enemy  so  far  as 
practicable,  whenever  all  conditions  seem  to  render  such 
surprise  impossible."  Caesar's  habitual  intrenchments, 
upon  a  halt,  were  types  of  Washington's  methods  ;  and 
the  Crimean  War  made  more  impressive  than  ever  the 
value  of  slight,  temporary  cover  for  troops  in  the  field. 
The  camp-kettle,  the  powder  and  lead,  the  pick  and  the 
spade,  were  Washington's  indispensable  tools. 

It  was  therefore  with  great  confidence  in  the  result 
that  he  intrusted  this  Southern  campaign  to  the  charge  of 
Nathaniel  Greene  ;  and  for  the  same  reasons  he  sent  him 
his  best  engineer,  and  his  best  corps  of  rifles  and  horse. 
General  Greene,  immediately  upon  taking  command, 
removed  all  commissary  supplies  from  the  coast,  to  avoid 
liability  of  their  seizure,  and  to  maintain  his  food-supply. 


314  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

He  ordered  Quartermaster-General  Carrington  to  collect 
all  magazines  upon  the  Roanoke,  for  ready  access  when 
ever  he  might  need  ammunition  or  commissary  supplies. 
He  wrote  to  Baron  Steuben,  to  "  hasten  forward  his 
recruits  "  ;  to  the  Governors  of  Virginia  and  North  Caro 
lina,  to  "nil  up  their  quotas  of  regulars  and  call  in  all 
the  militia  that  they  could  arm"  \  to  Shelby,  Campbell, 
and  other  participants  in  the  Battle  of  King's  Mountain, 
fought  on  the  eighth  of  October,  1780,  "to  come  forward 
and  assist  in  the  overthrow  of  Cornwallis,  and  defeat  his 
second  attempt  to  invade  North  Carolina."  It  is  certain 
from  his  letters  to  Washington,  that  he  expected  to  realize 
success.  The  battle  of  Cowpens  immediately  followed. 

While  awaiting  response  to  his  demands  for  troops, 
both  militia  and  regulars,  Greene  promptly  detached 
Morgan,  with  Colonels  Washington  and  Howard,  to  learn 
the  movements  of  Cornwallis  and  Tarleton,  and  fritter 
away  their  strength  by  worrying  tactics.  Morgan  came 
so  near  Tarleton  as  to  know  that  he  could  have  a  right, 
if  he  wanted  a  fight.  This  he  resolved  to  have.  Few 
military  events  on  record  show  superior  tact,  daring,  and 
success.  He  placed  his  command  in  the  sharp  bend  of 
Broad  River,  then  swollen  by  rains,  and  so  deep  and 
swift  that  neither  boat,  horse  nor  man  could  cross  it  ; 
where,  as  he  afterwards  reported,  "  his  men  had  to  fight, 
or  drown."  All  that  he  asked  of  his  advanced  militia  was, 
that  they  would  give  two  volleys  and  scamper  from 
his  front,  and  re-form  in  his  rear.  He  secreted  Washing 
ton's  dragoons  out  of  view,  for  their  opportunity.  Tarle 
ton  dashed  madly  after  the  scattering  militia,  and  before 
he  could  rally  his  impetuous  charge  of  horse  and  foot,  was 
taken  in  the  rear,  utterly  routed,  and  barely  saved  himself 
after  a  sabre-cut  from  Colonel  Washington  ;  leaving  on  the 
field,  or  as  prisoners,  seven  hundred  and  eighty  of  his 
command,  two  cannon,  fifty-five  wagons,  one  hundred 


THE   SOUTHERN   CAMPAIGN:    ITS   CRISIS.          315 

horses,  and  eight  hundred  muskets.  Cornwallis  was  but 
twenty-five  miles  distant ;  but  the  exchange  of  sharp  words 
afterwards,  between  himself  and  Tarleton,  did  not  lessen 
the  value  and  prestige  of  this  timely  American  victory. 
Congress  and  various  States  united  in  recognition  of 
Morgan's  gallant  conduct.  Broken  down  by  rheuma 
tism,  he  was  compelled  to  leave  active  service.  From 
Quebec,  in  1775,  to  Cowpens,  in  1780,  he  had  been 
"  weighed "  in  many  battle-scales,  and  never  "  found 
wanting." 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  January,  while  in  camp  on  Hicks' 
Creek,  a  fork  of  the  Great  Republic,  Greene  received  the 
message  of  Morgan  that  he  "  had  many  prisoners  in  charge, 
but  was  pressed  by  Cornwallis."  It  was  most  tantalizing, 
at  such  an  hour,  not  to  be  able  to  improve  this  victory. 
The  Southern  army,  including  Morgan's  force,  numbered, 
all  told,  including  four  hundred  militia,  only  twenty-one 
hundred  and  three  men,  of  whom  the  artillerists  were  but 
forty-seven,  and  the  cavalry  only  one  hundred  and  twenty. 
Greene  Avrote  to  Suniter,  on  the  fifteenth  of  January,  two 
days  before  the  Battle  of  Cowpens  :  "  More  than  half  our 
numbers  are  in  a  manner  naked,  so  much  that  we  cannot 
put  them  on  the  least  duty.  Indeed,  there  is  a  great 
number  that  have  not  a  rag  of  clothing  on  them,  except  a 
little  piece  of  blanket,  in  the  Indian  form,  about  their 
waists."  But  Greene  put  this  force  in  the  best  possible 
order  ;  and  on  the  twenty-eighth,  accompanied  by  a  single 
guide,  one  aide-de-camp,  and  a  sergeant's  party  of  twenty 
troopers,  he  started  to  join  Morgan.  On  the  night  of  the 
thirtieth,  after  a  ride  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
miles,  he  was  with  him. 

The  crisis  was  immediate.  Greene  wrote  to  Varnurn, 
then  in  Congress ;  to  Gist,  Smallwood,  Rutledge,  Wash 
ington,  and  others,  appealing  for  five  thousand  infantry 
and  from  six  to  eight  hundred  horse.  It  seemed  as  if 


316  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

this  very  victory  would  only  precipitate  disaster.  Wash 
ington  thus  replied  :  "  I  wish  I  had  it  in  my  power  to 
congratulate  you  on  the  brilliant  and  important  victory 
of  General  Morgan  without  the  alloy  which  the  distresses 
of  the  department  you  command,  and  apprehensions  of 
posterior  events,  intermix.  ...  I  lament  that  you 
find  it  so  difficult  to  avoid  a  general  action ;  for  our 
misfortunes  can  only  be  completed  by  the  dispersion  of 
your  little  army,  which  will  be  the  most  probable  con 
sequence  of  such  an  event."  This  letter  reflects  the  wise 
policy  of  Washington  throughout  the  war  ;  ever  to  reserve 
in  hand  a  sufficient  force  to  control  the  time  and  place 
for  battle  ;  while  incessantly  weakening  that  of  his  adver 
sary  and  compelling  him,  finally,  to  fight  "against  odds." 

As  the  mind  reverts  to  the  contentions  for  high  com 
mand  which  characterized  the  early  years  of  the  war ;  and 
as  one  officer  after  another  disappears  from  the  battle 
record,  it  would  seem  as  if  the  officer  who  sat  by  the  side 
of  Morgan  on  the  banks  of  the  Catawba,  on  the  thirtieth 
of  January,  1781,  must  have  felt  as  if  a  new  generation 
had  taken  the  place  of  the  old  comrades  of  1776,  and  that 
he  was  simply  waiting  to  pass  away  also. 

But  the  hazard  of  delay  was  omnipotent  to  force 
instant  action.  Colonel  Lee  was  ordered  to  hasten  and 
join  Greene.  The  report  of  the  landing  of  British  forces 
at  Wilmington,  just  in  the  rear  of  the  small  army  he  had 
left  at  Hicks'  Creek,  was  a  new  source  of  anxious  concern. 
The  time  of  service  of  the  Virginia  militia  was  about  to 
expire,  and  according  to  precedent,  they  would  be  prompt 
in  their  departure.  With  quick  sagacity,  Greene  placed 
'General  Stephens  in  command,  anticipating  the  exact 
term  of  their  expiring  enlistment,  and  sent  them  home, 
via  Hillsborough,  in  charge  of  the  prisoners  of  Tarleton's 
command.  He  thus  relieved  Morgan  of  this  encumbrance, 
and  saved  the  detail  of  efficient  troops  for  that  escort  duty. 


THE   SOUTHERN  CAMPAIGN:   ITS   RENEWAL.       317 

At  this  period,  Cornwall  is  had  abandoned  Charleston 
as  his  base  of  supply,  and  was  confident  of  a  successful 
invasion  of  North  Carolina.  He  certainly  knew  that 
Phillips,  Arnold,  and  Simcoe  could  spare  no  troops  from 
Virginia  ;  and  through  the  disaster  which  befell  Tarleton, 
one  of  the  best  soldiers  of  that  period,  at  Cowpens,  he 
began  to  appreciate  Clinton's  disappointing  experiences 
about  New  York.  He  unburdened  his  thoughts  to  Clin 
ton,  in  this  melancholy  vein :  "  Our  hopes  of  success 
were  principally  founded  upon  positive  assurances,  given 
by  apparently  credible  deputies  and  emissaries,  that,  upon 
the  approach  of  a  British  army  in  North  Carolina,  a  great 
body  of  the  inhabitants  were  ready  to  join  it,  and  cooper 
ate  with  it  in  restoring  his  Majesty's  Government.  All 
inducements  in  my  power  were  made  use  of  without 
material  effects." 

On  the  tenth  of  February,  Greene  had  a  force  of  only 
two  thousand  and  thirty-six  men  ;  of  which,  but  fourteen 
hundred  and  six  were  regular  troops.  A  light  corps  of 
seven  hundred  men  was  organized  under  Colonels  Will 
iams,  Carrington,  Howard,  Washington,  and  Lee,  to 
operate  in  separate  detachments  so  far  as  practicable,  and 
thus  keep  the  army  of  Cornwallis  constantly  under  expos 
ure  to  attack,  and  compelled  to  make  many  exhaustive 
marches.  Kosciusko  planned  light  earthworks,  to  cover 
fords  as  the  army  crossed  and  recrossed  the  same  ;  and 
Greene  was  thus  employing  wise  strategic  methods  for 
future  action,  when  of  his  own  choice  he  might  confront 
Cornwallis  in  battle. 

Many  vicissitudes  of  thrilling  interest  attended  these 
desultory  operations  ;  and  when  sudden  floods,  and  as 
sudden  abatement  of  swollen  streams,  had  been  success 
fully  utilized  by  the  patriotic  leaders,  just  at  the  right 
moment,  it  is  not  strange  that  the  American  people,  as 


318  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

well  as  "Washington,  saw  in  these  deliverances  the  hand 
of  favoring  Providence. 

At  this  juncture,  Greene  realized  also,  as  well  as  did 
Cornwallis,  that  he  could  not  expect  any  substantial  aid 
from  Virginia.  He  could  hardly  keep  his  immediate 
force  in  hand,  while  wrear,  waste,  hunger  and  sickness 
began  to  impair  their  fighting  energy  as  well  as  physical 
capacity.  He  determined  to  seek  the  first  reasonable 
opportunity  to  join  battle  with  Cornwallis  ;  and  the  Battle 
of  Guilford  Court-House,  on  the  fifteenth  of  March,  real 
ized  Washington's  full  anticipations  of  such  protracted 
inaction. 

The  light  troops  of  both  armies  had  skirmished  daily. 
Cornwallis  issued  a  proclamation  giving  a  limit  within 
which  the  people  must  return  to  their  allegiance  to  the 
Crown.  On  the  sixth  of  March  a  skirmish  occurred  at 
WetzelFs  Mills,  which  brought  nearly  the  entire  army  of 
Cornwallis  into  action.  On  the  eighth,  Colonel  Carring- 
ton  and  Frederick  Cornwallis,  acting  as  commissioners 
for  the  two  opposing  armies,  agreed  upon  terms  for  an 
exchange  of  prisoners.  Cornwallis  had  been  in  the  habit 
of  paroling  militia,  wherever  found,  and  carrying  them 
on  his  list,  as  if  captured  in  battle.  In  the  adjustment 
made,  Greene  obtained  a  few  officers  who  would  have 
been  otherwise  idle  during  the  campaign ;  but  the 
arrangement  had  no  other  immediate  value. 

The  position  of  the  two  armies  is  worthy  of  notice,  be 
cause  of  its  relations  to  succeeding  events  in  Virginia. 
For  several  weeks  Cornwallis  had  made  special  endeavor 
to  control  all  upper  fords.  On  the  twenty-seventh  of 
February  he  crossed  the  river  Haw  and  fixed  his  camp  on 
the  Allamance,  one  of  its  tributaries.  Greene  adopted 
a  line  nearly  parallel  with  that  of  his  adversary,  and 
advanced  to  the  heights  between  Reedy  Fork  and  Troub 
lesome  Creek,  having  his  divided  headquarters  near  the 


GUILFORD   COURT-HOUSE.  319 

Speedwell  Iron  Works  and  Boyd's  Mills,  on  two  streams. 
Greene  had  gained  the  choice  of  position,  entirely  revers 
ing  the  old  relations  of  the  armies.  There  were  no 
British  troops  in  his  rear,  or  on  his  eastern  flank,  and 
none  to  endanger  his  communications  with  Virginia.  He 
could  give  battle  ;  retire  as  he  advanced,  or  move  into 
Virginia,  by  the  same  upper  fords  which  Cornwallis  had 
once  so  carefully  occupied.  At  this  time,  the  army  of 
Cornwallis  was  also  in  great  need  of  clothing,  medicines, 
and  all  other  essential  supplies.  The  strain  of  so  many 
unequal  marches  and  skirmishes,  through  woods,  thick 
ets,  and  swamps,  and  across  innumerable  small  streams, 
with  no  recompense  in  victories  won,  was  very  severe. 
He  therefore  pitched  his  camp  between  the  Haw  and  Deep 
rivers,  where  the  roads  from  Salisbury,  Guilford  and 
Hillsborough  unite,  and  thus  controlled  the  road  to  Wil 
mington,  his  only  proximate  base  of  supply. 

Troops  had  already  commenced  reporting  to  General 
Greene,  and  he  decided  to  offer  battle.  The  command 
consisted  of  only  fourteen  hundred  and  ninety  regular 
infantry,  one  hundred  and  sixty-one  cavalry,  and  twenty- 
seven  hundred  and  fifty-four  militia.  The  army  of  Corn- 
Avallis,  which  on  the  first  of  January  numbered  three 
thousand  two  hundred  and  twenty-four  men,  had  fallen 
off,  by  March  1st,  nearly  one-third ;  and  there  was  reason 
for  Greene's  hope  that,  in  case  his  militia  held  firmly  to 
positions  assigned  them,  victory  might  be  realized.  He 
felt  the  enemy  with  Lee's  and  Campbell's  cavalry  ;  dis 
posed  his  troops  in  admirable  form ;  and  failed  at  last, 
only  through  the  weakness  of  his  raw  troops.  For  the 
purposes  of  this  narrative,  only  the  result  need  be  stated. 
The  American  army  retired  to  the  iron-works  on  Trouble 
some  Creek,  a  distance  of  twelve  miles,  to  rally  forces  and 
prepare  for  future  action.  "  It  is  certain,"  says  Colonel 
Lee,  "that  if  Greene  had  known  the  condition  of  the  British 


320  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

forces,  he  need  not  have  retreated,  and  the  American 
victory  would  have  been  complete."  Tarleton,  who  was 
wounded  in  the  action,  after  stating  that  "the  British 
army  lost  one-third  of  its  number  in  killed  and  wounded, 
during  the  two  hours  of  battle,"  said  that  "this  victory 
was  the  pledge  of  ultimate  defeat." 

Greene,  writing  to  Washington,  said:  "The  enemy 
gained  his  cause,  but  is  ruined  by  the  success  of  it."  Fox, 
in  the  British  House  of  Commons,  said  :  "  Another  such 
victory  would  ruin  the  British  army."  Pitt  called  it  "the 
precursor  of  ruin  to  British  supremacy  at  the  South." 
The  casualties  of  the  American  army  were,  nominally, 
including  missing,  thirteen  hundred  and  eleven  ;  but  so 
many  of  the  missing  immediately  rallied,  that  the  Virginia 
Brigade,  after  two  days,  reported  as  present  for  duty, 
seven  hundred  and  fifty-two ;  and  the  Maryland  Brigade 
mustered  five  hundred  and  fifty,  showing  a  loss  in  action 
of  only  one  hundred  and  eighty-eight  men,  instead  of 
two  hundred  and  sixty-one,  reported  on  the  seventeenth. 
Of  one  militia  brigade,  five  hundred  and  fifty-two  were 
missing.  The  British  casualties  were  five  hundred  and 
forty-four,  and  of  the  general  officers,  only  Cornwallis  and 
Leslie  escaped  without  wounds. 

Cornwallis,  after  providing  for  the  wounded  as  well  as 
possible,  and  leaving  under  a  flag  of  truce  those  who 
could  not  march,  immediately  crossed  the  deep  river  as 
if  moving  to  Salisbury  ;  then  recrossed  it,  lower  down, 
and  entered  Wilmington  on  the  seventh  of  April,  with 
only  fourteen  hundred  and  forty-five  men.  He  wrote  to 
Lord  Rawdon,  that  "  Greene  would  probably  invade  South 
Carolina " ;  but  the  messenger  failed  to  get  through  to 
Charleston.  Greene  was  delayed  after  the  battle,  to  send 
back  to  his  supply-train  for  ammunition,  lead  and  bullet- 
moulds  ;  but  he  followed  so  closely  after,  that  he  reached 
Ramsour's  Mills  the  twenty-eighth,  the  very  day  on  which 


EUTAW   SPRINGS.  321 

Cornwallis  had  bridged  the  river  and  pushed  on  to  Wil 
mington. 

The  effect  of  this  withdrawal  of  Cornwallis  was  of  great 
value  to  the  American  cause,  and  cleared  away  obstruc 
tions  to  a  broader  range  of  operations  for  the  army  of 
the  North.  Subsequently,  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  April 
Greene  met  Rawdon,  at  Hobkirk  Hill,  in  an  action 
sometimes  called  the  Second  Battle  of  Camden,  as  it  was 
fought  near  that  town,  in  which  the  American  casualties 
were  two  hundred  and  seventy-one,  and  the  British  cas 
ualties  were  two  hundred  and  fifty-eight.  Greene,  after 
the  action,  withdrew  to  Rugeley's  Mills,  and  Rawdon  to 
Camden.  Stedman  says  :  "  The  victory  at  Hobkirk  Hill,  like 
that  at  Guilford  Court-House,  produced  no  consequences 
beneficial  to  the  British  army."  On  the  seventeenth  of  the 
subsequent  September,  Greene  fought  with  Stewart,  Raw- 
don's  successor,  the  Battle  of  Eutaw  Springs,  the  final 
battle  at  the  South.  In  this  battle  the  American  casualties 
were  four  hundred  and  eight,  and  the  British  casualties 
were  six  hundred  and  ninety-three.  In  dismissing  these 
operations  in  the  Southern  Department,  a  single  extract 
from  Tarleton's  history  of  the  war  is  of  interest :  "  The 
troops  engaged  during  the  greater  part  of  the  time  were 
totally  destitute  of  bread,  and  the  country  afforded  no 
vegetable  as  a  substitute.  Salt  at  length  failed,  and  their 
only  resources  were  water  and  the  wild  cattle  which  they 
found  in  the  woods.  In  the  last  expedition,  fifty  men 
perished  through  mere  fatigue.  .  .  .  We  must  not, 
however,  confine  the  praise  entirely  to  the  British  troops. 
The  same  justice  requires  that  the  Americans  should  not 
be  deprived  of  their  share  of  this  fatal  glory. 
On  the  whole,  the  campaign  terminated  in  their  favor, 
General  Greene  having  recovered  the  far  greater  part  of 
Georgia,  and  the  two  Carolinas." 

This  same  Nathaniel  Greene  led  the  Kentish  Guards  to 


322  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

Boston  on  the  morning  after  the  Battle  of  Lexington,  in 
1775,  and  his  early  announcement  of  the  principles  upon 
which  the  war  should  be  conducted  to  ensure  final  success, 
had  been  verified.  He  had  vindicated  the  confidence  of 
Washington  in  every  line  of  duty,  and  in  his  Southern 
campaign  cleared  the  way  for  the  crowning  triumph  of  the 
American  Commander-in-Chief,  at  Yorktown. 


CHAPTER   XXXII. 

LAFAYETTE      IN      PURSUIT      OF      ARNOLD.    -  -  THE      END      IN 
SIGHT.  ARNOLD    IN    THE    BRITISH    ARMY. 

THE  diversion  of  thought  from  Washington's  imme 
diate  surroundings  will  find  its  compensation  in 
the  development  of  his  plan  for  the  capture  of  Benedict 
Arnold.  Its  execution  had  been  intrusted  to  General 
Lafayette,  who  was  already  assembling  his  command  at 
Peekskill,  on  the  Hudson. 

The  superiority  of  the  British  fleet  before  Newport 
having  been  reduced  by  the  storm  of  January  22nd, 
Monsieur  Destouches,  successor  to  Admiral  de  Ternay, 
deceased,  consented  to  send  one  ship-of-the-line  and  two 
frigates  to  prevent  Arnold's  escape  by  sea.  The  Count 
de  Rochambeau  deemed  it  unnecessary  and  inexpedient  to 
send  troops,  because  the  movement  was  to  be  so  rapid  in 
its  execution.  He  assumed  that  the  Continental  forces 
in  Virginia  were  adequate  for  operations  under  Lafayette. 
Letters  from  Washington,  however,  suggesting  the  detail 
of  a  considerable  land  force,  did  not  reach  him  until  after 
M.  de  Tully  had  sailed ;  or  the  entire  French  fleet,  with 
a  strong  military  contingent,  would  have  joined  the  expe 
dition.  The  three  ships  under  the  command  of  Monsieur 
de  Tully  sailed  on  the  ninth  of  February ;  captured  the 
British  frigate  Romulus  in  Linn  Haven  Bay,  two  pri 
vateers,  and  eight  other  prizes ;  but  upon  arrival  at 
Elizabeth  River,  Virginia,  finding  that  the  depth  of  water 
would  not  allow  the  passage  up  the  river  of  his  larger 
ships,  he  returned  to  Newport. 

323 


324  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

At  this  point,  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  the  war 
becomes  apparent.  Every  fortuitous  change  in  the 
details  of  immediately  succeeding  movements,  and  every 
modification  of  plans  previously  considered,  seem  to 
occur  as  if  the  American  Commander-in-Chief  adjusted 
characters  and  events  with  the  accuracy  of  a  master  of 
chess  who  plays  with  a  clear  anticipation  of  the  check 
mate  of  Clinton  and  Cornwallis,  his  two  antagonists. 
Each  of  the  royal  partners  attempted,  too  late,  the 
process  of  "  castle-ing  "  ;  so  that  New  York,  first,  and  then 
Yorktown,  became  powerless  to  protect  each  other,  or 
the  dependent  posts,  garrisons,  and  commanders  of  each. 
And  it  is  still  more  dramatic  in  the  result  than  if  Arnold 
had  been  captured ;  for  the  expedition  of  the  French 
Marquis,  which  was  at  first  regarded  as  only  a  temporary 
absence  on  his  part  from  the  immediate  command  of 
Washington,  proved  to  be  the  vanguard  of  an  advance 
which,  through  his  extraordinary  tact  and  skilful  hand 
ling,  finally  inclosed  Cornwallis,  and  made  the  oppor 
tunity  for  his  capture. 

Lafayette  started  from  Peekskill  immediately  upon 
the  departure  of  M.  de  Tully's  ships,  taking  with  him 
twelve  hundred  light  infantry,  made  up  of  New  England 
and  New  Jersey  troops.  He  reached  Pompton,  New  Jer 
sey,  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  February ;  Philadelphia, 
on  the  second  day  of  March,  and  Head  of  Elk,  on  the 
next  day.  If  the  reader  will  imagine  Lafayette  as 
standing  upon  the  high  ground  overlooking  Chesapeake 
Bay  on  the  evening  of  March  3,  1781,  let  him  recall 
Maxwell's  visit  to  the  same  spot  accompanied  by  La 
fayette,  on  the  third  day  of  September,  1777,  just  before 
the  Battle  of  Brandy  wine.  On  the  former  occasion,  La 
fayette  slept  in  a  log  cabin  where  he  had  been  watching 
the  British  landing.  At  daybreak,  that  cabin  was  within 
the  British  picket-lines.  A  suspicion  that  it  was  occu- 


LAFAYETTE   IN   PURSUIT   OF  ARNOLD.  325 

pied  by  an  officer  of  Lafayette's  rank  was  certainly 
beyond  the  conception  of  the  Hessian  Chasseurs  who 
bivouacked  close  by.  In  a  letter  written  by  Lafayette, 
to  his  young  wife,  which  was  ever  cherished  by  the  late 
Senators  Oscar  and  Edniond  Lafayette,  grandsons  of  the 
Marquis,  he  humorously  contrasts  his  condition  at  the  two 
dates.  "The  landing  of  Cornwallis,  at  this  particular 
point"  is  noticed  ;  then,  "my  first  wound,  in  my  first  battle 
near  Birmingham  Meeting  House  "  ;  and  then,  "my  present 
independent  command,  and  my  hopeful  expectation  that 
the  same  British  General  will  not  much  longer  bar  the 
way  to  American  Independence." 

From  this  point,  Lafayette  sent  his  advance  troops  to 
Annapolis  ;  but  he  first  made  a  personal  trip,  in  an  open 
canoe,  to  Elizabethtown,  to  accelerate  preparations  for 
the  capture  of  the  traitor  Arnold.  He  visited  Baron 
Steuben  at  Yorktown,  and  learned  that  the  Baron  would 
undertake  to  raise  five  thousand  militia  for  his  support. 
He  visited  Muhlenburg  at  Suffolk ;  and  then  made  a 
personal  reconnoissance  of  Arnold's  defences  at  Ports 
mouth.  The  return  of  M.  de  Tully  to  Newport  compelled 
him  to  return  to  Annapolis  and  there  await  instructions 
from  Washington.  Meanwhile,  Washington,  following 
up  his  own  letters  to  Rochambeau,  visited  Newport, 
R.I.,  and  accompanied  Rochambeau  to  the  French 
Admiral's  ship.  Eleven  hundred  men  had  already 
embarked,  awaiting  the  repair  of  a  frigate  before  sailing. 
On  the  eighth,  four  frigates  and  eight  battle-ships  pro 
ceeded  to  sea.  This  was  a  profound  surprise  to  the 
British  fleet,  still  anchored  in  Gardiner's  Bay,  as  well  as 
to  Clinton,  then  in  New  York.  The  French  fleet  was 
actually  under  weigh  before  Admiral  Arbuthnot  suspected 
its  design.  He  sailed  promptly  in  pursuit,  with  an  equal 
force,  and  wrote  to  General  Clinton,  to  "warn  Arnold  of 
his  danger."  On  the  sixteenth,  the  British  and  French 


326  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

squadrons  fought  a  well-balanced  battle,  off  the  Chesa 
peake  ;  but  the  presence  of  the  British  fleet  having 
thwarted  the  chief  object  of  its  errand,  Monsieur  Des- 
touches  returned  to  Newport  on  the  twenty-sixth,  after 
an  absence  of  only  eighteen  days.  The  inability  of  the 
French  fleet  to  control  the  waters  of  the  Chesapeake  modi 
fied  all  plans. 

Washington  wrote  to  Lafayette  on  the  fifth  of  April, 
as  follows  :  "  While  we  all  lament  the  miscarriage  of  an 

o 

enterprise  [the  capture  of  Arnold]  which  bid  so  fair  of 
success,  we  must  console  ourselves  in  the  thought  of 
having  done  everything  practicable  to  accomplish  it.  I 
am  certain  that  the  Chevalier  Destouches  exerted  him 
self  to  the  utmost  to  gain  the  Chesapeake.  The  point 
upon  which  the  whole  turned,  the  action  with  Admiral 
Arbuthnot,  reflects  honor  upon  the  Chevalier,  and  upon 
the  marine  of  France.  As  matters  have  turned  out,  it 
is  to  be  wished  that  you  had  not  gone  out  of  the  Elk ; 
but,  I  never  judge  of  the  proprieties  of  measures  by  after 
results."  This  letter,  so  timely  and  wise,  as  well  as  so 
characteristic  of  its  author,  also  instructed  Lafayette  to 
return  to  Philadelphia ;  but  on  the  sixth,  he  was  ordered 
to  report  to  General  Greene. 

This  order  had  hardly  been  issued  when  Washington 
learned  that  Clinton,  acting  upon  Admiral  Arbuthnot's 
suggestion,  had  forwarded  additional  troops  to  the  sup 
port  of  Arnold,  under  command  of  General  Phillips.  He 
at  once  countermanded  Lafayette's  orders  to  report  to 
General  Greene,  and  assigned  him  to  command  in  Vir 
ginia,  reporting,  however,  both  to  General  Greene  and 
himself.  Greene  received  a  copy  of  this  order  March 
18th,  three  days  after  the  Battle  of  Guilford  Court-House, 
and  he  dates  his  reply  as  "follows :  "  Ten  miles  from 
Guilford  Court-House.  I  am  happy  to  hear  the  Marquis 
is  coming  to  Virginia,  though  I  am  afraid  from  a  hint  in 


THE  END  IN   SIGHT.  327 

one  of  Baron  Steuben's  letters  that  he  will  think  himself 
injured  in  being  superseded  in  command.  Could  the 
Marquis  be  with  us  at  this  moment,  we  should  have  a 
most  glorious  campaign.  It  would  put  Cornwallis  and 
his  whole  army  into  our  hands." 

Greene,  at  this  time,  knowing  the  condition  of  the 
army  of  Cornwallis  at  Wilmington,  believed  that  by  the 
advance  of  Lafayette  from  Virginia,  and  his  own  coop 
eration,  just  as  he  started  in  pursuit  of  Cornwallis,  the 
capture  of  that  officer's  entire  command  would  be  assured. 
But  in  other  ways  than  had  been  anticipated,  the  assign 
ment  of  Lafayette  to  command  in  Virginia  did  enforce 
the  ultimate  surrender  of  the  British  army  of  Virginia. 
Baron  Steuben,  with  perfect  confidence  in  the  wisdom  of 
Washington,  gracefully  accepted  the  order  as  final,  and 
rendered  to  Lafayette  prompt  obedience  and  thoroughly 
hearty  support. 

The  troops  that  accompanied  Lafayette,  however,  did 
not  like  their  transfer  to  a  warmer  climate.  Desertions 
were  frequent,  and  a  mutinous  spirit  was  exhibited.  La 
fayette  hung  the  first  deserter  who  was  captured.  A 
second  was  arrested  and  brought  before  him  for  disposal. 
He  sent  him  adrift,  with  "  permission  to  return  to  his  home, 
or  wherever  he  desired  to  go."  He  then  issued  an  order, 
reciting,  that  "  lie  was  netting  out  upon  a  dangerous  and 
difficult  expedition;  and  lie  hoped  the  soldiers  would  not 
abandon  him;  but  that  whoever  wished  to  go  away,  might 
do  so  instantly."  "  From  that  hour,"  wrote  Lafayette, 
"all  desertions  ceased,  and  not  a  man  would  leave." 

Washington  himself,  at  this  juncture  of  affairs,  was 
peculiarly  embarrassed.  Congress  had  assured  him  that 
the  new  regular  force  of  thirty-seven  thousand  men  would 
be  in  the  field  by  the  first  of  January.  Marshall,  the 
historian,  makes  the  following  statement :  "  The  regular 
force  drawn  from  Pennsylvania,  to  Georgia  inclusive,  at 


328  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

no  time  during  this  interesting  campaign  amounted  to 
three  thousand  effective  men."  Of  the  Northern  troops, 
twelve  hundred  had  been  detached  under  the  Marquis  de 
Lafayette,  in  the  aid  of  Virginia.  Including  these  in 
the  estimate,  the 'States,  from  New  Jersey  to  New  Hamp 
shire,  had  furnished  only  five  thousand  effectives.  The 
cavalry  and  artillery  at  no  time  exceeded  one  thousand. 
During  May,  the  total  force  reached  seven  thousand,  of 
whom  rather  more  than  four  thousand  might  have  been 
relied  on  for  action  ;  but  even  these  had  been  brought 
into  camp  too  late  to  acquire  that  discipline  which  is  so 
essential  to  military  service. 

As  early  as  February  twentieth,  when  the  Virginia  cam 
paign  was  in  prospect,  General  Washington  begged  Schuy- 
ler  to  accept  the  head  of  the  War  Deparment,  in  these 
earnest  words  :  "  Our  affairs  are  brought  to  an  awful  crisis. 
Nothing  will  recover  them  but  the  vigorous  exertion  of 
men  of  abilities  who  know  our  wants  and  the  best  means 
of  supplying  them.  These  qualifications,  Sir,  without  a 
compliment,  I  think  you  possess.  Why,  then,  the  depart 
ment  being  necessary,  should  you  shrink  from  it?  The 
greater  the  chaos,  the  greater  will  be  your  merit  in  bring 
ing  forth  order."  General  Schuyler  replied  on  the  twenty- 
fifth,  and  declared  his  intention  never  to  hold  office  under 
Congress,  unless  accompanied  by  a  restoration  to  mili 
tary  rank ;  and  added  that  "  such  inconvenience  would 
result  to  themselves  [members  of  Congress]  from  such  a 
restoration,  as  would  necessarily  give  umbrage  to  many 
officers." 

Washington's  diary  at  this  period  affords  a  fair  show 
of  existing  conditions,  and  reveals  his  anxiety  better  than 
another  can  depict  it.  On  the  first  of  May,  his  record  is 
this  :  "  Instead  of  having  magazines  filled  with  provisions, 
we  have  a  scant  pittance,  scattered  here  and  there,  in 
different  States.  Instead  of  having  our  arsenals  filled 


THE  END  IN  SIGHT.  329 

with  military  stores,  they  are  poorly  provided,  and  the 
workmen  are  leaving  them.  .  .  .  Instead  of  hav 
ing  the  regiments  completed  under  the  new  establishment, 
scarce  any  State  has  an  eighth  part  of  its  quota  in  the 
field,  and  there  is  little  prospect  of  getting  more  than 
half.  In  a  word,  instead  of  having  everything  in  readiness 
to  take  the  field,  we  have  nothing.  .  .  .  And  instead 
of  having  the  prospect  of  a  glorious,  offensive  campaign 
before  us,  we  have  a  gloomy  and  bewildered  prospect  of 
a  defensive  one,  unless  we  should  receive  a  powerful  aid 
of  ships,  land  troops,  and  money,  from  our  generous 
allies,  and  these  arc  at  present  too  contingent  to  build 
upon.  .  .  .  Chimney-corner  patriots  abound ;  venality, 
corruption,  prostitution  of  office  for  selfish  ends,  abuse 
of  trust,  perversion  of  funds  from  a  national  to  a  private 
use,  and  speculations  upon  the  necessities  of  the  times, 
pervade  all  interests.  ...  In  fact,  every  battle  and 
every  campaign  is  affected  by  these  elements,  and  the 
diffusion  of  political  responsibility  still  makes  the  United 
States  only  a  loose  partnership  of  scattered  and  loosely 
related  partners." 

At  this  date,  May  first,  the  British  troops  in  Virginia 
consisted  of  Arnold's  command  of  fifteen  hundred  and 
fifty-three  men,  and  that  of  Phillips,  of  twenty-one  hun 
dred  and  sixty-three  men.  On  the  twentieth  of  May, 
including  the  forces  of  Cornwallis,  the  entire  British 
force  in  Virginia  did  not  exceed  five  thousand  effective 
troops.  Arnold,  Phillips,  and  Simcoe  made  numerous 
excursions,  destroying  property,  burning  buildings,  and 
leaving  marks  of  desolation  upon  Williamsburg,  Peters 
burg,  Osborne,  Hanover  Court-House,  Chesterfield  Court- 
House,  and  elsewhere. 

Lafayette's  command  was  almost  ubiquitous,  harass 
ing  the  enemy  at  every  point,  so  that  they  could  hardly 
make  an  expedition  without  being  compelled  to  abandon 


330  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

portions  of  the  property  plundered,  and  return  to  their 
fortified  positions  with  the  loss  of  some  men  and  horses, 
every  time.  So  soon  as  Lafayette  learned  that  Cornwallis 
proposed  to  move  northward  from  Wilmington  to  Virginia, 
and  unite  his  command  with  those  of  Phillips  and  Arnold, 
he  made  an  effort  to  reach  Halifax  Court-House,  and  cut 
him  off;  but  the  shorter  route  enabled  Phillips  to  defeat 
Lafayette's  movement. 

On  the  eighth  of  May,  he  wrote  to  Washington  :  "  There 
is  no  fighting  here,  unless  you  have  naval  superiority  ; 
or,  an  army  mounted  on  race-horses.  Phillips"  plan 
against  Richmond  has  been  defeated.  He  was  going  to 
Portsmouth.  Now,  it  appears  that  I  have  business  with 
two  armies,  and  this  is  rather  too  much.  Each  is  more 
than  double,  superior  to  me.  We  have  no  boats,  few 
militia,  and  no  arms.  I  will  try  and  do  for  the  best. 
Xothing  can  attract  my  sight  from  the  supplies  and  reen- 
forcements  destined  to  General  Greene's  army.  I  have 
forbidden  every  department  to  give  me  anything  that  may 
be  thought  useful  to  General  Greene.  When  General 
Greene  becomes  equal  to  offensive  operations,  this  quarter 
will  be  relieved.  I  have  written  to  General  Wayne  [who 
had  been  ordered  to  report  to  Lafayette,  with  the  Penn 
sylvania  line,  ordered  south  by  Congress,  on  account 
of  their  mutiny]  to  hasten  his  march  ;  but  unless  I  am 
hard  pressed,  I  shall  request  him  to  go  southward." 
Washington  thus  replied  to  this  letter  :  "  Your  determi 
nation  to  avoid  an  engagement,  with  your  present  force, 
is  certainly  judicious.  General  Wayne  has  been  pressed 
both  by  Congress  and  the  Board  of  War,  to  make  as 
much  expedition  as  possible." 

On  the  eighteenth  of  May,  pursuant  to  orders  of  Gen 
eral  Greene,  assigning  him  to  sole  command  in  Virginia, 
and  instructing  him  to  report  only  to  Washington,  Lafay 
ette  established  his  headquarters  between  the  Pamunkey 


ARNOLD  IN   THE   BRITISH   ARMY.  331 

and  Chickahorniny  rivers,  equally  covering  Richmond  and 
other  important  points  in  the  State ;  and  sent  General 
Nelson  with  militia  towards  Petersburg.  On  the  twenty- 
sixth  of  May,  Cornwallis  received  reinforcements  under 
General  Leslie,  and  notified  General  Clinton  of  his 
own  intention  to  "dislodge  Lafayette  from  Richmond.'' 
General  Clinton's  letter  of  the  twentieth  had  contained 
the  following  postscript :  "  Pray  send  Brigadier-General 
Arnold  h ere,  by  the  first  opportunity,  if  you  should  not 
have  particular  occasion  for  his  services."  Cornwallis 
replied :  "  I.  have  consented  to  the  request  of  General 
Arnold  to  go  to  Xew  York ;  he  conceived  that  your  Ex 
cellency  wished  him  to  attend  you,  and  his  present  indis 
position  renders  him  unequal  to  the  fatigue  of  service." 

In  view  of  the  great  effort  on  the  part  of  Washing 
ton  to  arrest  Arnold,  it  is  well  to  consider  some  inci 
dents  that  disclose  Arnold's  true  position  in  the  British 
army.  In  none  of  his  expeditions  in  Virginia  did  he  face 
Continental  troops.  He  attempted  to  open  a  corre 
spondence  with  Lafayette,  and  threatened  to  send  any 
prisoners  he  might  capture,  to  the  West  Indies ;  but  La 
fayette  never  acknowledged  a  communication,  simplv 
forwarding  them  to  Washington.  Among  papers  of 
General  Phillips  which  came  to  light  upon  his  decease, 
was  a  letter  from  Clinton  showing  that  Phillips'  assign 
ment  to  duty,  on  the  eleventh  of  April,  was  "for  the 
security  of  Arnold  and  the  troops  under  his  command, 
and  for  no  other  purpose."  The  reader,  familiar  with  the 
Burgoyne  campaign,  will  remember  the  brilliant  and 
explosive  burst  of  Arnold  into  the  British  lines,  near 
Bemis  Heights.  General  Phillips,  then  serving  under 
Burgoyne,  was  one  of  the  severest  sufferers  by  that 
assault ;  and  the  relations  of  the  two  officers,  in  Virginia, 
were  of  the  most  constrained  character.  Upon  the  death 
of  Phillips  an  attempt  was  made  on  the  part  of  Arnold  to 


332  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

conceal  the  knowledge  of  that  fact ;  and  some  direct  cor 
respondence  of  Arnold  with  London  officials  had  dis 
turbed  Clinton,  so  that  he  desired  to  have  him  under  his 
immediate  control.  The  departure  of  Arnold  from  Vir 
ginia  resolved  the  Virginia  campaign  into  a  series  of 
spirited  marches,  counter-marches,  skirmishes  and  sharp 
encounters,  which  ultimately  drove  Cornwallis  behind  the 
intrenchments  at  Yorktown ;  and  there  he  was  securely 
inclosed,  until  all  things  could  be  prepared  for  the  pres 
ence  of  the  American  Commander-in-Chief. 

On  the  thirty-first  of  May,  Washington  wrote  to  La 
fayette,  and  thus  closed  his  letter:  "Your  conduct  upon 
every  occasion  meets  my  approbation,  but  in  none  more 
than  in  your  refusing  to  hold  a  correspondence  with 
Arnold." 


CHAPTER    XXXIII. 

NEW    YORK     AND    YORKTOWN    THREATENED. CORNWALLLS 

INCLOSED    BY   LAFAYETTE. 

ON  the  twenty-first  day  of  May,  1781,  which  proved 
to  have  been  that  of  the  arrival  of  Cornwallis  at 
Yorktown,  Washington  held  a  conference  with  Count  de 
Rochambeau  and  General  Chastellux  at  Wethersfield, 
Conn.,  as  to  the  details  of  the  approaching  summer 
campaign.  As  one  result  of  this  interview,  Count  de 
Rochambeau  requested  Count  de  Grasse,  then  in  the 
West  Indies,  to  cooperate  for  a  while  with  Count  de 
Barras,  and  close  the  port  of  New  York.  The  French 
fleet  could  not  be  very  well  spared  from  the  West  India 
Station,  for  the  reason  that  while  cooperating  with  the 
Americans,  and  on  a  foreign  coast,  it  had  neither  accessi 
ble  docks  nor  other  means  of  refitting  and  supply,  in  case 
of  disaster.  Pending  the  disposition  of  this  matter,  the 
immediate  junction  of  the  two  armies  was  definitely 
settled. 

The  American  army,  with  an  effective  force  of  a  little 
less  than  forty-six  hundred  men,  was  ordered  to  Peekskill- 
on-the-Hudson.  The  Count  de  Rochambeau,  with  the 
Duke  de  Lauzun,  marched  from  Newport  and  took  post  at 
Ridgebury,  Conn.,  near  Salem,  on  the  road  to  Danbury, 
fifteen  miles  back  from  Long  Island  Sound. 

Two  British  posts,  just  out  of  New  York,  one  at 
Morrisania,  where  Delancey's  Rangers  had  a  station,  and 
from  which  constant  incursions  were  made  into  Winches- 

333 


334  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

ter  county  ;  and  the  other  at  the  north  end  of  Manhattan 
Island,  not  far  from  Fort  Washington,  were  designated 
as  the  first  objects  of  assault.  Clinton  had  sent  a  con 
siderable  foraging  force  into  New  Jersey,  and  it  was  sup 
posed  likely  that  he  might  regard  the  posts  named  as 
not  in  danger  of  attack,  or  leave  them  lightly  garri 
soned.  Sheldon's  Dragoons  and  a  division  under  the 
Duke  de  Lauzun  were  to  attempt  the  first  of  the  expedi 
tions,  and  General  Lincoln  was  intrusted  with  the  other. 
Washington  advised  Governor  Clinton  of  his  plan,  so 
that  he  might  concentrate  the  New  York  militia  at  the 
proper  moment ;  and  signal  guns,~as  well  as  beacon-fires, 
had  been  arranged  to  <nve  notice  of  success. 

O  O 

General  Lincoln  left  Peekskill  with  eight  hundred  men, 
on  the  morning  of  the  first  of  June,  proceeded  to  Teller's 
Point ;  there  took  boats,  and  with  muffled  oars  rowed 
down  Tappan  Bay  by  night,  hugging  the  eastern  shore. 
On  the  morning  of  the  second,  he  reached  Dobb's  Ferry, 
without  being  discovered  by  the  enemy.  At  three 
o'clock,  on  the  morning  of  the  second,  Washington 
started,  without  baggage,  and  leaving  all  tents  standing : 
passed  through  Tarrytown,  reaching  Valentine's  Hill,  four 
miles  above  King's  Bridge,  by  sunrise  of  the  third,  where  he 
gained  a  good  position  for  the  support  of  either  expedition. 

When  General  Lincoln  crossed  the  Hudson,  at  Fort 
Lee,  he  at  once  noticed  that  the  British  expedition  into 
New  Jersey  had  returned  and  reoccupied  the  post  near 
Fort  Washington ;  and  that  a  British  man-of-war  had 
anchored  in  the  stream,  near  the  shore  just  below  that 
fort.  A  surprise  of  Fort  Washington  became  impossible. 
He  had,  however,  before  leaving  Peekskill,  been  supplied 
with  alternate  instructions,  anticipating  this  very  emer 
gency.  It  had  been  Washington's  real  purpose,  now  that 
the  French  army  was  immediately  within  his  control,  to 
draw  Clinton,  if  possible,  into  a  general  engagement ; 


NEW  YORK  AND  YORKTOWN  THREATENED.   335 

and  the  entire  French  force  awaited  his  signal  for  the 
movement.  So  soon  as  Lincoln  discovered  the  British 
camp,  he  recrossed  the  Hudson  and  landed  his  troops  just 
above  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek,  near  old  Fort  Independence  ; 
and  then  moved  to  high  ground  near  King's  Bridge,  so 
as  to  act  in  concert  with  the  Duke  de  Lauzun  and  cut  off 
any  detachment  which  might  attempt  to  cross  the  Harlem 
to  support  Delancey.  Meanwhile  the  Duke  de  Lauzun 
had  only  reached  East  Chester,  after  a  hot  march  over- 
very  rough  country,  and  was  several  hours  later  than  the 
hour  designated  for  the  assault.  The  troops  of  Lincoln 
were  discovered  by  a  large  foraging  force  of  fourteen  hun 
dred  men  which  was  sweeping  over  the  country  from  right 
to  left,  in  search  of  cattle  and  other  supplies,  and  a  sharp 
skirmish  ensued.  The  Duke  de  Lauzun,  hearing  the  fir 
ing,  pressed  forward  with  forced  step  to  join  in  the  action. 
Washington  also  moved  rapidly  to  the  front,  and  at  his 
appearance  the  British  fell  back  rapidly  to  New  York. 
During  the  afternoon,  after  carefully  reconnoitering  the 
position,  Washington  also  retired  to  Valentine's  Hill,  and 
then  to  Dobb's  Ferry,  as  if  entirely  withdrawing  his  troops  ; 
but,  on  the  sixth,  he  was  joined  by  Rochanibeau,  and  on 
the  seventh,  the  American  camp  was  fully  established. 
Its  right  rested  on  the  Hudson,  covered  by  earthworks, 
and  its  left  crossed  Saw  Mill  River.  (See  Map,  "  Hudson 
River  Highlands.")  The  French  army  occupied  the  hills 
still  farther  eastward,  as  far  as  the  river  Bronx. 

Washington  at  once  made  an  effort  to  force  General 
Clinton  to  fight  for  the  possession  of  New  York.  Pickets 
were  ostentatiously  posted.  Letters,  designed  to  fall 
into  Clinton's  hands,  were  written,  and  as  early  as  the 
sixth,  Clinton  captured  some  of  these  "  confidential " 
papers  and  enclosed  them  to  Lord  Cornwallis,  saying :  "I 
am  threatened  with  a  siege.  Send  me  two  thousand 
troops  ;  the  sooner  they  come,  the  better." 


336  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER,. 

The  agitation  in  New  York  is  described  by  contempo 
rary  writers  as  "  most  intense  and  universal."  It  was  kept 
under  all  possible  control ;  but  the  coast-guards  were 
doubled,  so  that  no  stray  boats  might  pass  unchallenged, 
by  night  or  day,  and  mounted  couriers  constantly  passed 
and  repassed,  to  furnish  the  speediest  possible  information 
at  British  headquarters  of  any  hostile  advance.  The 
report  published  in  slips,  that  ^  brick  ovens  were  to  be 
erected  in  New  Jersey,  opposite  }Staten  Island,  to  supply 
bread  rations,  daily,  for  thirty  thousand  men,"  was 
encouraged  by  Washington,  and  was  accepted  as  true  by 
the  country  near  by,  and  generally  at  the  north,  New 
Jersey  included. 

;  When  the  carnps  were  fully  established,  and  guns 
were  disposed  for  their  best  effect,  Washington,  accom 
panied  by  Count  de  Rochambeau  and  Generals  de  Boville 
and  Du  Portail,  crossed  to  Jersey  Heights,  and  with  a 
small  escort  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  Jersey  troops, 
examined  all  the  New  York  outposts,  as  far  down  as  the 
ocean.  Neither  was  this  a  mere  sham  —  hollow  in  sub 
stance.  The  projected  attack  upon  New  York  was  a 
deliberate  alternative  ;  to  compel  Clinton  to  withhold  ree'n- 
forcements  from  the  Southern  army  so  that  Cornwallis 
could  be  overpowered  and  captured ;  or,  if  he  ventured 
to  aid  that  officer^,;  )he ,  must  lose  New  York. 

This  reconnoissance  in  New  Jersey  was  known  to  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  and  he  might  have  been  very  thankful  to 
General  Washington  for  information  that  some  of  "  his 
[Clinton's]  stores  were  inadequately  guarded  "  ;  that  "  at 
some  posts  the  small  garrisons  were  doing  no  watchful 
guard  duty  >' ;  and  that  there  was  "  no  serious  difficulty 
whatever  in  seizing  or  destroying  all  the  stores  on  Staten 
Island,  without  material  loss  or  risk." 
i  ,  A  second  reconnoissance  of  the  entire  British  front, 
from  King's  Bridge  down  the  Hudson,  and  along  Hell 


NEW  YORK  AND  YORKTOWN  THREATENED.  '337 

Gate  channel,  occurred  on  the  evening  of  July  21st.  This 
.was  no  feeble  "feeling  of  the  enemy."  Five  thousand 
choice  troops  took  part  in  the  investigation  of  the  British 
position.  General  Chastellux  commanded  one  division, 
and  General  Lincoln  commanded  the  second.  As  early 
as  the  eighth  of  the  month,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  wrote  to 
Lord  Cornwallis,  as  follows  :  "  As  your  lordship  is  now 
so  near,  it  will  be  unnecessary  for  you  to  send  your  de 
spatches  to  the  minister  ;  you  will  therefore  be  so  good  as 
to  send  them  to  me  in  the  future." 

It  is  a  fact  that  Cornwallis  was  encouraged  by  the 
British  War  ^ffice  and  the  Ministry  to  write  directly 
to  those  departments.  He  stood  high  in  esteem ;  and, 
as  will  appear  under  his  name  in  the  Index,  was  subse 
quently  honored,  although  captured  at  Yorktown.  The 
letter  of  the  eighth,  thus  referred  to,  was  followed  by 
letters  on  the  eleventh,  thirteenth,  and  nineteenth  of 
June,  with  similar  appeals  for  reinforcements ;  and  these 
appeals  were  forwarded  by  special  couriers  or  fast  frigates. 
Then  came  the  allied  parade  of  the  twenty-second.  The 
troops  reached  King's  Bridge  at  daybreak.  Lauzun's 
lancers  in  their  brilliant  uniform,  and  Sheldon's  Light 
Corps,  scoured  the  vicinity  of  Morrisania,  and  the  dra 
goons  went  as  far  as  Throgg's  Neck.  The  royalist 
refugees  fled  to  islands,  vessels,  and  the  woods.  This 
demonstration  lasted  during  the  twenty-second  and 
twenty-third  of  June.  Then  Washington  and  Rocharn- 
beau,  escorted  by  French  dragoons,  examined  all  advance 
posts,  passing  directly  within  range  of  fire  from  both 
vessels  and  picket  posts.  There  was  no  pretence  of 
secrecy  in  this  inquisitive  inquiry  as  to  the  British  strength 
and  British  positions.  It  was  a  bold,  deliberate  challenge 
of  the  garrison  to  retire  if  they  so  desired,  or  to  fight  if 
they  preferred  battle.  On  the  twenty -third,  the  troops 
resumed  their  places  in  the  quiet  camp. 


338  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

On  the  twenty-sixth,  Clinton  called  upon  Cornwallis 
for  "three  more  regiments,"  to  be  sent  from  Carolina, 
writing :  "  I  shall  probably  want  them,  as  well  as  the 
troops  you  may  be  able  to  send  me  from  the  Chesapeake, 
for  such  offensive  and  defensive  operations  as  may  offer 
in  this  quarter."  Cornwallis  had  previously  offered  to 
send  two  of  the  Hessian  regiments,  then  in  South  Caro 
lina,  "as  they  could  be  spared  in  the  hot  summer 
months,"  and  Clinton  begged  him  to  "  renew  that  offer." 

A  brief  glance  at  the  Southern  Department  is  necessary 
in  order  fully  to  measure  the  designs  of  the  American 
Commander-in-Chicf,  which,  on  the  surface,  seemed  to  be 
local  in  their  purpose.  The  army  of  Cornwallis,  with  re- 
enforcements,  numbered  about  seven  thousand  effective 
troops  when  he  entered  upon  his  active  campaign  against 
Lafayette.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Cornwallis  had 
promised  Clinton  to  drive  Lafayette  from  Richmond. 
When  Lafayette  saw  that  by  attempting  to  hold  Rich 
mond  he  would  risk  a  general  action,  with  the  possible 
loss  of  Virginia  and  consequent  ruin  to  Greene's  army  at 
the  South,  he  permitted  that  city  to  abide  the  fate  of  war, 
and  marched  northward  to  the  upper  Rappahannock  ;  to 
effect  an  union  with  the  forces  of  Wayne,  approaching 
from  the  north.  He  decided  to  avoid  further  contest 
with  Cornwallis,  unless  on  terms  of  his  own  dictation. 

The  Assembly  of  Virginia,  quickened  to  new  energy, 
retired  to  Charlottesville  May  24th.  But  they  authorized 
the  "  issue  of  fifteen  millions  of  bills,"  and  also  the  decla 
ration  of  martial  law  within  twenty  miles  of  any  army 
headquarters.  That  brought  Richmond  within  the  mili 
tary  control  of  Lafayette.  The  Burgoyne  prisoners 
weretalso  removed  from  Charlottesville,  over  the  moun 
tains,  to  Winchester.  The  details  of  the  pursuit  of  La 
fayette  by  Cornwallis,  day  by  day,  are  full  of  thrilling 
interest,  but  beyond  the  province  of  this  narrative. 


<f      \ 

ioiTY    I 


NEW  YORK  AND  YORKTOWN  THREATENED.   339 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  May,  Lafayette  wrote  as 
follows  to  Washington  :  "  The  enemy  have  been  so  kind 
as  to  retire  before  us.  Twice,  I  gave  them  a  chance  of 
fighting,  taking  good  care  not  to  engage  them  farther  than 
I  pleased,  but  they  continued  their  retrograde  motions. 
Our  numbers  are,  I  think,  exaggerated  to  them,  and  our 
seeming  boldness  confirms  the  opinion.  T  thought,  at 
first,  Lord  Cornwallis  wanted  to  get  me  as  low  down  as 
possible,  and  use  his  cavalry  to  advantage.  His  lordship 
had,  exclusive  of  the  reinforcements  from  Portsmouth, 
(said  to  be  six  hundred)  four  thousand  men  ;  eight  hundred 
of  whom  were  dragoons,  or  mounted  infantry.  Our  force 
is  about  his  ;  but  only  one  thousand  five  hundred  regulars, 
and  fifty  dragoons.  One  little  action  more  particularly 
marks  the  retreat  of  the  enemy.  From  the  place  where 
he  first  began  to  retire  to  Williamsburg,  is  upwards  of  one 
hundred  miles.  The  old  arms  at  the  Point  of  the  Fork 
have  been  taken  out  of  the  water.  The  cannon  was  thrown 
into  the  river  undamaged,  when  they  marched  back  to  Rich 
mond  ;  so  that  his  lordship  did  us  no  harm  of  consequence, 
but  lost  an  immense  part  of  his  former  conquests,  and  did 
not  make  any  in  the  State.  General  Greene  only  de 
manded  of  me  to  hold  niy  ground,  in  Virginia.  I  don't 
know  but  what  we  shall,  in  our  turn,  become  the  pursu 
ing  enemy." 

On  the  very  next  day,  after  this  letter  was  despatched 
to  the  American  Commander-in-Chief,  May  twenty-ninth, 
Cornwallis  did,  in  fact,  abandon  pursuit.  Tarleton,  who 
rever  lost  opportunity  to  express  his  appreciation  of  the 
tact,  skill,  and  "  invariable  wisdom  of  Lafayette's  move 
ments,"  states,  that  "an  American  patrol  was  captured; 
and  among  letters  of  Lafayette  to  Greene,  Steuben,  and 
others,  was  one  to  Governor  Jefferson,  urging  him  to 
rally  militia  during  his  absence,  and  using  this  prophetic 
expression :  r  The  British  success  in  Virginia  resembles 


340  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

the  French  invasion  of  Hanover,  and  is  likely  to  have 
similar  consequences,  if  the  governor  and  the  country 
would  exert  themselves,  at  the  present  juncture.'" 

When  Cornwallis  halted  and  moved  back  towards  his 
base,  Tarleton  was  detached  with  two  hundred  and 
fifty  troopers,  mounted  on  the  picked  stock  of  the  best 
private  stables,  taken  at  will,  and  attempted  to  capture 
Governor  Jefferson  at  Monticello.  His  report  says:  "I 
imagined  that  a  march  of  seventy  miles  in  twenty-four 
hours,  with  the  caution  used,  might  perhaps  give  the 
advantage  of  a  surprise."  Tarleton  charged  through  the 
Riviana  River,  captured  seven  members  of  the  Legislat 
ure  and  Brigadier-General  Scott,  and  destroyed  one 
thousand  arms  and  four  hundred  barrels  of  powder ;  but 
the  Governor  escaped,  and  the  Assembly  immediately 
convened  at  Staunton,  beyond  Tarleton's  reach.  Then 
he  started  down  the  Riviana  to  join  Simcoe  in  an  attack 
upon  Steuben's  depot  of  supplies  at  Elk  Island.  But 
Wayne  joined  Lafayette,  and  Lafayette  proceeded  south 
ward.  They  soon  started  in  pursuit  of  the  retiring 
column  of  Cornwallis.  The  pursued  had  indeed  be 
come  the  pursuers.  Tarleton  thus  writes  :  "The  Marquis 
Lafayette,  who  had  previously  practised  defensive  meas 
ures  with  skill  and  security,  being  now  reenforced  by 
Wayne  and  about  eight  hundred  continentals  and  some 
militia,  followed  the  British  as  they  proceeded  down 
James  River.  This  design,  being  judiciously  arranged 
and  executed  with  extreme  caution,  allowed  opportunity 
for  the  junction  of  Baron  Steuben ;  confined  the  small 
detachments  of  the  King's  troops  ;  and  both  saved  the 
property  and  animated  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  Vir 
ginians."  On  the  thirteenth,  Tarleton  reported  his  own 
movements  and  the  waste  he  had  accomplished. 

The  scouts  of  Lafayette  intercepted  the  letter,  and  he 
published  it  to  the  people  before  Cornwallis  himself  had 


NEW  YORK  AND  YORKTOWN  THREATENED.   341 

knowledge  of  its  contents.  Cornwallis  returned  to  his 
headquarters,  to  find  despatches  fifteen  days  old  awaiting 
his  attention.  One  contained  this  extraordinary  informa 
tion  :  "  The  Continentals  under  Lafayette  cannot  exceed 
one  thousand  ;  and  the  Pennsylvania  Line,  under  Wayne, 
are  so  discontented,  that  their  officers  are  afraid  to  trust 
them  with  ammunition.  Postscript.  -  -  This  may  have, 
however,  since  altered.'' 

On  the  very  day  of  the  receipt  of  this  despatch,  Tarleton 
and  Simcoe  were  actually  compelled  to  cover  the  picket 
lines  of  Cornwallis  with  their  full  force,  to  prevent  La 
fayette's  Continentals  and  the  Pennsylvania  Line  from 
capturing  the  supply  trains  of  his  command.  Cornwallis 
started  for  Portsmouth  on  the  fourth.  A  sharp  action  at 
Williamsburg,  in  which  Wayne  made  a  brilliant  bayonet 
charge,  and  in  which  Lafayette,  having  lost  a  horse, 
gallantly  fought  the  battle  on  foot,  resulted  in  a  loss  of 
one  hundred  and  eighteen  Americans  and  seventy-five 
British  troops.  From  Portsmouth,  Cornwallis  took 
boats  for  Yorktown,  on  the  first  of  August ;  and  on  the 
sixth,  Tarleton  says :  "  I  threw  my  horses  into  deep 
water,  near  shore,  and  landed  without  loss,"  joining 
Cornwallis  on  the  tenth.  Gloucester,  opposite  York- 
town,  was  occupied  and  fortified.  Constant  skirmishes 
occurred  between  Tarleton  and  Sirncoe,  of  its  garrison, 
and  the  detachments  which  Lafayette  kept  active  in  the 
vicinity. 

On  the  eighth,  Lafayette  wrote  to  Washington  as  fol 
lows  :  "  We  shall  act  agreeably  to  circumstances ;  but 
avoid  drawing  ourselves  into  a  false  movement,  which, 
if  cavalry  had  command  of  the  river,  would  give  the 
enemy  the  advantage  of  us.  His  lordship  plays  so  well, 
that  no  blunder  can  be  hoped  from  him,  to  recover  a  bad 
step  of  ours.  Should  a  fleet  come  in  at  this  moment, 
our  affairs  would  take  a  very  happy  turn."  On  the 


342  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

thirteenth,  Lafayette  established  his  headquarters  in 
the  forks  of  the  Pamunkey  and  the  Mattaponey.  On 
the  twenty-third,  he  wrote,  in  part :  "  In  the  present 
state  of  affairs,  my  dear  general,  I  hope  you  will  come 
yourself  to  Virginia.  Lord  Cornwallis  must  be  attacked 
with  pretty  good  apparatus ;  but  when  a  French  fleet 
takes  possession  of  the  Bay,  and  we  form  a  land  force 
superior  to  his,  that  army  must  sooner  or  later  be  forced 
to  surrender,  as  we  may  then  get  what  reinforcements  we 
please.  I  heartily  thank  you  for  having  ordered  me  to 
Virginia.  It  is  to  your  goodness  that  I  am  indebted  for 
the  most  beautiful  prospect  which  I  may  ever  be  able  to 
behold." 

On  the  thirtieth,  Count  de  Grasse  arrived  in  the  Ches 
apeake  with  twenty-six  sail-of-the-line,  besides  frigates 
and  transports.  On  the  third  of  September,  Count  de  St. 
Simon  landed  with  three  thousand  two  hundred  French 
troops,  and  was  joined  by  Lafayette  at  Green  Spring- 
on  the  same  day.  On  the  fifth,  the  allies  occupied  Will- 
iamsburg,  about  fifteen  miles  from  Yorktown.  The 
Count  de  Grasse  had  a  limited  period  for  operations  on 
the  American  coast,  and  united  with  the  Count  de  St. 
Simon  to  urge  an  immediate  attack  upon  Yorktown, 
before  its  defences  could  be  completed,  waiving  seniority 
of  rank,  and  agreeing  to  serve  under  Lafayette. 

Lafayette  thus  wrote  to  Washington  :  "  I  am  not  so 
hasty  as  the  Count  de  Grasse,  and  think  that  having  so 
sure  a  game  to  play,  it  would  be  madness,  by  the  risk  of 
an  attack,  to  give  anything  to  chance.  Unless  matters 
are  very  different  from  what  I  think  they  are,  niy  opinion 
is,  that  we  ought  to  be  contented  with  preventing  the 
enemy's  forages,  with  militia ;  without  committing  our 
regulars.  Whatever  readiness  the  Marquis  de  St.  Simon 
has  been  pleased  to  express  to  Colonel  Girnat  respecting 
his  being  under  me,  I  shall  do  nothing  without  paying 


CORNWALLIS  INCLOSED  BY  LAFAYETTE.  343 

that  deference  which  is  due  to  age,  talents,  and  experi 
ence  ;  but  would  rather  incline  to  the  cautious  line  of 
conduct  I  have  of  late  adopted.  I  hope  you  will  find  we 
have  taken  the  best  precautions  to  prevent  his  lordship's 
escape.  I  hardly  believe  he  will  make  the  attempt.  If 
he  does,  he  must  give  up  ships,  artillery,  baggage,  part 
of  the  horses,  all  the  negroes  ;  must  be  certain  to  lose  one- 
third  of  his  army,  and  run  the  greatest  risk  of  losing  the 
whole,  without  gaining  that  glory  which  he  may  derive 
from  a  brilliant  defence."  On  the  eighth,  Lafayette 
wrote  :  "  If  you  knew  how  slowly  things  go  on  in  this 
country  !  The  governor  does  what  he  can  ;  the  wheels  of 
government  are  so  rusty,  that  no  governor  whatever  will 
be  able  to  set  them  free  again.  Time  will  prove  that 
Governor  Jefferson  has  been  too  severely  charged. 
We  will  try,  if  not  dangerous,  on  so  large  a  scale,  to  form 
a  good  idea  of  the  works ;  but  unless  I  am  greatly 
deceived,  there  will  be  madness  in  attacking  them  now, 
with  our  force.  Marquis  de  St.  Simon,  Count  de  Grasse 
and  General  Du  Portail  agree  with  me  in  opinion ;  but 
should  Lord  Cornwallis  come  out  against  such  a  position 
as  we  have,  everybody  thinks  he  cannot  but  repent  of  it ; 
and  should  he  beat  us,  he  must  soon  prepare  for  another 
battle." 

The  time  had  arrived  for  the  presence  of  the  American 
Conimander-in-Chief. 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

BRITISH     CAPTAINS     OUTGENERALED.  WASHINGTON     JOINS 

LAFAYETTE. 

~T~r~rASHINGTON  was  in  his  tent,  where  only  the 
W  quiet  of  a  few  hours  at  a  time  interposed  their 
opportunity  for  other  than  field  duty.  At  one  of  those 
intervals  he  was  compelled  to  make  assignments  of  the 
American  army  for  associated  operations  with  his  French 
allies.  He  had  just  been  advised  that  three  thousand 
Hessian  auxiliaries  had  reenforced  the  British  garrison 
of  New  York.  Appeals  to  the  various  State  authorities 
had  failed  to  realize  appreciable  additions  to  his  fighting 
force. 

It  was  an  hour  of  opportunity  for  America.  Fail 
ure  to  meet  French  support  with  a  fair  correspondence 
in  military  force,  would  compromise  his  country  before 
the  world.  Amid  such  reflections,  which  were  the  basis 
of  a  fresh  public  appeal,  he  was  rallied  to  action  by  the 
entrance  of  a  special  messenger  from  Newport,  Rhode 
Island.  The  frigate  Concorde  had  arrived  from  the  West 

o 

Indies,  and  the  following  despatch  was  placed  in  hi,s 
hands  :  "  Count  de  Grasse  will  leave  San  Domingo  on  the 
third  of  August,  direct  for  Chesapeake  Bay." 

With  imperturbable  calmness,  Washington  folded  the 
despatch,  and  then  consulted  with  the  Count  de  Ro- 
chambeau  alone,  as  to  the  best  disposition  to  be  made 
of  the  squadron  of  Admiral  de  Barras,  still  at  New 
port.  That  officer,  although  the  senior  of  the  Count  de 

344 


BRITISH   CAPTAINS  OUTGENERALED.  345 

Grasse,  promptly  expressed  hi&  readiness  to  waive  pre 
cedence  and  serve  as  best  advised  by  the  American  Com- 
niander-in-Chief.  He  had  indeed  but  seven  ships-of-the- 
line  disposable  and  ready  for  sea ;  but  this  force  was 
deemed  a  sufficient  convoy  for  the  transports  which  were 
to  carry  heavy  artillery  and  ammunition,  for  siege  pur 
poses  before  Yorktown.  This  courtesy  of  the  French 
admiral  had  its  important  sequel,  in  changing  what  would 
have  been  a  superior  British  naval  force  in  those  waters 
to  a  determining  superiority  on  the  part  of  France,  at  the 
most  critical  moment  of  that  final  campaign  in  behalf  of 
American  Independence.  Every  officer  of  Washington's 
staff  received  instant  instructions.  They  were  only  ad 
vised,  very  reservedly,  that  supplies  of  heavy  artillery 
would  be  forwarded  to  General  Lafayette,  for  his  use ; 
but  it  began  to  be  realized  that  with  French  troops  suffi 
cient  to  complete  the  environment  of  Yorktown,  and  a 
French  fleet  competent  to  destroy  the  coast  defences,  the 
capitulation  of  Cornwallis  could  be  enforced. 

Letters  were  immediately  sent  by  trusty  messengers 
to  every  Northern  governor,  to  hasten  forward  their  Con 
tinental  quotas  yet  in  arrears,  and  to  rally  their  militia  in 
force,  for  the  "capture  of  New  York."  Confidential  agents 
were  also  despatched  to  General  Lafayette  and  the  Count 
de  Grasse,  with  the  joint  instructions  of  Washington 
and  Rochambeau,  sufficiently  embodying  an  intimation  of 
plans  held  in  reserve  ;  but  explicitly  warning  them  not  to 
permit  Cornwallis  to  escape,  nor  to  receive  reinforcements 
by  sea  from  New  York.  Other  letters  were  written  to 
the  authorities  of  New  Jersey  and  Philadelphia,  quite 
minutely  denning  a  plan  for  the  seizure  of  Staten  Island, 
under  cover  of  a  French  naval  force  ;  while  the  principal 
allied  armies  were  expected  to  force  the  upper  defences 
of  New  York  by  irresistible  assault.  Some  of  these  de 
spatches,  carefully  duplicated,  with  enclosed  plans,  as  once 


346  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

before,  were  put  into  the  hands  of  other  messengers, 
designedly  for  interception  by  Clinton.  Heavy  batteaux 
on  wheels,  hauled  by  oxen,  made  ostentatious  movement, 
together  with  wagon-loads  of  supplies,  to  the  seashore 
opposite  Staten  Island.  General  Heath  was  placed  in 
command  of  a  large  camp  near  Springfield,  New  Jersey, 
for  assembling  and  drilling  a  lar^e  force  of  militia. 

O  O  O 

Other  small  camps  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey 
militia,  easily  distinguishable  by  the  spies  of  General 
Clinton,  dotted  the  country.  The  militia  of  Connecticut 
and  New  York  also  hastened  to  participate  in  the  long- 
hoped-for  emancipation  of  New  York  from  British  con 
trol. 

As  late  as  the  nineteenth,  in  order  to  give  General 
Clinton  fair  notice  that  he  might  expect  no  unnecessary 
or  protracted  delay  in  the  attack  already  ripe  for  execu 
tion,  all  roads  leading  to  King's  Bridge  were  cleared  of 
obstructions.  Fallen  trees  and  scattered  branches  were 
removed  so  as  to  expedite  a  swift  assault  upon  the  Brit 
ish  advanced  outposts.  All  these  were  heaped  up  and 
burned  at  night,  as  a  reminder  of  the  impending  crisis. 
Everything  worked  admirably  as  planned,  and  still,  as  on 
the  fourth  of  March,  177G,  before  Boston,  the  American 
Commander-in-Chief  kept  to  himself  his  secret  purpose. 

Afterwards,  he  thus  explained  his  action  :  "  That  much 
trouble  was  taken,  and  finesse  used,  to  misguide  and  be 
wilder  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  in  regard  to  the  real  object,  by 
fictitious  communications  as  well  as  by  making  a  decep 
tive  provision  of  ovens,  forage,  and  boats,  in  his  neigh 
borhood,  is  certain.  JSTor,  was  less  pains  taken  to  deceive 
our  own  army ;  for,  I  had  always  conceived,  when  the  im 
position  does  not  completely  take  place  at  home,  it  would 
never  sufficiently  succeed  abroad." 

During  the  nineteenth,  while  the  obstructions  were 
being  thus  removed  from  the  roads  leading  into  New 


BRITISH   CAPTAINS  OUTGENERALED.  347 

York,  Colonel  Hazen  crossed  the  Hudson  ut  Dobb's 
Ferry  and  demonstrated  for  an  advance  upon  Staten 
Island,  from  the  Jersey  shore,  immediately  opposite. 
On  the  twenty-first,  a  detachment  selected  by  Washington 
himself  crossed  the  Hudson  at  King's  Ferry,  near  Haver- 
straw.  The  French  army  followed,  and  the  armies  were 
united  on  the  twenty-fifth.  During  this  brief  delay, 
Rochambeau  accompanied  Washington  to  a  final  inspec 
tion  of  West  Point ;  and  the  headquarters  of  the  Amer 
ican  army  at  New  Windsor,  between  that  post  and; 
Newburg,  were  formally  abandoned. 

The  combined  armies  of  America  and  France  no  longer 
threatened  New  York  ;  but  they  had  not  been  missed  by 
Clinton.  The  American  forces  moved  rapidly  toward 
Springfield,  on  the  Rahway,  as  if  to  strike  Staten  Island. 
The  great  baggage-train  and  the  same  batteaux  demon 
strated  toward  Staten  Island.  But  the  French  army 
marched  for  Whippany,  in  the  direction  of  Trenton. 
Washington  and  his  suite  reached  Philadelphia  about 
noon,  August  thirtieth.  Still  they  had  not  been,  missed 
by  Clinton. 

But  now,  for  the  first  time,  the  American  army  real 
ized  that  it  was  destined  southward,  and  that  a  trium 
phant  entry  into  New  York  City  was  not  to  be  the  crown 
ing  reward  for  service  so  faithfully  done.  Dissatisfaction 
was  openly  and  bluntly  expressed.  Even  officers,  long 
in  arrears  of  pay,  equally  with  the  rank  and  file,  bitterly 
complained.  Rochambeau,  quickly  alive  to  the  situation, 
promptly  advanced  twenty  thousand  dollars  in  gold  for 
the  men,  upon  the  simple  pledge  of  Robert  Morris,  of 
Philadelphia,  that  it  should  be  refunded  by  the  first  of 
October. 

Suddenly,  Colonel  Laurens,  just  from  France,  having 
landed  at  Boston  on  the  twenty-fifth,  only  five  days  be 
fore,  appeared  at  Washington's  quarters  with  report  of 


348  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

the  result  of  his  mission  to  the  French  king.  His  ship 
brought  clothing,  ammunition,  and  half  a  million  of 
dollars,  as  the  first  instalment  of  six  million  of  livres 
($1,111,111)  generously  furnished  by  Louis  XVI.,  with 
the  pledge  of  additional  sums  to  follow.  This  welcome 
visitor  further  announced  to  the  calmly  attentive  Ameri 
can  Commander-in-Chief  this  message  :  rr  Dr.  Franklin 
advised  me  that  he  had  secured  a  loan  of  four  million 
of  livres  ($740,740)  to  cover  American  drafts  made 
before  I  could  arrive  in  America ;  and  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes  agreed  to  guarantee  a  loan  in  Holland,  for  ten 
million  livres  ($1,851,851)." 

If  the  heavens  had  opened  and  reverberating  thunder 
had  distinctly  articulated :  "  American  Independence  is 
achieved  !  "  the  assurance  of  a  Divine  interposition  would 
hardly  have  appeared  more  emphatic  to  the  waiting  faith 
of  Washington,  or  have  more  thrillingly  encouraged  the 
weary  but  obedient  soldiers  of  his  command. 

And  still  this  American  army,  thus  refreshed  in  spirit 
and  joyous  in  the  hope  of  speedy  and  final  victory,  had 
not  been  missed  from  JVeiv  York  by  General,  Sir  Henry 
Clinton.  Another  fast-sailing  frigate  was  speeding 
through  the  Narrows,  past  Sandy  Hook,  southward,  once 
more  to  appeal  to  Lord  Cornwallis  to  come  to  the  rescue 
of  imperiled,  beleaguered  New  York. 

On  the  second  day  of  September,  the  American  army 
made  its  third  formal  entry  into  Philadelphia,  amid  glad 
acclaims  of  welcome,  and  sharing  with  the  people  in  the 
spirit  of  one  great  jubilee.  At  that  very  hour,  another 
courier  vessel,  in  chase  of  the  former,  left  New  York  with 
a  message  for  Cornwallis,  which  failed  to  reach  him  until 
the  fifteenth.  It  was  in  cipher,  and  read  as  follows  : 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  2,  1781. 

Mr.  Washington  is  moving  an  army  to  the  southward,  with  an 
appearance  of  haste ;  and  gives  out  that  he  expects  the  cooperation 


BRITISH   CAPTAINS  OUTGENERALED.  349 

of  a  considerable  French  armament.  Your  Lordship,  however,  may 
be  assured  that  if  this  should  be  the  case,  I  shall  endeavor  to  ree'n- 
force  your  command  by  all  means  within  the  compass  of  my  power; 
or,  make  every  possible  diversion  in  your  favor. 

P.S.  —  Washington,  it  is  said,  was  at  Trenton,  this  day,  and 
means  to  go  in  vessels  to  Christiana  Creek,  and  from  thence  by  Head 
of  Elk,  down  Chesapeake  Bay  also.  .  .  .  Washington  has  about 
four  thousand  French,  and  two  thousand  Continentals,  with  him. 

On  the  following  day,  the  French  army,  having  taken  a 
day  for  cleaning  arms,  uniforms,  and  accoutrements,  made 
a  dress  parade  through  the  American  capital.  Every  gor 
geous  trapping  of  their  brilliant,  sentimental  outfit  was 
proudly  displayed  before  the  wondering  and  delighted 
populace.  Contemporary  writers  could  not  sufficiently 
describe  the  "  magnificence  of  the  parade,  and  the  convul 
sions  of  joy  that  animated  the  entire  population."  And 
yet,  one  eminent  French  officer,  in  describing  the  march 
of  the  American  army  on  the  previous  day,  said  :  "  The 
plainly  dressed  American  army  lost  no  credit  in  the 
steadiness  of  their  march  and  their  fitness  for  battle." 

On  the  same  day,  Washington  received  despatches  from 
Lafayette.  One,  dated  August  21st,  reported  that  "the 
British  troops  were  fortifying  Gloucester,  across  the  river 
from  Yorktown."  Others  were  as  follows  :  "  A  small 
garrison  remains  at  Portsmouth";  "I  have  written  to 
the  Governor,  to  collect  six  hundred  militia  upon  Black- 
water";  "I  have  written  to  General  Gregory,  near 
Portsmouth,  that  I  am  advised  that  the  enemy  intend  to 
push  a  detachment  into  Carolina ;  to  General  Wayne,  to 
move  to  the  southward  and  to  have  a  column  ready 
to  cross  the  James  at  Westover ;  and  that  my  own  army 
will  soon  assemble  again  upon  the  waters  of  the  Chick- 
ahominy."  Reference  has  already  been  made  to  Wash 
ington's  receipt  of  Lafayette's  letter  of  August  8th,  an 
nouncing  the  occupation  of  Yorktown  by  Cornwallis. 

Washington  made  no  delay,  but  on  the  fifth  of  Septem- 


350  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

ber  started  for  the  "Head  of  the  Elk."  He  had  but  just 
passed  Chester,  when  he  met  a  courier  from  Lafayette,  with 
announcement  of  the  arrival  of  the  Count  de  Grasse.  Rid 
ing  back  to  Chester,  Washington  advised  Rochambeau  of 
the  welcome  tidings,  and  then  pushed  forward,  arriving 
at  the  Head  of  Elk  the  next  morning. 

The  previous  day  had  been  one  of  peculiar  excitement 
in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  A  formal  review  and  rigid 
inspection  of  the  entire  French  army  took  place,  and  the 
President  of  the  American  Congress  received  the  honors 
of  the  occasion.  During  the  evening,  the  French  officers 
gave  a  grand  banquet  in  honor  of  Chevalier  Lauzun. 
The  despatch  to  Washington  was  read  amid  cheers.  A  halt 
hour  later,  a  second  despatch,  announcing  "the  landing  of 
Count  de  Simon  and  his  junction  with  Lafayette,"  was 
read  ;  and  read  a  second  time,  "all  standing"  in  its  honor. 

On  this  memorable  date,  September  6th,  other  events 
of  interest  are  to  be  noticed.  It  was  Lafayette's  twenty- 
fourth  birthday.  In  a  letter  to  his  wife,  still  preserved 
by  the  family,  he  poured  forth  from  an  overflowing  soul, 
his  "  love  for  his  great  Captain " ;  "  for  the  American 
cause  " ;  appreciation  of  his  "  enviable  lot,  as  victory  is 
drawing  nigh,"  and  his  "longing  to  tell  her,  face  to  face, 
of  thrilling  adventures,  which  had  never  been  interrupted 
by  night  or  day." 

September  6th,  also,  Clinton  wrote  to  Cornwallis  : 

As  I  find  by  your  letters,  that  Count  de  Grasse  has  got  into  the 
Chesapeake,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that  Washington  is  moving  with  at 
least  six  thousand  French  and  rebel  troops  against  you,  I  think  the 
best  way  to  relieve  you,  is,  to  join  you,  as  soon  as  possible,  with  all 
the  force  that  can  be  spared  from  here,  which  is  about  four  thousand 
men.  They  are  already  embarked,  and  will  proceed,  the  instant  I 
receive  information  from  the  admiral  that  we  may  venture  ;  or  that 
from  other  intelligence,  the  commodore  and  I  should  judge  sufficient 
to  move  upon.  By  accounts  from  Europe  we  have  every  reason  to 
expect  Admiral  Bigby  hourly  upon  the  coast. 


WASHINGTON   JOINS  LAFAYETTE.  35] 

On  this  same  sixth  of  September,  Clinton  disclosed 
his  last  move  to  check  Washington's  advance,  and  take 
Cornwallis  out  of  check.  Arnold,  who  had  been  so 
summarily  withdrawn  from  the  South,  landed  at  New 
London,  Connecticut,  wantonly  destroying  houses,  stores, 
a  church,  the  Court  House,  ships,  and  whatever  he  could 
damage  without  personal  danger  to  himself;  and  made 
forever  memorable  the  cruel  massacre  of  Colonel  Led- 
yard  and  the  garrison  of  Fort  Griswold  after  their  honor 
able  surrender.  He  no  less  permanently  made  memorable 
their  extraordinary  defence,  in  which  the  British  assail 
ing  column  lost  one  hundred  and  sixty-three  officers  and 
men,  a  number  exceeding  that  of  the  entire  American  re 
sisting  force.  It  was  soon  over  ;  and  Arnold  did  not  dare 
delay,  and  risk  his  fate  with  the  yeomanry  of  his  native 
New  England.  The  secret  of  Clinton's  cipher  despatch 
to  Cornwallis  on  the  second  of  August,  respecting  the 
use  of  Arnold,  was  thus  revealed.  But  the  attention  of 
the  American  Commander-in-Chief  was  not  diverted  from 
his  own  supreme  purpose,  whatever  Clinton  might  under 
take  in  his  absence. 

The  allied  French  and  American  armies  remained  at 
Head  of  Elk  for  transportation  ;  but  during  that  interval, 
Rochambeau  accompanied  Washington  to  Baltimore, 
where  illuminations  and  civil  honors  attested  the  welcome 
of  these  distinguished  guests.  On  the  ninth,  for  the  first 
time  in  six  years,  the  American  Commander-in-Chief  vis 
ited  his  Mount  Vernon  home.  On  the  tenth,  his  own 
staff,  together  with  the  Count  de  Rochambeau  and  staff, 
were  his  guests.  On  the  eleventh,  General  Chastellux 
and  aides-de-camp  joined  the  party.  On  the  twelfth,  the 
visit  came  to  its  close.  On  the  fourteenth  of  September, 
Washington  reached  the  headquarters  of  General,  the 
Marquis  de  Lafayette,  commanding  the  Department,  at 
William sburg,  Virginia. 


CHAPTER     XXXV. 


MAGNANIMITY.  HIS    BENEDICTION. 

THE  story  of  the  siege  of  Yorktown  and  the  sur 
render  of  Earl  Cornwall! s,  Lieutenant-General  in 
command,  has  been  so  fully  detailed  by  many  writers  that 
only  a  few  features  of  the  general  conduct  of  that  cam 
paign,  and  some  special  incidents  not  so  frequently 
noticed,  are  within  the  province  of  this  narrative. 

While  the  control  of  Chesapeake  Bay  and  of  Vir 
ginia  was  essential  to  British  success,  Sir  Henry  Clin 
ton  deliberately  proposed  to  couple  with  that  general 
design  another  invasion  of  Pennsylvania,  but  from  the 
south.  When  Cornwallis  moved  northward  from  his 
useless  position  at  Wilmington,  he  was  advised  by  Gen 
eral  Clinton  to  make  a  movement  upon  Philadelphia. 
General  Clinton  must  have  very  feebly  remembered  the 
circumstances  of  his  hasty  departure  from  that  city  in 
1778,  or  have  overlooked  Washington's  strategic  con 
trol  of  that  entire  region.  The  movement  of  Lafayette 
southward,  and  the  energy  with  which  that  officer  rallied 
Virginians  to  his  support,  were  not  appreciated  by 
either  of  the  British  Generals  in  time  to  be  of  benefit 
to  either. 

Clinton  and  Cornwallis  alike  failed  to  comprehend  that 
when  the  American  Commander-in-Chief  parted  with  La 
fayette,  and  afterwards  gave  him  so  large  a  command,  he 
must  have  had  in  view  some  special  service  which  that 

352 


THE    ALLIANCE    WITH    FRANCE.  353 

officer  could  perform  with  credit  as  a  significant  factor  in 
the  entire  campaign.  Cornwallis  knew,  however,  that 
unless  he  could  destroy  Lafayette's  army,  the  British 
cause  in  Virginia  would  certainly  be  lost.  But  the  same 
profound  strategy  which  had  inclosed  Clinton  at  New 
York,  isolated  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown. 

Washington  was  well  aware,  that  neither  Louis  XVI. 
nor  Rochambeau  wholly  favored  an  attack  upon  New 
York.  Their  objections  were  substantial.  Such  a  move 
ment  involved  the  presence  of  enormous  naval  forces, 
which  once  within  the  harbor,  might  be  easily  captured 
or  destroyed,  whenever  Great  Britain  could  seriously 
concentrate  ships  for  that  purpose.  Neither  could  a 
French  fleet  secure  supplies  of  any  kind,  so  long  as 
Clinton  controlled  the  city.  It  was  the  natural  naval 
depot  of  Great  Britain  for  the  American  coast,  and  con 
venient  for  her  West  India  dependencies.  France,  ever 
willing  to  aid  America,  must,  however,  always  have  her 
naval  base  in  the  West  Indies,  which  wholly  depended 
upon  her  naval  supremacy  for  immunity  from  British 
aggression.  Notwithstanding  these  considerations,  the 
harmony  of  the  French  and  American  alliance  was  never 
interrupted,  and  mutual  confidence  was  invariably  en 
joyed. 

It  is  never  to  be  overlooked  that  Washington  cared 
more  for  his  position  in  New  Jersey  than  for  the  posses 
sion  of  New  York.  Its  occupation  without  a  controlling 
fleet,  would  be  as  fatal  as  the  presence  of  a  fleet  without 
control  of  the  city. 

On  the  day  after  his  arrival  at  Lafayette's  headquar 
ters,  he  requested  the  Count  de  Grasse  to  hasten  the 
transportation  of  the  American  troops  from  Baltimore  ; 
and  yet,  added  a  postscript  that  "  Lafayette  already 
anticipated  "  his  request.  On  the  seventeenth,  he  em 
barked  with  Count  Rochambeau,  General  Knox  and  Gen- 


354  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

efal  Du  Portail  upon  the  frigate  Queen  Charlotte;  and  on 
the  eighteenth,  visited  the  Count  de  Grasse  upon  his  flag 
ship,  the  Ville  de  Paris.  The  distinguished  visitors  were 
received  Avith  appropriate  honors,  and  at  once  took  under 
consideration  the  plan  for  the  most  speedy  prosecution  of 
the  siege. 

During  that  interview,  Washington  was  advised  of 
an  immediately  preceding  event  which  must  interest 
the  modern  reader,  at  a  time  when  all  maritime  nations 
are  interested  in  naval  development  and  ships  of  great 
power.  Just  before  his  visit,  there  had  been  concen 
trated,  about  the  entrance  to  Chesapeake  Bay,  one  of 
the  heaviest  armaments  known  to  maritime  warfare. 
Fifty-two  ships-of-the-line  —  each  with  three,  or  even  four 
gun-decks,  and  ranging  from  sixty-four  to  one  hundred 
and  twenty  guns,  besides  frigates  —  constituted  that  im 
posing  battle  array.  It  has  already  been  noticed  that 
Admiral  Barras  sailed  from  Newport  in  convoy  of  trans 
ports  which  carried  heavy  guns  for  siege  use  before  York - 
town.  When  Lafayette  first  moved  southward,  Wash 
ington  supplied  his  detachment  with  twelve  heavy  guns, 
including  two  eight-inch  mortars,  one  twenty-four  and 
two  eighteen-pounder  guns,  for  use  in  arming  small 
vessels,  or  assailing  Arnold's  .defences.  These  were  diffi 
cult  of  transportation,  but  no  less  indispensable  as  a 
contingent  part  of  his  outfit.  The  wisdom  of  these 
provisions  had  a  twofold  fruition.  A  British  fleet  had 
been  detached  from  the  West  India  station  for  the  purpose 
of  supplementing  the  New  York  and  Newport  squadrons. 
Admiral  Hood,  in  command,  crossed  the  mouth  of  Chesa 
peake  Bay  just  before  the  arrival  of  the  Count  de  Grasse  ; 
looked  into  Delaware  Bay,  and  reported  to  Admiral 
Graves  at  Sandy  Hook  on  the  twenty-fourth  day  of 
August.  That  officer  had  but  five  ships-of-the-line  ready 
for  sea.  Upon  receiving  advices  from  Gardiner's  Bay  that 


^v>- 


THE    ALLIANCE    WITH    FRANCE.  355 

Admiral  de  Barras  had  actually  sailed  southward  from 
Newport,  he  incurred  no  delay,  but  on  the  thirty-first 
of  August  sailed,  with  nineteen  ships,  in  pursuit  of  the 
French.  On  the  fifth  of  September,  he  passed  within 
the  Delaware  Capes  without  having  encountered  Admiral 
Barras  at  sea,  and  without  the  slightest  intimation  that  he 
was  soon  to  be  in  the  presence  of  a  superior  naval  adver 
sary.  The  Count  de  Grasse,  when  notified  of  the  appearance 
of  so  many  large  ships,  supposed  at  first  that  the  fleet  of 
Admiral  Barras,  already  due,  was  at  hand.  Seventeen 
hundred  of  his  seamen  were  on  the  James  River,  planting 
heavy  batteries ;  but  so  soon  as  the  British  flag  revealed 
the  hostile  character  of  the  ships,  he  moved  his  first 
division  at  once,  seaward  and  southward,  ordering  the 
second  division  to  follow  immediately.  By  this  prompt 
and  judicious  manoeuvre  he  not  only  left  the  northern 
channel  open  for  the  admission  of  De  Barras  from  the 
north,  but  secured  the  weather-gauge  of  the  British  fleet ; 
and  this  he  maintained  with  equal  skill  and  intrepidity. 
These  great  fleets  maneuvered  for  five  days  without  a 
general  action,  but  with  several  sharp  encounters  in 
which  several  vessels  suffered  severely.  The  French 
casualties  were  two  hundred  and  twenty,  and  the  British 
three  hundred  and  thirty-six. 

During  this  exchange  of  hostilities,  Admiral  Barras 
safely  entered  the  bay  with  seven  ships-of-the-line  and 
fourteen  large  transports,  bringing  heavy  guns  for  the 
siege.  (See  map.)  The  Count  de  Grasse  slowly  retired, 
followed  by  Admiral  Graves  ;  but  when  the  latter  realized 
that  Admiral  de  Barras  had  indeed  arrived,  and  that  his 
own  fleet  was  now  greatly  inferior  in  force  to  that  of  his 
adversary,  he  returned  promptly  to  New  York.  The  Count 
de  Grasse  at  the  same  time  knew  that  Admiral  Digby  had 
arrived  at  New  York  from  the  West  Indies  with  three 
line-of-battle  ships  (reported  as  six).  All  these  partic- 


356  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

ulars  of  the  previous  week's  operations  were  communi 
cated  to  General  Washington  and  his  party,  on  the  Ville 
de  Paris.  These  officers  at  once  started  for  their  re 
spective  camps.  Owing  to  severe  and  contrary  winds, 
Washington  did  not  reach  William sburg  until  the  twenty- 
second.  All  at  once,  a  very  grave  question,  and  one 
which  threatened  to  defeat  his  carefully  matured  plans, 
confronted  the  American  Commander-in-Chief.  The  Count 
de  Grasse  outlined  his  purpose  as  follows  :  "  To  detach 
two  ships  for  the  mouth  of  James  River ;  to  leave  four 
frigates  and  several  corvettes,  in  the  James  ;  then,  to  sail 
for  New  York,  and  either  intercept  or  fight  the  British 
fleet,  before  it  could  receive  further  reinforcements  from 
England  or  the  West  Indies  ;  then,  to  return  and  act  in 
concert,  each  on  his  own  side." 

Against  this  departure  from  the  concerted  plans  of 
Washington  and  Rochambeau,  Lafayette  protested  in 
vigorous  terms.  His  influence  at  that  time  with  the 
French  Court  was  paramount  as  to  American  affairs,  and 
Queen  Marie  Antoinette  was  even  a  greater  enthusiast  in 
behalf  of  American  liberty  than  Louis  XVI.  The  instruc 
tions  of  the  King  to  Rochambeau,  already  cited,  which 
made  Rochambeau  subordinate  to  Washington  in  the 
use  of  French  auxiliary  forces,  were  produced  ;  and  the 
Count  de  Grasse  gracefully  withdrew  his  suggestion  and 
accepted  the  judgment  of  the  generals  in  command  of  the 
land  forces,  as  his  rule  of  action  respecting  his  fleet. 

On  the  twenty-fifth,  the  remaining  troops  en  route 
from  the  north  reached  Williamsburg,  making  a  total  of 
twelve  thousand  regular  troops,  besides  more  than  four 
thousand  militia.  On  the  twenty-eighth,  the  entire  army 
advanced  and  took  position  within  two  miles  of  the 
British  works.  On  the  twenty-ninth,  after  a  thorough 
reconnoissance,  the  movement  began  for  the  complete 
investment  of  Yorktown,  and  all  its  approaches.  From 


o  Artiticers 
a  Laboratory 
o  Magazine 


THE    ALLIANCE    WITH    FRANCE.  357 

the  opening  of  the  first  parallel  of  approach  until  October 
seventeenth,  the  activity  of  the  allied  forces,  the  spirited 
and  generous  emulation  of  Frenchmen  and  Americans  in 
repulsing  sorties,  in  storming  redoubts,  in  bombardment, 
or  silencing  the  enemy's  guns,  was  incessant  by  night 
and  day. 

A  careful  inspection  of  the  map  will  disclose  the  rela 
tions  of  the  allied  forces,  and  the  completeness  of  the 
investment.  Washington  opened  the  fire  in  person. 
The  rivalry  of  the  American  and  French  troops  became 
intense.  Generals  Lincoln,  Wayne,  Knox,  Du  Portail, 
Steuben,  Nelson,  Weedon,  Clinton,  St.  Clair,  Law- 
son,  and  Muhlenburg,  with  Colonels  Hamilton,  Stevens, 
Lamb,  Carrington,  Scammel,  and  Laurens,  were  among 
the  American  leaders.  Generals  de  Boville,  de  Viomenil, 
Chastellux,  de  Choisy,  de  Lauzun,  de  St.  Simon,  and 
Colonels  de  Dumas,  de  Deux  Pont,  and  Gimat,  were  as 
active,  on  the  part  of  the  French. 

The  line  of  redoubts  and  batteries  marked  F  (French) 
had  been  completed,  and  it  was  deemed  necessary  to  storm 
two  British  redoubts  and  take  them  into  the  parallel. 
Famous  soldiers  and  corps  took  part  in  simultaneous 
assault,  upon  rocket  signals,  at  night.  Lafayette,  with 
Gimat,  Hamilton,  Laurens,  and  Barber,  was  assigned  to 
the  redoubt  nearest  the  river.  The  Baron  de  Viomenil  with 
the  Count  Deux  Pont,  supported  by  the  grenadiers  of  Gati- 
nais,  attacked  the  other.  This  regiment  had  been  formed 
out  of  that  of  Auvergne,  once  commanded  by  Rocham- 
beau,  and  long  known  as  the  Regiment  cV Auvergne, 
sans  tacJie.  When  drawn  up  in  line,  Rochanibeau 
promised  that  if  they  did  well,  he  would  ask  the  King 
to  restore  their  old  name ;  and  this  was  afterwards 
done  by  Louis  XVI. 

Before  the  signal  of  attack  was  given,  some  light  words 
passed  between  the  Baron  de  Viomenil  and  Lafayette  as  to 


358  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

the  superiority  of  the  French  Grenadiers  for  these  attacks. 
Lafayette's  column  succeeded  first,  and  he  promptly  de 
spatched  Major  Barber  to  the  Baron,  with  a  tender  of 
Assistance.  Hamilton  and  Laurens  were  conspicuous  for 
gallantry,  moving  over  the  abatis  with  unloaded  muskets  ; 
and  the  French  officers  were  equally  complimented  for 
daring  and  disregard  of  British  resistance. 

Clinton,  at  his  New  York  headquarters,  was  in  the 
fullest  possible  possession  of  the  record  of  events  then 
occurring  in  and  about  Yorktown.  Space  cannot  be 
given,  even  to  a  glance  over  his  shoulder,  as  he  reads, 
day  by  day,  repeated  messages  and  short  postscripts 
from  Cornwallis  indicating  the  grave  peril  of  his  position, 
and  the  conviction  that  protracted  resistance  is  not  to  be 
looked  for.  An  attempt  by  Cornwallis,  to  cross  the  river 
and  gain  New  York  by  land,  was  a  failure.  On  the 
sixteenth,  when  he  ordered  these  detachments  to  return, 
he  closed  his  correspondence  with  Clinton  in  this  sad 
and  desperate  paragraph :  "  Our  works  are  going  to  ruin. 
The  boats  are  now  being  returned.  We  cannot  fire  a 
single  gun.  Only  one  eight-inch,  and  a  little  more  than 
a  hundred  cohorn  shells  remain.  I  therefore  propose  to 
capitulate." 

The  seventeenth  day  of  October,  1781,  dawned,  and  at 
10  o'clock  A.M.  two  concurrent  events  occurred,  —  one 
at  New  York,  and  its  contrary,  in  Virginia.  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  accompanied  by  a  command  of  seven  thousand 
choice  troops,  under  convoy  of  the  magnificent  squadron 
of  twenty-five  battleships,  two  fifty-gun  ships,  and  eight 
frigates,  sailed  past  Staten  Island,  for  the  rescue  of  the 
worn-out  garrison  of  Yorktown.  He  had  previously 
sailed  past  Sandy  Hook,  and  the  reader  will  appreciate 
the  involuntary  contrast  with  a  similar  departure  south 
ward,  in  the  year  1776. 

At  the  same  hour,  ten  o'clock,    A.M.,    a  flag  of  truce 


THE    ALLIANCE    WITH    FRANCE.  359 

bore  to  the  headquarters  of  the  American  Commander- 
in-Chief,  the  following  note  : 

YORK,  17th  October,  1781. 
EARL  CORNWALLIS  To  General  Washington : 

SIR  :  I  propose  a  cessation  of  hostilities  for  twenty-four  hours,  and 
that  two  officers  be  appointed  by  each  side,  to  meet  at  Moore's  house, 
to  settle  terms  for  the  surrender  of  the  posts  of  York  and  Gloucester. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

CORNWALLIS. 

The  following  reply  partakes  of  the  dignity,  wisdom, 
and  appreciation  of  existing  conditions  which  have  char 
acterized  all  letters  of  Washington  previously  cited.  It 
reads  as  follows  : 

MY  LORD  :  I  have  the  honor  to  receive  your  Lordship's  letter  of 
this  date. 

An  ardent  desire  to  spare  the  further  effusion  of  blood  will  readily 
incline  me  to  such  terms  for  the  surrender  of  your  posts  of  York  and 
Gloucester  as  are  admissible. 

I  wish,  previously  to  the  meeting  of  the  Commissioners,  that  your 
lordship's  proposals,  in  writing,  may  be  sent  to  the  American  lines ; 
for  which  purpose,  a  suspension  of  hostilities  during  two  hours  from 
the  delivery  of  this  letter  will  be  granted. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

At  half-past  four  in  the  afternoon,  the  proposals  of 
Cornwallis  were  received  ;  but  they  were  so  general  in  their 
nature,  that  the  Viscount  de  Noailles  and  Colonel  Laurens, 
on  the  part  of  the  allied  armies,  and  Colonel  Dundas  and 
Major  Ross,  of  the  British  army,  were  charged  with  pre 
paring  other  terms  of  capitulation,  for  official  signature. 
These  were  completed  on  the  eighteenth.  On  the  nine 
teenth  they  were  signed  at  Yorktown,  by  Cornwallis  and 
Thomas  Symonds  of  the  Royal  Navy,  who  led  the  attack 
upon  Fort  Sullivan  (Moultrie)  in  1776;  and,  "In  the 


360  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

trenches,  before  Yorktown,  in  Virginia,"  by  George 
Washington  and  Le  Compte  de  Rochambeau,  and  by  Le 
Compte  de  Barras  for  himself  and  Le  Compte  de  Grasse. 

At  twelve  o'clock,  noon,  the  two  redoubts  on  the  left 
flank  of  Yorktown  were  delivered,  one  to  American  in 
fantry,  and  the  other  to  French  Grenadiers.  At  one 
o'clock,  two  works  on  the  Gloucester  side  of  the  river 
were  respectively  delivered  to  French  and  American 
troops.  At  two  o'clock,  P.M.,  the  garrison  of  York 
marched  to  the  appointed  place  of  surrender  in  front  of 
the  post,  with  shouldered  arms,  colors  cased,  and  drums 
beating  a  British  march ;  grounded  their  arms,  and 
returned  to  their  encampments  to  await  a  temporary 
location  in  the  States  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Penn 
sylvania.  At  three  o'clock,  P.M.,  the  Gloucester  garrison 
also  marched  forth  —  the  cavalry  with  drawn  swords  and 
trumpets  sounding,  and  the  infantry  as  prescribed  for  the 
garrison  of  York. 

The  terms  of  surrender  were  the  same  as  those  ob 
served  when  Genera]  Lincoln  surrendered  Charleston  to 
Cornwallis,  in  1780;  and  when  General  O'Hara,  on  ac 
count  of  the  illness  of  General  Cornwallis,  tendered  the 
sword  of  that  officer  to  General  Washington,  as  the 
pledge  of  surrender,  he  was  graciously  referred  to  Gen 
eral  Lincoln  as  its  recipient,  and  that  officer  as  graciously 
returned  it.  The  land  forces  became  prisoners  to  the 
United  States,  and  the  marine  forces  to  the  naval  army  of 
France.  (See  Appendix  F.) 

On  the  twentieth,  Washington  issued  an  order  of  con 
gratulation  to  the  allied  army,  in  the  following  words  : 

"  Divine  service  is  to  be  performed  to-morrow  in  the 
several  brigades  and  divisions.  The  Comniander-in-Chief 
earnestly  recommends  that  the  troops  not  on  duty  should 
universally  attend,  with  that  seriousness  of  deportment 
and  gratitude  of  heart  which  the  recognition  of  such 


LAFAYETTE    AND-  ROCHAMBEAU.  361 

reiterated  and  astonishing  interpositions  of  Providence 
demand  of  us." 

The  American  army  which  paraded  on  that  Thanksgiv 
ing  Day  was  not  the  same  army  that  began  the  war.  The 
one  central  figure,  Washington,  the  Commander-in-Chief, 
is  present.  Some,  crowned  with  well-deserved  honors, 
are  serving  in  the  Halls  of  Congress.  Some,  worn  out  in 
service,  have  retired  from  active  duty.  All  who  had 
inordinate  ambition,  and  cared  more  for  self  than  country, 
have  dropped  from  the  Army  Roster. 

After  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis,  American  and  French 
officers  vied  in  extending  courtesies  to  the  British  offi 
cers,  as  Lafayette  describes  their  visits,  "with  every  sort 
of  politeness,  especially  toward  Lord  Cornwallis,  one  of 
the  men  of  the  highest  character  in  England,  who  was 
considered  to  be  their  foremost  general."  In  a  parting 
interview7,  Cornwallis  replied  to  Lafayette  :  "I  am  aware 
of  your  humanity  toward  prisoners  of  war,  and  I  com 
mend  to  you  my  unfortunate  army."  Lafayette,  calling 
attention  to  the  earlier  surrender  of  Burgoyne's  army, 
answered :  "  Your  lordship  knows  that  the  Americans 
have  always  been  humane  toAvards  captured  armies." 
In  recalling  the  incident  in  his  "Memoires  Historiques," 
Lafayette  says  :  "In  truth,  the  English  army  was  treated 
with  every  possible  consideration." 

Washington  designated  Lafayette  as  commander  of  an 
expedition  to  Wilmington  and  Charleston,  with  the 
brigades  of  Wayne  and  Gist.  In  his  journal  he  says  : 
"  It  was  to  be  entrusted  to  the  Marq's  de  la  Fayette,  in 
case  he  could  engage  the  Admiral  to  convey  it  &  secure 
the  debarkation.  I  left  him  on  board  the  Ville  de  Paris, 
to  try  the  force  of  his  influence  to  obtain  these."  Although 
fixed  for  November  1st,  it  was  dropped,  and  the  French 
fleet  sailed  for  the  West  Indies. 

Lafayette  obtained  leave  of  absence,  and  sailed  from 


362  WASHINGTON*    THE    SOLDIER. 

Boston  on  the  frigate  Alliance,  December  23rd,  having 
affectionately  parted  with  Washington ;  and  after  a  pas 
sage  of  twenty-three  days,  landed  at  L'Orient,  where  he 
was  cordially  welcomed  home  by  his  family  and  the  entire 
French  people. 

Washington's  faithful  friend,  Rochambeau,  remained 
with  him,  under  his  command,  when  the  troops  of  the 
Marquis  de  St.  Simon  and  the  fleet  of  the  Count  de  Grasse 
sailed  for  the  West  Indies.  Rochambeau  wintered  at 
Williamsburg ;  in  the  summer  of  1782,  returned  through 
Philadelphia,  to  the  Hudson  ;  thence  to  New  England  in 
the  autumn,  and  sailed  for  the  West  Indies  during  Decem 
ber,  1782.  The  American  Congress  did  not  fail  to  appre 
ciate  the  services  of  this  distinguished  French  officer.  A 

o 

"  stand  of  colors  "  (ever  since  appreciated  by  his  family), 
and  a  piece  of  ordnance,  were  gifts  ;  and  it  was  decreed  that 
a  marble  monument  should  be  erected  at  Yorktown,  fr  to 
commemorate  the  alliance  between  France  and  the  United 
States,  and  the  victory  achieved  by  their  associated  arms." 
Even  before  the  departure  of  Rochambeau  from  Amer 
ica,  the  crowning  event  of  the  fraternal  alliance  between 
France  and  the  United  States  had  been  realized,  and 
Independence  was  no  longer  a  matter  of  doubt.  On 
the  seventh  day  of  May,  1782,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  was 
relieved  of  all  further  responsibility  in  command  of  New 
York,  by  Sir  Guy  Carleton  ;  who  assumed  command,  and 
immediately  announced  to  the  American  Commander-in- 
Chief  that  he  had  been  appointed  as  a  Commissioner  to 
consider  the  terms  of  a  permanent  peace  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  of  America.  If  the  reader 
will  recall  the  antecedents  of  this  officer  and  the  spirit  with 
which  he  paroled  the  American  troops,  after  the  disas 
trous  assault  upon  Quebec  in  the  winter  of  1775,  he  will 
appreciate  the  fitness  of  his  taking  part  in  the  final 
negotiations  for  fraternity  and  peace. 


WASHINGTON'S    MAGNANIMITY. 


The  negotiations  between  these  officers  brought  into 
striking  relief  certain  qualities  of  Washington  as  a  soldier 
which  have  had  too  slight  recognition.  The  terms  f'  tory  " 
and  fr royalist"  have  been  used  in  this  narrative  as  they 
Avere  specially  in  vogue  at  the  different  times  and  places 
where  they  occur.  It  has  been  too  often  assumed  by  youth 
who  study  Revolutionary  history,  that  Hessian  soldiers  were 
always  brutal,  that  Tarleton  and  Simcoe,  and  especially 
the  Queen's  Rangers,  were  irresponsible  marauders,  and 
that  the  tories  generally  were  cruel,  and  deserving  no 
quarter. 

As  a  fact,  the  Revolutionary  War  had,  at  its  start, 
many  of  those  painful  antagonisms  among  neighborhoods 
and  families  which  always  attach  to  civil  conflicts  under 
the  best  possible  conditions.  Among  the  thousands  who 
adhered  to  the  British  cause,  and  especially  among  the 
royalist  "Provincial  Corps,"  there  were  eminent  divines, 
physicians,  lawyers,  and  scholars.  All  they  had  in  the 
world  was  involved  in  the  struggle.  Many  of  these  sym 
pathized  with  the  best  British  statesmen,  and  longed  for 
some  adjustment  of  differences  which  would  not  require 
abandonment  of  their  homes  in  America.  By  a  grave 
oversight  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  no  adequate  pro 
vision  was  made  by  her  ministry  for  this  class  of  Americans 
who  had  fought  to  the  last  for  the  Crown.  The  action 
of  Washington  in  cooperation  with  Sir  Guy  Carleton, 
respecting  these  men,  disbanded  as  soldiers,  but  cast  upon 
the  Avorld  with  no  provision  for  their  relief,  was  so  marked 
by  generosity,  active  aid,  and  wise  relief,  that  until  this 
day  their  descendants  in  Nova  Scotia  and  Xew  Brunswick 
pay  glad  tribute  to  his  memory.  Through  the  joint  efforts 
of  these  two  officers,  five  thousand  were  sent  to  St.  John, 
Xew  Brunswick.  The  seventeenth  day  of  May,  1 783,  when 
the  first  large  detachment  of  the  Queen's  Rangers  landed, 
is  honored  as  the  Natal  Day  of  that  Province.  Simcoe, 


364  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

their  old  commander,  became  the  first  Governor  of  Upper 
Canada.  In  1792,  he  organized  a  miniature  Parliament 
of  two  Houses.  He  founded  the  City  of  Toronto  ;  and 
in  1796,  governed  the  Island  of  San  Domingo. 

Professor  Koberts,  in  his  "History  of  Canada,"  already 
cited,  represents  the  migration  of  thirty  thousand  Amer 
icans  to  that  country  immediately  after  the  Revolutionary 
War,  as  "  no  less  far-reaching  and  significant  in  its  results 
than  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth." 

There  have  been  those  who  regarded  as  the  most  noble 
and  unselfish  act  of  Washington's  public  career,  his  patri 
otic  protest  against  the  demands  of  his  unpaid,  starving, 
and  self-sacrificing  comrades,  that  he  accept  royal  dignity 
or  else  become  the  Oliver  Cromwell  of  his  generation. 
But  the  consideration,  firmness,  and  justice  with  which  he 
dismissed  these  mustered-out,  disbanded  royalists,  and,  in 
spite  of  abuse  and  outcry,  assisted  them  to  independence 
in  a  land  of  their  own  choice,  adds  another  laurel  to  his 
chaplet  as  the  magnanimous,  no  less  than  the  great,  soldier. 
The  subsequent  triumphal  entry  of  Washington  into  the 
City  of  New  York,  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  November, 
1783,  was  the  crowning  military  incident  of  the  war. 

The  numerous  Centennial  observances  in  honor  of 
events  of  the  Revolution,  since  the  second  century  of 
American  Independence  began,  have  helped  to  bring  to 
light  many  family  and  other  historical  data  which  other 
wise  would  have  been  lost ;  and  all  of  these  relating  to 
the  American  Commander-in-Chief  have  only  confirmed 
the  world's  estimate  of  Washington  the  Soldier. 

Words,  at  best,  are  feeble  exponents  of  principles 
which  actions  so  much  better  reveal ;  and  battles  on 
paper,  however  minutely  described,  can  never  expose  the 
brain  processes  through  which  military  orders  are  matured  ; 
nor  can  the  pen  portray  the  experiences  of  the  "  rank  and 
file  "  of  a  suffering  army,  during  such  an  ordeal  of  war  as 


HIS    BENEDICTION. 


that  in  which  George  Washington  was  both  the  centra 
executive  force  and  the  sympathetic  guardian  of  the  rights 
of  all,  of  whatever  grade  of  service  or  duty.  Stupidity, 
jealousy,  self-sufficiency,  personal  ambition,  and  treason, 
could  not  survive  their  impact  upon  Washington.  His 
mastery  of  every  antagonistic  force,  whether  professedly 
military  or  distinctly  political,  was  due  to  that  unsought 
but  real  supremacy  which  incarnated  unselfish  patriotism, 
and  made  American  Independence  the  sole  objective  of  a 
righteous  judgment  and  an  irresistible  will. 

On  the  eighth  anniversary  of  the  Battle  of  Lexington, 
April  19,  1783,  the  American  Commander-in-Chief  pro 
claimed  a  formal  "  Cessation  of  hostilities  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain,"  as  the  result  of  ne^o- 

o 

tiations  concluded  with  Sir  Guy  Carleton  on  the  previous 
day. 

This  Proclamation,  like  the  Letter  of  Louis  XVI., 
received  at  Valley  Forge  on  the  seventh  day  of  May, 
1778,  was  ordered  to  be  read  at  the  head  of  every  regiment 
and  corps  of  the  army  ;  after  which,  as  the  order  reads  : 

"  The  chaplains  with  the  several  brigades  will  render 
thanks  to  Almighty  God  for  all  His  mercies  ;  particularly, 
for  overruling  the  wrath  of  man  to  His  own  glory,  and 
causing  the  rage  of  War  to  cease  among  the  nations. 

"  On  such  a  happy  day,  which  is  the  harbinger  of 
peace  —  a  day  which  completes  the  eighth  year  of  the  war, 
it  would  be  ingratitude  not  to  rejoice  ;  it  would  be  insen 
sibility  not  to  participate  in  the  general  felicity. 

"  Happy,  happy,  thrice  happy,  shall  they  be  pro 
nounced,  hereafter,  who  have  contributed  anything,  who 
have  performed  the  meanest  office,  in  erecting  this  stupen 
dous  fabric  of  freedom  and  empire  on  the  broad  basis  of 
independency  ;  who  have  assisted  in  protecting  the  rights 
of  human  nature,  and  in  establishing  an  asylum  for  the 
poor  and  oppressed  of  all  nations  and  religions." 


CHAPTER   XXXVI. 

—  THE    ATTITUDE 
OF    AMERICA    PRONOUNCED. 

blending  of  the  Nineteenth  and  Twentieth  Cen- 
turies  comes  at  a  moment  of  such  marked  transition 
in  all  that  directs  human  activity  and  relationship,  that  the 
promise  of  Washington's  benediction,  with  which  he  pro 
claimed  peace,  seems  about  to  be  verified  with  a  fuller, 
grander,  and  more  universal  scope  of  responsibility  and 
example  than  even  his  sublime  faith  encompassed. 

"  A  stupendous  fabric  of  freedom  and  empire  on  the 
broad  basis  of  independency,"  has  already  been  estab 
lished.  The  present  generation  and  its  actors  in  every 
department  of  public  duty — including  Washington's  suc 
cessor  in  the  Presidential  Chair ;  the  American  Congress 
in  both  Houses  ;  Governors  of  all  the  States  ;  and  respon 
sible  agencies  in  all  sections  —  have  seemed  to  unify  their 
efforts  to  maintain  the  empire  thus  established.  Those 
now  living  are  the  heirs  to  be  made  "  happy,  happy, 
thrice  happy,"  through  the  legacy  of  his  life  ;  if  they  do 
their  part  in  "  protecting  the  rights  of  human  nature,  and 
in  establishing  an  asylum  for  the  poor  and  oppressed  of 
all  nations  and  religions." 

Nothing  in  the  career  of  Washington  the  Soldier  was 
more  sovereign  in  its  sway  over  citizens  under  arms,  than 
his  constant  appeal  to  a  Divine  Providence  as  the  truest 
ally  of  the  soul,  in  hours  of  grave  responsibility  and 
peril.  This  narrative  would  lose  much  of  its  value  to 

366 


WASHINGTON'S    PREDICTION    REALIZED. 

America  and  to  mankind,  if  the  passages  reflecting  Wash 
ington's  religious  faith  were  to  be  lightly  passed  over ; 
and  if  he  were  to  be  measured  only  as  a  distinguished 
representative  of  the  military  profession. 

He  has,  indeed,  been  tested  by  the  sternest  maxims  of 
the  military  art.  He  has  been  found  responsive  to  their 
most  exacting  demands.  But  all  such  tests  are  largely 
those  of  mere  intellectual  power  —  not  disclosing  excel 
lence  in  moral  and  social  relations,  except  as  these  illus 
trate  "  Statesmanship  in  War,"  and  complement  other 
qualifications  of  the  Ideal  Soldier.  But  Washington 
was  more  than  a  soldier.  It  is  no  ill-conceived  paradox 
to  assert  that  the  ideal  soldier,  the  greatest  soldier,  is  not 
the  man  who  most  literally  represents  knowledge  of  the 
military  art.  It  is  asserted  in  the  Word  of  Life,  that 
Tr  he  that  ruleth  his  spirit  is  greater  than  he  that  taketh  a 
city."  It  is  not  to  be  forgotten  that  the  only  proper 
function  of  War  is,  to  eliminate  disturbants  of  the  public 
peace.  To  give  life  for  country  is  to  partake  of  the 
Divine  prerogative  of  giving  life  for  humanity. 

And  the  soldiers  who  fought  under  Washington  were  not 
mere  men,  of  certain  ages,  to  be  handled  well  in  battle,  as 
parts  of  a  machine.  They  were  not  hirelings,  discounting 
the  chances  of  life  and  death  for  money.  Peace  and  its 
domesticities  represented  the  goal  of  their  pursuit ;  and 
self-sacrifice,  even  of  life,  to  secure  that  peace,  was  their 
conscious  service  to  family,  to  country,  and  to  God. 
The  people,  as  a  people,  had  no  unholy  frenzy  for  war  as 
a  source  of  purely  military  glory.  Only  barbarous 
nations,  or  the  devotees  of  some  great  conqueror  or  fanat 
ical  religionist,  can  thus  pervert  the  patriotic  sentiment 
to  the  instincts  of  the  beast. 

Washington's  army  was  strong,  because  strong  at 
home.  Country,  was  the  aggregate  of  homes  many. 
Never  did  the  term  patriotism  have  a  more  radiant  reflec- 


368  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

tion  of  its  intrinsic  glory ;  and  Washington,  as  "  Pater 
Patrice,"  was  so  paternal  in  his  trust,  that  his  army  was 
filial  as  well  as  loyal,  in  the  highest  quality  of  duty  to 
their  great  Captain.  His  faith  in  his  country's  future  was 
based  upon  the  intelligence  of  the  people ;  and  his  army 
was  both  intelligent  and  religious,  because  respect  for 
law  and  religion  was  the  basis  of  the  first  settlement  of 
the  American  Colonies  as  well  as  the  foundation  upon 
which  they  established  all  domestic  and  political  concerns. 

In  1780,  Thomas  Pownall,  once  royal  Governor  of 
Massachusetts,  pronounced  "American  Independence  as 
fixed  as  fate "  ;  adding :  "  North  America  has  become  a 
new  Primary  planet,,  which,  Avhile  it  takes  its  own  course, 
in  its  own  orbit,  must  shift  the  common  centre  of  grav 
ity."  He  added  this  significant  inquiry :  "  Will  that 
most  enterprising  spirit  be  stopped  at  Cape  Horn ;  or, 
not  pass  beyond  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  ?  Before  long, 
they  Avill  be  found  trading  in  the  South  Sea,  in  the  Spice 
Islands,  and  in  China.  Commerce  will  open  the  door  to 
emigration.  By  constant  intercommunication,  America 
Avill  every  day  approach  nearer  and  nearer  to  Europe." 

But  this  "independency  of  freedom  and  empire,"  pre 
dicted  by  Washington,  is  not  independency  of  moral 
obligation,  or  relation.  It  carries  with  its  exercise  an 
independent  control  of  both  moral  and  physical  activities 
with  which  to  insist  that  its  inalienable  rights  shall  be 
universally  respected. 

The  associated  prediction  of  Washington  has  also  been 
realized  —  in  "  the  establishment  of  an  asylum  for  the 
poor  and  oppressed  of  all  nations  and  religions."  Amer 
ica  must  therefore  bear  the  responsibility  of  protecting 
her  wards  everywhere,  and  penetrate  the  earth  with  the 
conviction  that  wrong  done  to  one,  is  wrong  done  to  all. 
Oceans  are  but  lakes.  Distances  are  but  steps.  Neither 
light  nor  sound  outspeed  the  cry  of  suffering  humanity ; 


THE    ATTITUDE    OF    AMERICA. 


and  neither  light  nor  sound  must  be  allowed  to  outrun 
the  speed  of  Avise  relief.  Beneficiaries  of  this  Empire- 
Asylum,  between  the  great  seas,  have  become  elements  of 
our  wealth  and  power.  They  have  ceased  to  be  foreign 
elements  in  crystalized  society  ;  and  blend,  as  integral 
forces  in  the  body  politic,  just  as  the  elements  of  air  and 
water  invisibly  combine.  Countless  messages  —  of  hap 
piness,  prosperity,  and  peace  —  cross  the  great  seas  by 
every  steamship,  to  cheer  their  former  countrymen  with 
the  hope  of  like  liberties,  in  times  not  far  distant,  which 
they  also  shall  enjoy.  The  prayers  of  a  Christian  people 
for  all  mankind,  which  Heaven  doth  "gather  in  vials,  as 
sweet  odors,"  are  not  lost  between  earth  and  sky  ;  but  other 
peoples,  inhaling  wafted  fragrance,  dream  of  the  Land  of 
Washington. 

Whatever  may  be  the  jealousies  or  dislikes  of  personal 
or  dynastic  rule  abroad,  no  truly  enlightened  nation  can 
lon£  remain  insensible  to  that  exhibition  of  moral  and 

D 

industrial  power  under  which  America  is  fully  equipped 
for  the  support  of  her  honor  and  her  flag.  Her  in 
dwelling  peace  matures  and  conserves  financial  independ 
ence  ;  and  infinitely  multiplies  capacity  and  resources 
with  which  to  meet  every  just  obligation  to  all  mankind. 
Her  peace,  while  enriching  herself,  blesses  all  nations. 
Her  products  of  the  shop  and  farm  have  become  indis 
pensable  to  the  good  of  all.  This  new  "centre  of 
gravity,"  has  become,  as  Egypt  once  chanced  to  be,  the 
famine  magazine,  the  granary  of  relief,  to  the  famishing 
millions  of  every  land.  The  ability  of  America  to  spring 
from  the  repose  of  peaceful  industry  and  protect  her 
rights  and  the  rights  of  humanity  wherever  assailed,  has 
compelled  the  world's  consideration  and  respect. 

The  terra  incognita  of  olden  times  has  become  the 
busy  field  of  competitive  industry.  The  vast  empires  of 
China  and  Japan  have  caught  from  the  American  Republic 


370  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

their  own  best  stimulus,  and  a  timely  suggestion  to  resist 
aggressive  strangers.  From  America,  they  fear  no  un 
just  demands,  no  plunder  of  territory,  no  violation  of 
sound  principles  of  international  law.  China,  indeed,  only 
feebly  responds  to  the  quickening  impulse ;  while  Japan 
recognizes  and  accepts  her  opportunity  to  become  an 
independent,  self-respecting  power  —  a  truly  modern 
State  ! 

At  the  famous  Berlin  Conference,  Count  Schouvaloff  of 
Russia,  recently  retired  from  public  life,  proposed  a  for 
mal  Resolution,  that  no  modern  arms  or  ships  be  sold  to 
the  empires  of  the  East ;  declaring  that  "  if  those  nations, 
India,  China  and  Japan,  were  thus  armed,  and  once 
began  to  contrast  their  millions  of  subjects  and  asso 
ciated  poverty,  with  the  smaller  populations,  but  vast 
treasure-houses  of  Europe,  the  cities  of  Vienna,  Berlin, 
and  Paris,  would  be  in  more  danger,  through  some  tidal- 
wave  of  desolation  and  plunder  from  the  East,  than  from 
all  the  standing  armies  of  Europe."  And  now  that  the 
earth  is  but  a  sensitive  "  whisper-gallery,"  and  every 
hammer's  stroke  and  every  anvil's  ring  reverberate  in 
every  machine-shop  where  despoilers  of  the  East  fabri 
cate  implements  for  its  dismemberment  and  ruin,  those 
same  Eastern  nations  in  part  accept,  and  Japan  quotes, 
the  wise  maxim  of  Washington:  "In  peace,  prepare  for 
war." 

Washington's  career  as  a  soldier  is  replete  with  counsel 
which  finds  its  crowning  opportunity  in  the  present  atti 
tude  of  America  before  the  world.  So  long  as  we  deal 
honorably  with  all  mankind,  the  buzzing  electric  energies 
of  peace  are  our  best  assurance  of  success  in  a  righteous 
war.  Only  wanton  neglect  of  prudent  and  adequate 
preparations  for  the  protection  of  our  commerce,  and  of 
our  citizens  wherever  they  chance  to  sojourn  for  legiti 
mate  business  or  pleasure,  can  engender  mistrust  of  our 


THE    ATTITUDE    OF    AMERICA.  371 

courage,  and  invite  the  very  aggressions  otherwise  beyond 
the  possibility  of  occurrence. 

But  Washington,  skilled  in  the  European  complications 
of  his  times,  never  imagined  that  the  same  European 
nations,  or  any  of  them,  would  select  the  extreme  East  as 
the  arena  from  which  to  replenish  wasted  home  resources 
by  force ;  and  then  convert  the  continent  of  Europe  into 
one  vast  magazine  of  dynamite,  until  all  chief  agencies 
which  belong  to  domestic  prosperity  and  happiness  should 
be  drawn  into  the  wild  whirl  of  Colonial  adventure,  for 
plunder.  And  as  the  reader  recalls  Washington's  earnest 
appeals  for  unity  of  spirit  in  all  national  affairs,  and  is 
reminded  of  his  Farewell  Address  to  the  American  People, 
wherein  he  deprecated  all  political  combinations  abroad 
which  might  qualify  or  compromise  our  absolute  inde 
pendence  as  a  Free  Republic,  he  will  be  more  profoundly 
impressed  with  the  great  fact,  that  in  the  present  attitude 
of  these  United  States  before  the  world,  the  sublime  an 
ticipations  of  the  "  Father  of  his  Country  "  are  maturing 
to  a  resplendent  and  complete  fulfilment.  The  only  nat 
ural  alliance,  in  the  event  of  monarchical  combinations 
to  stay  the  advancing  triumph  of  true  liberty,  would  be  a 
concerted  action  of  the  United  States  and  the  mother 
country,  through  the  inheritance  of  like  bequests  under 
Magna  Charta.  The  pregnant  future  may  yet  give  birth 
to  that  fruition. 

There  is  an  awful  grandeur,  more  densely  charged 
with  ills  than  the  fiercest  spasms  of  Nature's  fury,  in  the 
visible  armaments  which  are  costing  peoples,  not  thrones, 
annually,  more  than  enough  to  feed  and  clothe  every  suffer 
ing  member  of  the  human  race.  The  alleged  object  is,  "  to 
preserve  the  peace,"  as  if  every  nation  naturally  antagon 
ized  all  others.  The  peace  of  the  silent  grave,  which  would 
turn  one's  neighbor's  soil  into  a  vast  cemetery,  seems 
to  supplant  that  peace  "  which  passeth  understanding," 


372  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

when  every  heart  and  mind  shall  enter  a  condition  of 
happy  repose  and  prosperous  industry.  The  inquiry  pro 
pounded  nearly  nineteen  hundred  years  ago  —  "From 
whence  come  wars  and  fightings  among  you?"  can  be  in 
like  manner  answered,  Avith  solemn  emphasis,  to-day. 
No  uninspired  pen  can  match  the  imagery  of  prophetic 
vision  which  predicted  the  outcome  of  such  conditions 
as  now  threaten  mankind  — "  Woe  to  him  that  calleth 
Peace,  Peace,  when  there  is  no  peace  !  "  But  greater 
woe  shall  befall  those  that  "  call  evil  good,  and  good 
evil  ;  that  put  darkness  for  light,  and  light  for  darkness  ; 
that  put  bitter  for  sweet,  and  sweet  for  bitter."  As  with 
the  man  who  wrongeth  his  neighbor,  and  taketh  that 
which  is  not  his,  to  his  own  profit ;  so  shall  it  be  with 
nations.  Only  those  nations  which  love  righteousness 
and  do  justice  shall  rise  above  the  wreck  of  all  oppressors, 
and  take  part  in  the  enjoyment  of  that  destined  era  of 
righteousness  and  peace,  when  nations  shall  not  "  learn 
war  any  more."  That  nation  alone  will  be  truly  great, 
Avhose  supreme  purpose  through  every  armament  and 
armed  expression  shall  be  in  behalf  of  humanity,  and  to 
punish  or  repress  the  destroyers  of  peace. 

But  present  conditions  had  their  marvellous  premo 
nition  in  1892  —  when  "a  Congress  of  Nations,"  and  "  a 
Parliament  of  Religions,"  convened  during  the  World's 
Columbian  Exposition,  at  Chicago,  in  the  State  of  Illinois. 
For  the  purpose  of  that  Exposition,  a  miniature  city, 
of  more  than  Roman  or  Grecian  classical  beauty  and 
adornment,  sprang  up  as  by  the  power  of  magic,  wherein 
all  the  nations  of  earth  blended  their  contributions, 
in  lines  of  utility  and  art.  Their  representatives,  their 
contributors,  and  their  wise  men,  beheld  "the  triumphs 
of  peace,"  uncontrolled  by  the  prestige  of  artificial  rank, 
or  by  the  persuasion  of  bayonet,  cimeter,  or  dagger. 
They  journeyed  to  and  fro  in  safety ;  were  treated  as 


THE    ATTITUDE    OF    AMERICA.  373 

brethren ;  as  children  of  one  supreme  creative  Father ; 
and  toolv  thence  some  valuable  lessons  for  thoughtful  im 
provement.  No  social  banquet  at  their  far-distant  homes, 
nor  regal  display  at  their  national  capitals,  could  have 
surpassed  the  cordial  welcome  or  the  deep  significance  of 
that  purely  Republican  entertainment.  The  temporary 
shelter  for  their  pleasure  and  comfort,  costing  millions, 
besides  their  own  generous  outlay,  had  its  day  and  its 
uses ;  and  then  was  set  aside,  as  one  gives  away  the 
morning  daily  paper,  after  its  quick  perusal.  Then 
mighty  warehouses,  business  blocks,  and  all  the  per 
manent  features  of  a  vast  inland  city,  one  thousand  miles 
distant  from  the  nearest  ocean-port,  rose  instead  of  the 
temporary  palaces  of  entertainment ;  while  the  markets 
of  the  world  had  received  a  new  impulse,  never  to  be 
lost, 

And  such  is  the  Land  of  Washington  !  His  retirement 
from  command  of  the  "Continental  Army  of  America," 
in  the  spirit  of  Joshua,  the  Hebrew  Captain,  when  the 
people  thought  no  honor  too  rich  for  his  reward,  magni 
fied  his  office  and  immortalized  his  example.  Since  his 
career  as  a  soldier  demands  no  elucidation  of  his  office  as 
legislator,  statesman,  or  as  the  first  President  of  these 
United  States,  there  remains  little  to  be  added ;  except  to 
commend  to  American  youth,  and  to  all  patriotic  youth, 
wherever  these  pages  may  invite  perusal,  the  exemplar 
career  of  one  whose  unselfish  patriotism,  moral  rectitude, 
and  exalted  qualities  as  an  Ideal  Soldier  can  never  lose 
charm  nor  value. 

Washington  based  his  hopes  of  success  upon  the  in 
telligence  of  the  American  people.  For  their  proper 
training  in  arms,  and  the  contingency  of  a  summons  to 
defend  their  dearly  bought  liberties,  he  designed  the  Mili 
tary  Academy  at  West  Point  on  the  Hudson.  For  a 
uniform  system  of  education  in  all  that  develops  social 


374  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

culture  and  good  citizenship,  he  proposed,  with  gift  of  a 
proper  site,  a  National  University  at  the  National  Capital. 
Since  his  immediate  mission  on  earth  closed,  the  Ameri 
can  Republic,  which,  under  God,  he  established,  has 
donated  through  religious,  educational,  and  benevolent 
channels,  more  than  three  hundred  millions  of  treasure  : 
and  found  full  compensation,  in  the  civilization  and  en 
lightenment  thereby  imparted  to  less  favored  peoples 
throughout  the  world.  The  American  Census  of  1890, 
disclosed  the  fact,  that  American  eleemosynary  gifts 
annually  exceeded  the  cost  of  the  largest  standing  army 
of  the  world. 

To-day,  America  is  able,  single-handed,  to  defend  her 
honor  and  her  flag,  whoever  may  deride  her  peaceful 
habits  and  her  homely  virtues.  The  words  of  Washing 
ton,  used  upon  his  return  to  White  Plains  in  1778,  as 
emphatically  appeal  to  the  American  people  to-day,  as 
when  they  were  first  uttered. 

A  Nation  of  nearly  eighty  millions  stands  ready  to 
vindicate  the  loftiest  aspirations  and  redeem  the  confi 
dence  of  Washington.  So  surely  as  the  Almighty  Father 
is  a  covenant-keeping  God,  whatever  may  be  the  scenes 
of  conflict  forwarding  His  purpose,  He  will  emancipate 
man  from  error's  chain  and  the  oppressor's  lash ;  and  this 
Republic  must  be  ever  prepared  to  maintain,  from  genera 
tion  to  generation,  one  sentiment  of  the  great  Soldier  — 

"  The  hand  of  Providence  has  been  so  conspicuous, 
that  he  must  be  worse  than  an  infidel,  that  lacks  faith ; 
and  more  than  wicked,  that  has  not  gratitude  enough  to 
acknowledge  his  obligation." 


APPENDICES 


APPENDIX   A. 


AMERICAN   ARMY,   BY    STATES. 

The  American  Army,  after  1776,  never  equalled  thirty-eight 
thousand  Regulars,  at  any  one  time.  Small,  temporary,  and 
unorganized  detachments  of  minute-men  were  often  employed 
to  meet  sudden  forays ;  but  the  aggregate  of  those  who  after 
wards  claimed  Revolutionary  service  was  far  beyond  the  actual 
numbers  subject  to  Washington's  orders,  or  under  control  by 
Congress. 

In  stating  these  aggregates  as  credited  to  their  respective 
States,  under  their  designated  quota,  it  is  to  be  taken  into 
account,  that  each  enlistment  received  a  special  credit,  and 
generally,  by  years  or  term  of  service.  Hence,  many  who 
served  from  April  19, 1775,  until  the  nineteenth  of  April,  1783, 
counted  as  eight,  in  the  aggregate. 

In  the  American  Civil  War  of  1861-'65,  the  same  rule  fol 
lowed.  Nine  Ohio  regiments,  for  example,  and  those  militia, 
marched  to  West  Virginia  for  three  months,  reenlisted  for 
three  years,  and  then  reenlisted  for  the  war.  Several  "  One 
Hundred  Day  "  regiments,  including  the  Sixtieth  Massachu 
setts,  and  many  in  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois,  became  credits 
to  their  respective  States.  The  same  men  were  sometimes 
counted  three  times  —  that  is,  for  each  reenlistment. 

The  contributions  of  the  States,  during  the  Revolutionary 
War,  on  this  basis,  were  as  follows  : 


New  Hampshire  . 
Massachusetts 
Ehode  Island  .     . 
Connecticut 

.  .  .  12,497 
.  .  .  69,907 
.  .  .  5,908 
.  .  31,939 

Delaware  . 

.     .     .       2,386 

.     .     .     13  912 

.     .     .     26,678 

North  Carolina  . 
South  Carolina  . 
Georgia 

.     .     .       7,263 
.     .     .       6,417 
.     .       2  679 

New  York  .     .     . 
New  Jersey 
Pennsylvania 
Total  . 

.  .  .  17,781 
.  .  .  10,726 

.  .  .  25,678 

.  233,771 

Also,  see  Index,  "  American  Army." 

377 


378  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


APPENDIX    B. 


AMERICAN    NAVY   AND   ITS   CAREER. 

The  original  organization  of  the  American  Navy  is  noticed 
on  pages  59-60  of  the  text. 

On  the  thirteenth  of  December,  1775,  several  frigates,  were 
authorized,  the  annexed  figures  indicating  their  rate,  by  guns : 

Alliance  (32),  twice  identified  with    Lafayette  (pp. 
253,  361),  and  sold  after  the  war. 

Andrea  Doria  (32),  burned  in  the  Delaware  to  pre 
vent  capture 1777 

Boston  (28),  captured  at  Charleston  ....         1780 

1  Congress,  burned  in  the  Hudson,  to  prevent  capture,         1777 

Delaware  (24),  captured  by  the  British,  in  the  Dela 
ware  .........         1777 

Effingham  (28),  destroyed  by   the   British,   in  the 

Delaware 1777 

Hancock  (32),  taken  by  British  ships  Rainbow  (44) 

and  Victor  (16) 1777 

1  Montgomery  (24),  burned  in  the  Hudson  to  prevent 

capture 1777 

Providence  (28),  captured  at  Charleston    .         .         .         1780 

Queen  of  France  (18),  captured  at  Charleston  .         .         1780 

Raleigh  (32),  captured  by  the  British  ships  Experi 
ment  (50)   and    Unicorn  (16)     .         .          .          .         1777 

Randolph  (32),  blown  up  in  action  with  the  Yarmouth 

(64) 1778 

The  Confederacy  (32),  taken  by  a  British  ship-of-the- 

line,  off  the  Virginia  coast 1781 

Trumbull    (28),    taken  by    British  fleet,   near  Cape 

Henry 1778 

1  Never  went  to  sea. 


APPENDIX    B.  379 

Virginia  (28),  taken  by  British  fleet,  near  Cape  Henry,          1778 
Warren  (32),  burned  in  the  Penobscot,  by  the  Amer 
icans  1779 

Washington  (32),  destroyed  by  the   British,  in   the 

Delaware 1778 

NOTE.  —  John  Paul,  who  took  the  name  of  John  Paul  Jones  through  grat 
itude  to  a  citizen  of  North  Carolina  who  assisted  him  in  securing  a  naval 
commission  (noticed  on  page  60  of  the  text),  distinguished  himself  upon 
the  British  coast,  and  in  his  capture  of  the  British  ship  Serapis,  Sept.  23, 
1779.  His  own  ship,  the  Bon  Ifomme  Richard,  w&s  fitted  out  in  France, 
by  the  aid  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  to  war  against  British  commerce. 
Franklin,  in  the  issue  of  his  "  Almanack,"  with  shrewd  business  and 
moral  maxims  at  the  bottoms  of  the  pages,  used  the  nom-de-plume,  "  Poor 
Richard."  It  Avas  graceful  in  John  Paul  to  name  the  ship  Richard,  in 
Franklin's  honor,  with  a  complimentary  prefix. 

Of  the  later  navy,  that  of  1812,  the  Brandy  wine  (44),  named  after  the 
battle  of  that  name,  was  placed  at  the  service  of  Lafayette  when  he  visited 
America  in  1825.  (See  note  at  end  of  Chapter  XVIII.,  concerning  La 
fayette  as  first  appearing  in  that  battle.) 


380  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


APPENDIX   C. 


COMPARISONS   WITH   LATER   WARS. 

The  analogies  between  the  Revolutionary  War  and  later 
American  wars  are  noticed  in  the  Preface.  Some  special  points 
should  be  noted  for  further  comparisons. 

The  field  casualties,  including  killed  and  wounded,  in  twenty- 
six  of  the  principal  engagements  of  the  Revolution,  do  not 
greatly  exceed  9,000  ;  but  other  causes  kept  the  army  upon  a 
very  unsatisfactory  basis  in  respect  of  numbers  as  well  as 
efficiency. 

Operations  in  Canada,  early  in  the  war,  irrespective  of  the 
expeditions  of  Montgomery  and  Arnold,  cost,  through  a  visita 
tion  of  small-pox,  5,000  lives  in  sixty  days.  (Page  88.) 

At  the  April  muster  of  the  army  in  1776,  only  8,303,  out  of 
a  total  of  10,235,  were  fit  for  duty.  (Page  87.) 

At  the  August  muster,  1776,  3,678  were  reported  as  sick, 
either  present  or  on  furlough,  out  of  a  total  of  17,225.  (Pages 
101,  102.) 

At  the  September  muster,  1776,  less  than  20,000  were  re 
ported  as  fit  for  duty  (page  114),  out  of  a  total  of  27,000 
(page  103). 

At  the  Battle  of  Trenton,  Christmas  night,  1776,  more  than 
1,000  out  of  a  force  of  2,400  were  disabled  by  frost  during  the 
brief  march  and  engagement  which  gave  such  fresh  vigor  to 
the  cause  of  American  Independence.  (Page  142.) 

At  the  October  muster  of  the  same  year,  out  of  a  total  of 
25,735,  the  large  number  of  8,075  was  reported  as  sick,  or  on 
furlough.  (Page  122.) 

The  camps  at  Morristown,  Valley  Forge,  and  at  the  South, 
were  scenes  of  great  suffering,  distress,  and  waste.  The  suf 
fering  was  greater  in  crowded  and  stationary  camps  than  when 


APPENDIX    C.  381 

on  the  march.  Special  diseases  like  measles,  then  as  ever 
since,  prostrated  great  numbers  who  suddenly  changed  house 
for  canvas  shelter.  In  1862,  at  one  of  the  healthiest  canton 
ments  at  the  North,  near  Indianapolis,  fully  1,400  were  dis 
abled  for  duty  within  four  weeks  after  reporting  for  muster. 
A  similar  experience  marked  Camps  Chase,  Dennison,  and 
Jackson,  Ohio,  and  Camp  Douglas,  Illinois. 

That  "  three  months "  service  in  1861  was  exceptionally 
effective  under  existing  conditions,  and  similar  service  in  the 
war  with  Spain,  in  1898,  reads  more  like  some  fabulous  tale 
than  the  faithful  record  of  continuous  victories  by  an  impro 
vised  army,  with  a  minimum  sacrifice  of  life.  (See  Military 
Notes  in  Preface.) 

In  the  Revolutionary  War,  gardens  and  orchards,  near 
camps,  seriously  endangered  both  discipline  and  health. 
Home  luxuries  from  visiting  friends  became  so  injurious  in 
their  effects  that  Washington  was  compelled  to  deal  sternly 
with  this  mistaken  kindness.  Besides  all  this,  quartermas 
ters  and  commissaries,  ignorant  of  their  duties,  speculated 
upon  public  stores ;  and  even  surgeons  embezzled  supplies 
until  some  regiments  had  no  medicines  for  immediate  emer 
gencies.  (Page  123.) 

Derelictions  from  duty  were  not  peculiar  to  Revolutionary 
times.  Early  in  1861,  when  haste  was  so  urgent,  and  the 
North  was  not  prepared  to  clothe  promptly  even  seventy-five 
thousand  men,  the  First  and  Second  Ohio  reached  Harrisburg, 
en  route  for  Washington,  only  to  find  that  the  uniforms  con 
tracted  for  and  delivered  were  worthless.  The  Fifteenth  Ohio, 
after  a  rain,  found  themselves  at  Graf  ton,  W.  Va.,  just  after 
the  battle  of  Philippi,  with  soleless  shoes,  glue  having  been 
used  in  their  manufacture  instead  of  pegs  or  thread.  The 
Adjutant-General  of  that  State,  then  inspecting  Ohio  troops, 
peremptorily  forbade  their  moving  until  an  entire  refit  could 
be  supplied,  and  William  Dennison,  then  Governor,  sustained 
his  action. 

The  Continental  Congress,  during  the  war  with  Great  Brit 
ain,  tried  to  act  as  Commander-in-Chief,  until  in  conscious 
impotence  it  surrendered  military  trusts  to  Washington,  with 


382  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

the  impressive  Resolution,  that  "  the  very  existence  of  civil 
liberty  depends  upon  the  right  exercise  of  military  powers," 
and  that  "the  vigorous,  decisive  conduct  of  these"  is 
"  impossible  in  distant,  numerous  and  deliberative  bodies." 
(Page  148.) 

The  Revolutionary  War,  therefore,  illustrated  every  form 
of  distemper  which  belongs  to  war  in  a  republic,  when  its 
citizens  are  suddenly  called  to  face  camp  and  battle  condi 
tions  without  adequate  training  and  preparation  in  advance. 
Jealousy  of  a  standing  army,  greed  for  office  and  place,  and 
incessant,  selfish,  or  self-asserting  antagonisms,  were  the  chief 
burdens  that  grieved  the  soul  and  embarrassed  the  movements 
of  Washington,  the  American  Commander-in-Chief. 


APPENDIX    D. 


APPENDIX  D. 


BRITISH   ARMY,    AT   VARIOUS   DATES. 

The  British.  Official  Records  show  that  the  entire  British 
force  in  America,  including  troops  in  Canada,  Florida  and  the 
Bahama  Islands,  hardly  exceeded,  at  any  one  time  —  and  then 
not  until  1780  —  42,000  men.  Some  of  the  regiments  appear 
upon  the  maps  as  participants  in  battles  from  the  attack  upon 
Breed's  Hill  until  the  final  surrender  of  Cornwallis.  The 
colonels  of  these  regiments,  under  British  regulations,  held 
command  as  general  officers ;  but  the  regiments  retained  their 
personal  relation  to  the  commanding  officer,  although  the 
lieutenant-colonel  commanded  the  battalions  in  the  field,  one 
recruiting  battalion  always  remaining  at  the  home  depot. 

The  following  Tables  have  peculiar  value,  being  compiled 
direct  from  original  sources : 

J.    British  regiments  assigned  to  America,  J776, 


17th  Dragoons  . 

Preston's. 

43d  Foot  .     . 

.     Cray's. 

4th  Foot  .     .     . 

Hodgsin's. 

44th  Foot      . 

.     Abercrombie's. 

5th  Foot  .     .     . 

Percy's. 

45th  Foot      . 

.     Haviland's. 

10th  Foot      .     . 

Sanford's. 

47th  Foot      . 

.     Carleton's. 

22d  Foot  .     .     . 

Gage's. 

49th  Foot      . 

.     Maitland's. 

23d  Foot  .     .     . 

Howe's. 

52d  Foot  .     . 

.     Clavering's. 

35th  Foot      .     . 

F.H.Campbell's. 

63d  Foot  .     . 

.     T.  Grant's. 

38th  Foot      .     . 

Pigot's. 

64th  Foot      . 

.     Pomeroy's. 

40th  Foot      .     . 

Hamilton's. 

65th  Foot      . 

.     Armstrong's. 

The  above  were  stationed  in  Boston,  with  five  companies  of  the  Royal 
Artillery. 


On  their  passage  from  Ireland  to  Boston  : 


17th  Foot 
27th  Foot 


Monkton's. 

Massey's. 


Then,  in  Canada : 

7th  Foot  .     .     .     Berlier's. 

8th  Foot  .     .     .     T.  Armstrong's. 


46th  Foot 
53d  Foot . 


26th  Foot      . 
2  Companies 


Vaughan's. 
James  Grant's. 


Lord  Gordon's. 
Royal  Artillery. 


384 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


lieady  to  sail  for  America,  from  Cork : 


15th  Foot 
33d  Foot . 
37th  Foot 


Caven's. 

Cornwallis'. 

Coote's. 


42d  Foot  . 
54th  Foot 
57th  Foot 


Lord  Murray's. 

Frederick's. 

Invin's. 


Ordered  for  Boston  : 
16th  Dragoons  .  Burgoyne's. 

Ordered  for  Quebec : 
9th  Foot  .  .  .  Lagonier's. 


King's  Guards    .     1,000  men. 


34th  Foot 
33d  Foot 
62d  Foot 


Lord  Cavendish's. 

Elphinstone's. 

Jones'. 


20th  Foot      .     .     Parker's. 
24th  Foot      .     .     Taylor's. 

Also,  29th  Foot  upon  opening  of  navigation. 

Cunningham's  Regiment,  the  14th  Foot,  was  in  part  in  Virginia ;  the 
residue,  with  a  Company  of  the  Royal  Artillery,  was  at  St.  Augustine, 
Florida. 

2.    British  Army  at  the  Battle  of  Long  Island. 

ADVANCE    CORPS. 

Four  Battalions  of  Light  Infantry  and  the  Light  Dragoons. 

RESERVE    CORPS. 

Four  Battalions  of  Grenadiers,  33d  and  42d  Regiments. 

BRITISH    COLUMN. 

IST  BRIGADE  ....  44th,  15th,  27th  and  45th  Regiments. 

2D  BRIGADE  ....  5th,  28th,  55th  and  49th  Regiments. 

3o  BRIGADE  ....  JOth,  37th,  38th  and  52d  Regiments. 

4iH  BRIGADE  ....  17th,  40th,  40th  and  55th  Regiments. 

STH  BRIGADE  ....  22d,  43d,  54th  and  63d  Regiments. 

GTH  BRIGADE  ....  23d,  44th,  57th  and  64th  Regiments. 

7TH  BRIGADE  ....  71st  Highland  Regiment,  New  York 

Companies  and  Royal  Artillery. 

Colonel  Donop's  command  consisted  of  the  Hessian  Grenadiers  and  the 
Chausseurs. 

General  De  Heister's  command  consisted  of  two  Hessian  brigades. 

TOTAL    OF    COMBINED    ARMIES,    INCLUDING    FORCE    ON    STATEN    ISLAND. 

General  Clinton  in  his  report  gives  Howe's  "  effectives  fit  for  duty  "  as 
26,980  —  officers  not  included;  but,  including  all  officers,  commissioned 
and  non-commissioned,  as  31,625  men. 


3.    British  effective  force  in  America,  June  3,  1777. 


In  New  Jersey. 
British  Artillery     . 
British  Cavalry      .     . 
British  Infantry     .     .     . 
Hessian  Infantry   .     . 
Anspach  Infantry  . 


Aggregate,  17,090. 


365 

710 

8,361 

3,300 

1,043 

13,779 


In  New  York. 
British  Artillery     .     . 
British  Infantry     . 
Hessian  Infantry  .     . 


20 
1,513 

1,778 

3,311 


APPENDIX    D. 


385 


On  this  date,  2,631  men  had  been  sent  to  Rhode  Island,  and  the  total 
force  of  foreign  troops  which  had  arrived  —  including  those  of  Hesse, 
Anspach,  and  Waldeck  —  amounted  to  14,777. 


4.    British  effective  force  in  America,  March  26,  1778. 


British   . 

German 

Provincial 


Aggregate,  33,756. 


In  New 
York. 

3,486 
3,689 
3,281 

10,456 


In  Phila 
delphia. 

13,078 
5,202 
1,250 

19,530 


In  Rhode 
Island. 

1,610 

2,116 

44 

3,770 


5.    Aug.  15,  1778. 

In  New  York  and  vicinity,  19,586;  in  Long  Island,  8,117;  in  Rhode 
Island,  5,189;  Lord  Howe's  fleet,  512;  making  an  aggregate  of  33,404. 

A  later  return  of  November  1,  on  account  of  troops  sent  to  Halifax  and 
to  the  West  Indies,  reduced  the  aggregate  to  22,494  for  duty. 


6.    May  1,  1779. 

New  York -  9,123  I    Halifax 3,677 

Long  Island 6,056       Georgia 4,794 

Staten  Island 1,344       West  Florida 1,703 

Paulus  Hook 383  Bermuda    and     Providence 

Hoboken 264           Island 470 

Rhode  Island 5,644 

10,644 

22,814 
Aggregate,  33,458. 

7.    December  1,  1779. 
At  New  York  and  its  dependencies  : 

British  13,848 

German 10,836 

Provincial  ..........  4,072 

Total 28,756 

Halifax  and  Penobscot 3,460 

Georgia     .....                   .....  3,930 

West  Florida 1,787 

Bermuda  and  Providence  Island 636 

Total 9,813 

Aggregate,  38,569. 


386 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


8.    British  effective  force  in  America,  May  1,  1780. 


New 

South 

Nova 

East 

York. 

Carolina. 

Scotia. 

Florida. 

Georgia. 

7,711 

7,041 

2,298 

590 

7,451 

3,018 

572 

547 

862 

2,162 

2,788 

638 

316 

1,016 

British    . 

German 

Provincials 


17,324         12,847         3,508        1,453  1,878 

Aggregate,  including  East  Florida,  Providence  Island  and  Bermuda, 
38,002. 

9.    December  \t  1780. 

West  Florida 1,261 

Nova  Scotia 3,167 

Bermuda 387 

Providence  Island  143 


New  York  

17,729 

On  an  expedition 
South  Carolina    . 
Georgia 

2,274 

7,384 
968 

28,355 

4,958 
Aggregate,  33,313;  besides  Provincial  troops,  8,954.     Total,  42,267. 


10.    May  J,  1781. 


New  York 12,257 

On  an  expedition      .      .      .  1,782 

With  Leslie 2,278 

With  Arnold 1,553 

With  Phillips       .     .     .     .  2,116 

South  Carolina    ....  7,254 


Aggregate  forces,  33,374. 


27,240 


East  Florida 438 

West  Florida 1,185 

Nova  Scotia 3,130 

Bermuda 366 

Providence  Island      .     .     .  128 

Georgia 887 


11.    Sept.  1,  1781. 

New  York.  Virginia.  S.Carolina.  Georgia.  Floridas. 
British,         5,932       5,544        5,024  920 

German,       8,629       2,204        1,596  486         558 

Provincial,  2,140       1,137        3,155  598         211 


6,134 


N.  Scotia.  W.  Indies. 
1,745  498 

562 
1,145 


Total,          16,701      8,885        9,775        1,084      1,689  3,452 

Aggregate,  including  Providence  Island  and  Bermuda,  42,075. 

NOTE.  —  Stedman  has  the  following  estimate  : 


Dates. 
August  . 
November 
December 


March 
June 


BRITISH  AND  REBEL  FORCE  IN  1776. 

British. 

.         24,000 

26,600 

27,700 


IN  1777. 


27,000 
30,000 


498 


Rebel. 

16,000 

4,500 

3,300 


4,500 
8,000 


APPENDIX   E.  '387 


APPENDIX   E. 


ORGANIZATION    OF   BURGOYKE  'S    AEMY. 

To  remain  in  Canada,  part  of  8th  regiment,  460  men ; 
part  of  34th,  348  men ;  parts  of  29th  and  31st  regiments, 
896  men  ;  eleven  additional  companies  expected  from  Great 
Britain,  616  men ;  brigade  detachments,  300  men ;  detach 
ments  from  German  troops,  650  men,  and  Royal  Highland 
emigrants,  500  men  ;  making  a  total  of  3,770  men. 

The  army  of  invasion  (see  page  171)  numbered  as  follows : 

Men. 
The  grenadiers  and  light  infantry  (except  of  the  8th  and  24th 

regiments),  as  the  advance  corps  under  General  Eraser  .  1,568 

First  brigade ;  battalion  companies  of  the  9th,  21st,  and  47th 

regiments       ..........  1,194 

Second  brigade  ;  battalion  companies  of  the  20th,  53d,  and  62d 

regiments,  leaving  50  of  each  in  Canada  ....  1,194 

German  troops,  except  the  Hanau  Chasseurs,  and  650  left  in 

Canada 3,217 


Total,  with  artillery         ....... 

To  this  force  were  to  be  associated  "  as  many  Canadians  and 
Indians  as  might  be  thought  necessary  for  the  service." 


388        *  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


APPENDIX   F. 


ORGANIZATION    OF    CORNWALLIS'S    ARMY. 

This  force,  when  fully  concentrated  on  Virginia,  Aug.  1, 
1781,  consisted  of  the  following  troops  :  British,  5,541 ;  Ger 
man,  2,148  ;  Provincials,  1,137  ;  on  detachments,  607  ;  making 
a  total  of  9,433  men. 

The  general  Return  of  officers  and  privates  surrendered  at 
Yorktown,  as  taken  from  the  original  Muster  Rolls,  is  stated 
by  the  Commissary  of  prisoners  to  have  been  as  follows  - 
General  and  staff,  79 ;  Artillery,  23 ;  Guards,  527  ;  Light  In 
fantry,  671 ;  17th  Reg't,  245  ;  23d  Reg't,  233  ;  33d  Reg't,  260  ; 
43d  Reg't,  359  ;  71st  Reg't,  300 ;  76th  Reg't,  715  ;  80th  Reg't, 
689;  two  battalions  of  Anspach,  1,077  (these  two  battalions 
alone  had  Colonels  present),  Prince  Hereditary,  484  ;  Regi 
ment  of  De  Bose,  349;  Yagers,  74;  British  Legion,  241; 
Queen's  Rangers,  320 ;  North  Carolina  Vols.,  142 ;  Pioneers, 
44  ;  Engineers,  23.  Total,  including  commissary  department, 
and  80  followers  of  the  army,  7,247  men.  Total  of  officers 
and  men,  7,073.  Seamen  and  from  shipping,  about  900  offi 
cers  and  men.  Other  authorities  increase  this  number  to 
over  8,000.  It  is  evident  that  the  Return  of  August  15,  cited 
on  page  385,  overestimates  the  really  effective  force. 

Seventy-five  brass  cannon,  69  iron  guns,  18  German  and  6 
British  regimental  standards,  were  among  trophies  captured. 

The  military  chest  contained  £2,113,  6s,  sterling.  The 
Guadaloupe  28,  the  old  Foivey,  the  Bonetta  (sloop)  24,  and 
Vulcan  (fire-ship),  thirty  transports,  fifteen  galleys,  and  many 
smaller  vessels,  with  nearly  900  officers  and  seamen,  were  sur 
rendered  to  the  French. 


APPENDIX   G.  389 


APPENDIX   G. 


XOTES   OF   LEE'S    COURT- MAETIAL. 

MAJOR-GENERAL  LORD  STIRLING,  President. 

BRIGADIER-GENERAL  SMALLWOOD.  COLONEL  SWIFT. 

BRIGADIER-GENERAL  POOR.  COLONEL  WIGGLESWORTH. 

BRIGADIER-GENERAL  WOODFORD.  COLONEL  ANGEL. 

BRIGADIER-GENERAL  HUNTINGTON.  COLONEL  CLARKE. 

COLONEL  IRVINE.  COLONEL  WILLIAMS. 

COLONEL  SHEPARD.  COLONEL  FEBIGER. 

JOHN  LAWRENCE,  Judge- Advocate. 

The  Court  met  July  1,  1778,  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Voorhees, 
New  Brunswick,  N.J. 

The  charges  were  as  follows : 

First  —  For  disobedience  of  orders,  in  not  attacking  the 
enemy  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  June,  agreeably  to  repeated 
instructions. 

Second  —  For  misbehavior  before  the  enemy  on  the  same  day, 
by  making  an  unnecessary,  disorderly,  and  shameful  retreat. 

Third  —  For  disrespect  to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  in  two 
letters  dated  the  first  of  July  and  the  twenty-eighth  of  June. 

GENERAL    LEE    PLEAD    "  NOT    GUILTY." 

On  the  twelfth  of  August,  the  Court  found  him  to  be  guilty 
under  all  the  charges,  and  sentenced  him  to  be  "suspended 
from  any  command  in  the  Armies  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  for  the  term  of  twelve  months.'7 

Forty-two  witnesses  were  examined.  (See  page  235  of 
text,  for  their  unanimity  in  vindication  of  Washington  from 
use  of  any  language  not  proper,  in  his  rebuke  of  Lee  at  the 
time  of  his  retreat.) 


390  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


The  following  are  the  letters  that  concluded  with  Lee's 
demand  for  a  court-martial : 

FIRST   LETTER. 

CAMP  ENGLISH-TOWN,  July  1,  1778. 

SIR  :  From  the  knowledge  I  have  of  your  Excellency's  character,  I 
must  conclude  that  nothing  but  misinformation  of  some  very  stupid,  or 
misrepresentation  of  some  very  wicked,  person,  could  have  occasioned 
your  having  made  use  of  so  very  singular  expressions  as  you  did  on  my 
coming  up  to  the  ground  where  you  had  taken  post ;  they  implied  that  I 
was  guilty  either  of  disobedience  of  orders,  of  want  of  conduct,  or  want 
of  courage ;  your  Excellency  will  therefore  infinitely  oblige  me  by  letting 
me  know  on  which  of  these  three  articles  you  ground  your  charge,  that  I 
may  prepare  for  my  justification,  which,  I  have  the  happiness  to  be  con 
fident,  I  can  do  to  the  army,  to  the  Congress,  to  America,  and  to  the  world 
in  general.  Your  Excellency  must  give  me  leave  to  observe  that  neither 
yourself  nor  those  about  your  person  could,  from  your  situation,  be  in 
the  least  judges  of  the  merits  or  demerits  of  our  manoeuvres;  and,  to 
speak  with  a  becoming  pride,  I  can  assert,  that  to  these  manoeuvres,  the 
success  of  the  day  was  entirely  owing.  I  can  boldly  say,  that  had  we 
remained  on  the  first  ground,  or  had  we  advanced,  or  had  the  retreat  been 
conducted  in  a  manner  different  from  what  it  was,  this  whole  army  and 
the  interests  of  America  would  have  risked  being  sacrificed.  I  ever 
had,  and  hope  ever  shall  have,  the  greatest  respect  and  veneration  for 
General  Washington ;  I  think  him  endowed  with  many  great  and  good 
qualities ;  but  in  this  instance,  I  must  pronounce  that  he  has  been  guilty 
of  an  act  of  cruel  injustice  towards  a  man  who  certainly  has  some  pre 
tentious  to  the  regard  of  every  servant  of  this  country;  and,  I  think,  Sir, 
I  have  a  right  to  demand  reparation  for  the  injury  committed,  and,  unless 
I  can  obtain  it,  I  must,  in  justice  to  myself,  when  this  campaign  is  closed 
(which  I  believe  will  close  the  war),  retire  from  a  service  at  the  head  of 
which  is  placed  a  man  capable  of  offering  such  injuries;  but,  at  the  same 
time,  in  justice  to  you,  I  must  repeat,  that  I  from  my  soul  believe,  that  it 
was  not  a  motion  of  your  own  breast,  but  instigated  by  some  of  those 
dirty  earwigs  who  will  forever  insinuate  themselves  near  persons  in  high 
office ;  for  I  really  am  convinced,  that  when  General  Washington  acts 
for  himself  no  man  in  his  army  will  have  reason  to  complain  of  injustice 
or  indecorum. 

I  am,  Sir,  and  hope  ever  shall  have 

Reason  to  continue,  your  most  sincerely 
Devoted,  humble  servant, 

CHARLES   LEE. 
His  EXCELLENCY  GENERAL  WASHINGTON. 


APPENDIX    G.  391 


SECOND  LETTER. 

CAMP,  June  27,  1778. 

SIR  :  I  beg  your  Excellency's  pardon  for  the  inaccuracy  in  misdating 
my  letter.  You  cannot  afford  me  greater  pleasure  than  in  giving  me  the 
opportunity  of  showing  to  America  the  sufficiency  of  her  respective  ser 
vants.  I  trust  that  the  temporary  power  of  office,  and  the  tinsel  dignity 
attending  it,  will  not  be  able,  by  all  the  mists  they  can  raise,  to  obfuscate 
the  bright  rays  of  truth ;  in  the  meantime,  your  Excellency  can  have  no 
objection  to  my  retiring  from  the  army. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  most  obedient, 

Humble  servant, 

CHARLES   LEE. 
GENERAL  WASHINGTON'. 

WASHINGTON'S   LETTER   IN   REPLY. 

HEADQUARTERS,  ENGLISH-TOWN,  June  30,  1778. 

SIR:  I  received  your  letter  (dated  through  mistake,  the  1st  of  July), 
expressed,  as  I  conceive,  in  terms  highly  improper.  I  am  not  conscious 
of  having  made  use  of  any  very  singular  expressions  at  the  time  of  my 
meeting  you,  as  you  intimate.  What  I  recollect  to  have  said  was  dic 
tated  by  duty  and  warranted  by  the  occasion.  As  soon  as  circumstances 
will  permit,  you  shall  have  an  opportunity  either  of  justifying  yourself 
to  the  army,  to  Congress,  to  America,  and  to  the  world  in  general,  or  of 
convincing  them  that  you  were  guilty  of  a  breach  of  orders,  and  of  mis 
behavior  before  the  enemy  on  the  28th  inst.,  in  not  attacking  them  as  you 
had  been  directed,  and  in  making  an  unnecessary,  disorderly,  and  shame 
ful  retreat. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 
MAJOR-GENERAL  LEE. 

After  the  reading  of  the  foregoing  letters  by  the  Judge- 
Advocate,  General  Lee  requested  the  following  letter  to  be 
also  read  : 

CAMP,  June  30,  1778. 

SIR  :  Since  I  had  the  honor  of  addressing  my  letter  by  Colonel  Fitz 
gerald  to  your  Excellency,  I  have  reflected  on  both  your  situation  and 
mine,  and  beg  leave  to  observe,  that  it  will  be  for  our  mutual  con 
venience  that  a  Court  of  Inquiry  should  be  immediately  ordered  :  but  I 
could  wish  it  might  be  a  court-martial,  for  if  the  affair  is  drawn  into 
length,  it  may  be  difficult  to  collect  the  necessary  evidences,  and  per 
haps  might  bring  on  a  paper  war  betwixt  the  adherents  to  both  parties, 


392  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

which  may  occasion  some  disagreeable  feuds  on  the  continent,  for  all 
are  not  my  friends,  nor  all  your  admirers.  I  must  entreat,  therefore, 
for  your  love  of  justice,  that  you  will  immediately  exhibit  your  charge, 
and  that  on  the  first  halt,  I  may  be  brought  to  a  trial ;  and  am,  Sir,  your 
most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

CHARLES    LEE. 

The  date  of  the  assembling  of  the  court-martial  shows  that 
Washington  acted  promptly. 


GLOSSARY     OF    MILITARY    TERMS. 


Abatis.  —  Felled    trees,   with    sharpened    branches,    pointing    outward 

toward  an  approaching  enemy. 

Bastion.  —  A  work  of  two  faces  and  two  flanks,  with  salient  angles. 
Batteau.  —  An  old-style  flatboat  of  large  capacity,  in  form  of  the  modern 

scow. 
Billet.  —  An  old  term  for  a  brief  letter ;  or,  an  assignment  of  troops  to 

certain  quarters. 
Boom.  —  A  chain  cable  or  line  of  spars  bound  together  to  prevent  the 

passage  of  vessels  at  a  harbor  entrance,  or  across  a  river. 
Cabal.  —  A  plot,  or  secret  intrigue. 
Cantonment.  —  A  lodgment  for  troops. 
Cheveau-de-Frise.  —  A  cylinder,  of  iron  Avhen  practicable,  with  sharp, 

projecting  spears  on  all  sides ;  to  oppose  an  invading  force,  or  to  close 

a  gap  in  the  defences. 

Command.  —  A  body  of  troops,  or  a  separate  command. 
Corduroy. —  ("  Cord  of  the  King.")     An  extemporized  road,  a  uniting 

cord,  by  a  series  of  parallel  logs  across  a  swamp  or  soft  ground. 
Countersign.  —  A    confidential  word   of  recognition,  changed  daily  or 

more  frequently,  emanating  from  the  officer  in  chief  command. 
Curtain.  —  A  wall  connecting  two  bastions. 
Detachment.  —  A  fraction  of  a  command,  or  troops  assigned  to  some 

special  duty. 

Detail.  —  An  assignment  for  special  duty. 
Engineering.  —  See  PREFACE. 

Fascines.  —  Bundles  or  faggots  of  brushwood,  or  small  poles,  tied  to 
gether,  for  defence  or  for  crossing  swamps. 
Fusee.  —  A  small  musket  of  early  times. 
Gabions.  —  Cylindrical   wicker   baskets    open   at   both    ends,  filled  for 

defensive  purposes,  making  a  temporary  parapet. 
Galleys.  —  Small  vessels  of  light  draft. 
Grand  Tactics.  —  See  PREFACE. 
Hurdles.  —  Pickets  about  three  feet  high,  united  by  twigs,  to  give  a  solid 

footing  for  a  battery,  or  for  crossing  soft  ground  and  swamps. 
Itinerary.  —  Record  of  daily  marches ;  including  notes  of  country  trav 
ersed,  streams  crossed,  and  whatever  may  be  valuable  for  record  or 

subsequent  guidance. 

393 


394  WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 

Line-of -battle  ship.  —  A  full-rigged  ship,  with  two  or  more  gun-decks. 

Log-book.  —  The  itinerary  of  a  ship. 

Logistics.  —  See  PREFACE. 

Magazine.  —  A  depot  of  powder  or  of  other  supplies . 

Muster.  —  A  detailed  record  of  troops,  periodical  or  otherwise,  for  exact 

information  of  the  force  under  command. 
Orderly  Book.  —  A  record  of  current  orders,  whether  of  commissioned 

or  non-commissioned  officers. 

Parapet.  —  A  work,  breast-high  or  more,  for  defence. 
Patrol.  —  A  small  scouting-party  beyond  the  usual  line  of  sentries ;  or  a 

detail  of  search  as  to  the  movements  of  the  enemy. 
Picket.  —  An  outside  sentry,  to  guard  against  surprise. 
Quota.  —  A  fixed  apportionment  upon  the  basis  of  numbers. 
Reconnoissance.  —  A  personal  examination  of  country  within  the  range 

of  military  movements. 
Redoubt.  —  An  inclosed  defence. 

Rendezvous.  —  A  designated  place  for  assembling  troops  or  supplies. 
Roster.  —  A  list  of  officers,  or  of  officers  and  men ;  on  any  duty,  or  subject 

to  duty. 

Salient.  —  An  angle  projecting  outward,  toward  hostile  approach. 
Strategy.  —  See  PREFACE. 
Surveillance.  —  On  the   constant   watch,  with   critical   observation-  of 

existing  or  contingent  conditions. 
Taking  Post.  —  Occupying  a  designated  position,  whether  under  orders, 

or  in  the  contingencies  of  a  march  or  an  advance. 
Zone.  —  A  belt  or  stretch  of  country,  indicating  the  sphere  of  action  of 

the  various  parts  of  an  army,  which  secures  concert  of  action  in  com 
bined  movements. 


CHRONOLOGICAL   AND    BIOGRAPHICAL 

INDEX 


CHRONOLOGICAL    AND    BIOGRAPHICAL 
INDEX. 


NOTE.  —  The  contemporaries  of  Washington  named  in  this  index  are  in  general  only 
persons  so  associated  with  or  opposed  to  the  cause  he  stood  for  as  to  influence  his  mili 
tary  action. 

Events  are  treated  and  indexed  in  chronological  order,  so  that  the  index  becomes 
thereby  a  miniature  biography  of  the  characters  taking  part  in  the  events  narrated.  It 
may  ofteii  prove  interesting  to  note  the  age  of  a  prominent  actor  in  these  events  at  the 
time,  by  calculating  it  from  the  year  of  his  birth  when  given  below. 

ABBREVIATIONS.  — For  various  nationalities:  Am.  (American);  Rr.  (British); 
Fr.  (French) ;  //.  (Hessian).  In  the  biographical  notices,  b.  for  birth  and  d.  for  death 
are  used;  and  occasionally,  k.  for  killed,  w.  for  wounded,  and  like  familiar  abbrevia 
tions  may  be  found.  The  subsequent  career  of  many  is  indicated  thus  —  Cornwallis, 
sub.  gov.-gen.  India. 


Acts  of  Parliament  to  be  resisted,  17 

ADAMS,    JOHN  —  statesman;    sub. 

pres.  twice;  b.  1735,  d.  1826. 

in  first  Continental  Congress,  16 

on  special  naval  committee ...  60 

commissioner  in  the  interests  of 

peace 116 

his  influence  abroad 309 

ADAMS,  SAMUEL  —  orator;   b.  1722, 

d.  1803. 
exempted     from   the    proffered 

pardon  ...    32 

his      opinion     of      a      regular 

army 299 

AGNEW,     JAMES  —  Br.    maj.-gen- 

eral ;  k.  at  Germantown.  .196 

Alamance,  N.C.,  battle  of,  May  16, 

1771 84 

Albany    Convention    of     July    4, 

1754 "..12 

ALLEN,    ETHAN  —  col. ;     b.     1637, 

d.   1789. 
captures  Ticonderoga,  May  10, 

1775 30 

tries  to  capture  Montreal,  with 
out  orders 62 

captured  and  sent  to  England,  62 
insubordination  commented  up 
on  by  Washington 62 

Alliance  frigate,  twice  takes  Lafay 
ette  to  France 253,   362 

American  army,  wholly  composed 
of  militia. .  .  .21 


American  army,  continued  — 

call  for  30,000  under  arms.  .  .22 

officially  recognized 32 

its    strange    experience,    March 

2,   1776 75 

occupies     Boston,     March     17, 

1776 80 

begins  its  first  campaign 83 

April  muster,   1776 87 

August  muster,   1776 101 

September  muster 114 

85  regiments  authorized. ...  116 
its  condition,  Sept.  10,  1776,  119 

October  muster 122 

its  lack  of  discipline 123 

Lee's  grand  division 135 

special  muster  ordered  by  Wash 
ington,  Nov.  23,  1776 136 

its  condition,  Dec.  30,  1776,  147 

parades  in  Philadelphia 183 

August  muster,  1777 184 

condition  at  Valley  Forge,  Dec., 

1777 205-6 

at  Newport,   1778 242 

assignments    of    divisions, 

1778 247 

fixed  at  80  battalions 252 

at   Philadelphia,    weakened    in 

discipline 252 

its  condition,  Dec.,  1779 ....  269 
its  condition,  Nov.  7,  1780,  296 
reorganization  proposed.  ...298 
new  basis,  of  36,000  men.  ..299 


397 


398 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


American  army,  continued  — 

divisions  again  assigned. .  ..300 

its  condition,  1781 306 

mutinous  elements  noticed.  .307 

afthe  South 315-317 

at  Peekskill,  1781 333 

before  Yorktown,  1781 356 

by  States  (Appendix  A) ...  .377 

American   Civil  War   referred   to, 

for  comparison  (Preface),  vii 

policy  defined 91 

commissioners  appointed  in  the 

interests  of  peace 115 

cow-boys  near  New  York .  . .  255 

speculators  feed  the  British,  306 

Americo-Spanish  War  of  1898  illus- 

t  r  a  t  i  n  g    the     principle    of 

"  Strategy  and  Statesmanship 

in  War  "  (Preface) x,  xii 

ANDRJ&,  JOHN  —  Br.  major,  sub. 
asst.  adjt.-gen. ;  b.  1751,  d. 
1780. 

taken  prisoner,  at  St.  John's. 62 
arranges    fete     in     h  o  n  o  r    of 

Howe 215 

at  capture  of  Charleston.  .  .275 

his  antecedents  noticed 289 

former  relations  to  Miss  Ship- 
pen  289 

executed  as  a  spy 290 

his  fate  regretted 290 

exchange    for    Arnold    morally 

impracticable 291 

ANGELL,  —  col. ;    at    Fort    Mercer, 

R.I 201 

at  Battle  of  Springfield  .  .283-4 
ARBUTHNOT,    MARIOT  —  Br.   admi 
ral ;   b.  1711,  d.  1794. 

arrives  at  New  York 261 

relieves  Sir  George  Collier,  261 

fights  a  French  fleet 326 

Armies  of  modern  times 370-1 

of  the  Revolution  as  given  by 
the    British   authority,    Sted- 

man  (Appendix  D) 386 

Arms  from  France 164 

ARMSTRONG,  JOHN  —  brig. -gen. ; 
b.  1758,  d.  1843. 

at  Brandywine 186 

on  the  Schuylkill 192 

ARNOLD,    BENEDICT  —  sab.     maj.- 

gen.;  b.  1740,  d.  1801. 
takes  a  company  to  Boston  .  .30 
hastens  to  Lake  Champlain . .  30 

anticipated  by  Allen 30 

organizes  a  naval  force 30 

loved  by  Washington 45 


Arnold,  Benedict,  continued  — 

returns  in  angry  mood 51 

proposes  conquest  of  Canada,  51 
his  expedition  for  Quebec. .  .55 

his  disastrous  march 64 

wounded  in  a  bold  assault ....  66 
his   captains  refuse  longer  ser 
vice  66 

the  siege  of  Quebec  fails. . .  .66 

at  Providence 163 

unjustly  treated  by  Congress, 165 

gallantry  at  Ridgefield 166 

in  command  at  Philadelphia,  167 
gallantry  in  Burgoyne  c  a  m  - 

paign 176 

finally  promoted 176 

court-martialed 274 

is  married  to  Miss  Shippen  .289 
suffers  from  old  wound,  222,  288 
in  command  at  West  Point. 288 
corresponds  with  Clinton.  .  .288 
invites  Andre  to  visit  him  . .  290 
dictates  price  of  his  treason,  290 
antecedents  in  Philadelphia,  289 
his  treason  anticipated  by  Lord 

Germaine 28$ 

his  exchange   for  Andre  impos 
sible  without  dishonor  .  .  .291 
leaves  N.Y.  with  troops. .  .  .310 

overtaken  by  a  storm 310 

his  discretion  doubted  by  Clin 
ton  '...310 

plunders  Richmond,  Va 311 

cannot  intimidate  Jefferson,  311 
returns     to    fortify     Ports 
mouth 311 

writes  to  Lafayette 331 

treated  with  silent  contempt,  331 
tries  threats  to  no  purpose,  331 
relations  with  Gen.  Phillips,  331 
ordered  back  to  New  York,  331 
lays  waste  New  London. . .  .351 

his  recall  explained 351 

ARNOLD,  Mrs.  (formerly  Miss 
Shippen)  —  ignorant  of  Ar 
nold's  treason 28$ 

honored  by  Washington. . .  .291 

sympathy  of  Lafayette 291 

Articles    of    Confederation    finally 

adopted 30$ 

"  Art  of  War  "  (Preface) x-xii 

ASHE,  JOHN  —  brig. -gen. ;  b.  1721, 
d.  1781;  declares  while 
speaker  of  the  North  Caro 
lina  Assembly,  concerning  the 
Stamp  Act,  "  We  will  resist 
its  execution  to  the  death,"  13 


INDEX. 


399 


ATLEE,  SAMUEL  J.  —  col. ;  b.  1738, 

d.  1786. 

joins  the  army  at  Brooklyn,  105 
commands        Pennsylvania 

Rifles 105 

makes  a  gallant  fight 107 

prisoner  with  Stirling 107 

Augusta  74,  Br. ;  blown  up  in  the 

Delaware 202 

Aux  Trembles  reached  by  Benedict 

Arnold G5 

reached  by  Montgomery  ...  .05 
reached  by  Carleton 06 

Baltimore  pays  honor  to  Rocham- 

beau  and  Washington. .  .  .351 

BANCROFT,  GEORGE  —  diplomat  and 

historian;  b.  1800,  d.  1891. 
as  to  the  invasion  of  Canada,  54  | 
his  estimate  of  Washington,  250 
BARRAS,     PAUL    FRA^OIS     JEAN, 
Count  DE  —  Fr.    admiral ;     b, 
1755,  d.  1829. 

sails  from  Newport 354 

enters  the  Chesapeake 355 

signs    capitulation    of    York- 
town 360 

also     signs     for     Count    de 

Grasse 360 

Bennington  unwisely  attacked  by 
Burgoyne ;  anticipated  b  y 

Washington 176 

Berlin  conference  noticed 370 

BIDDLE,     NICHOLAS    --   appointed 

naval  captain 60 

Billingsport     raided    by    Cornwal- 

lis 203 

BIRD  —  Br.  lieut.-col. ;   k.  at  Ger- 

mantown 196 

BLACKSTONE  —  chief  of  the  Sene- 
cas ;  friend  o  f  Washing 
ton  260 

Bordentown    occupied    by    Donop 

(//.)    , 139 

occupied  by  Cadwallader  .  . .  156 

visited  by  British  troops. . .  .213 

Boston    massacre    of   March   5, 

1770 15 

Tea  Party  entertainment,  Dec. 

16,  1773 15 

Port  Bill,  1774 15 

surrounded  by   20,000  minute- 
men  30 

deliverance  from  British  control 

a  fixed  purpose 30 

not  a  proper  British  base ....  33 
bombarded  three  nights..  74,  77 


Boston,  continued  — 

evacuated 80 

visited  by  D'Estaing 243 

visited  by  Greene 246 

visited  by  Lafayette 244 

visited  by  Rochambeau 361 

BOTTA,    CARLO    GIUSEPPE    GUGLI- 
ELMO — Hal.  historian  ;  b.  1768, 
d.  1837. 
as  to  Battle  of  Long  Island,  113 

as  to  Battle  of  Trenton 149 

reviews     New    Jersey    cam 
paign  159 

BOVILLE,  DE —  Fr.  maj.-gen.  ;   re 
connoitres  with  Was  h  i  n  g  - 

ton 336 

BOWDOIN,     JAMES  —  pres.     Mass. 
Council;    b.    1727,    d.     1790: 
addressed  by  Charles  Lee.  139 
Braddock's  operations  noticed ....  7 
BRADLEY,  JOSEPH  P.  — Justice  U.S. 
Supreme  Court;    b.    1813,  d. 
1892 ;    corrects  a  tradition  as 
to    Lafayette's    alleged   remi 
niscence  of  Washington's  pro 
fanity  235 

Brandy  wine,  Battle  of IS."} 

British  army,  at  various  dates  (Ap 
pendix  D) 383 

troops  quartered  by  Britisli  Par 
liament  in  Boston,  1768 ...  14 
estimates  for  troops,  by  British 

ministry 96 

foreign   auxiliaries  opposed  by 

Britisli  statesmen 96 

four    military    operations    pro 
posed  97 

its    movements   after  Battle  of 

Long  Island .116 

advances  to  Horn's   Hook  (see 

map) 120 

lands    at    Throgg's    Neck    (see 

map) 125 

advances      beyond      New    Ro- 

chelle 126 

awaiting  ree'nf orcements .  . .  127 

in  New  Jersey 139 

invades  the  Illinois  country. 253 

opposed  by  Gov.  Jefferson. 253 

fed  by  Am.  speculators  ....  296 

British  military  policy  defined . .  .95 

British   Parliament   urges    king  to 

arrest  Americans,  1769  ....  14 

rejects      "  Conciliatory      Bill," 

1775 18 

restricts  New  England  trade .  18 
favors  certain  colonies . .      . .  18 


400 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


Brookline,    Mass.,    furnished    fas 
cine  rods    78 

Brooklyn,      N.Y.,      occupied     by 

Lee 85 

fortified  by  Greene 102 

evacuated  by  Washington  .  .112 
Bull  Run,   1861,  illustrates    Bran- 

dywine  (Preface) x 

Bunker  Hill  or  Breed's  Hill,  signifi 
cance  of  the  battle 34 

BURGOYNE,  Sir  JOHN —  lieut-gen. ; 
b.  1730,  d.  1792. 

arrives  at  Boston 33 

describes  rebels  as  peasants  .34 
calls  battle  on  Breed's  Hill  "  a 

great  catastrophe  " 40 

reaches      Canada      from     Ire 
land 89,   171 

issues    an      unwise     proclama 
tion 172 

responded  to  by  Washington,  172 
has  no  sympathy  with  "  hire  of 

Indians  " 172 

sharp  letter  from  Gates 173 

his  noble  response 173 

captures  Ticonderoga 175 

his  diversion  to  Bennington  an 

error   175-6 

surrenders  his  army 176 

organization  of   his  army  (Ap 
pendix  E) 387 

BURKE,  EDMUND  —  Br,  statesman  ; 

I.  1730,  d.   1797. 
BURR,    AARON  —  col. ;    sub.    vice- 

pres. ;  b.  1756,  d.  1836. 
accompanies     Arnold    to    Que 
bec  55 

BUTLER,  THOMAS — col. ;  at  storm 
ing  of  Stony  Point 257 

BYRON,    JOHN  —  Br.    admiral ;    b. 

1723,  d.  1786. 

relieves  admiral,  Lord  Howe  239 
fleet  scattered  by  a  storm  . .  239 
arrives  off  Boston .245 

CADWALLADER,       JOHN   —    brig.- 

gen. ;  b.  1743,  d.  1786. 
guarding  the  Delaware  ....  141 

fails  to  cross  river 142 

crosses  Delaware  at  Bristol.  146 

arrives  at  Trenton 151 

at  Princeton 156 

at  Bordentown 156 

CAESAR,  JULIUS  —  Roman  general ; 

b.  100  B.C.,  d.  44  B.C. 
his  campaigns  cited  in  compari 
son  (Preface) viii 


Caesar,  Julius,  continued  — 

his  methods  imitated  by  Wash 
ington  313 

CALDWELL,    JAMES  —  his    church 

burned  by  the  British 271 

his  wife  shot  by  the  British. 279 
furnishes  hymn-books  for  gun- 
wadding  at  Springfield. .  .284 
CAMPBELL,  WILLIAM  —  Am.    col. ; 
b.  1745,  d.  1781;  at  Battle  of 

King's  Mountain 293 

Canada  lost  to  France,  1763 10 

as  a  British  base 30 

invasion  urged  by  Congress.  .50 

Arnold  its  active  spirit 51 

Congress  again  moves 52-3 

difference  in  religious  faith.  .52 

two  expeditions  planned 55 

did  not  support  Burgoyne ...  55 
failure  of  the  expeditions ....  66 
visited  by  commissioners ....  88 

visited  by  small-pox 88 

costs    five    thousand    American 

lives  in  sixty  days 88 

British  reinforcements  come, 89 
abandoned  by  the  American 

army 89 

the  excuse  of  Congress 89 

Canadian  Acts  of  Parliament  ...  50 
expeditions    of    Schuyler    and 

Montgomery 52,  55 

expedition  again  suggested,  but 

opposed  by  Washington,  .252 

CARLETON,     Sir     GUY  —  gov.    of 

Canada,  sub.  gov.  New  York; 

b.  1724,  d.  1808. 

Arnold's    report    of    his    small 

force  in  Canada 51 

flees  from  Montreal  in  disguise 

to  Quebec 64 

pays  military  honors   to  his  old 
comrade,  Montgomery ....  66 
his  magnanimous  parole  of  Am 
erican  prisoners  of  war ....  66 
being     largely     reenforced    in 
June,  1776,  takes   the  offen 
sive  89 

succeeds  Clinton  in  N.Y 362 

cooperates  with  Washington,  363 

surrenders  New  York 363 

CARRINGTON,  EDWARD  —  col.,  sub. 
quartermaster-gen.    (South)  ; 
b.  1749,  d.  1810. 
indorsed  by  Chief-Justice  Mar 
shall 301 

explores        the       Southern 
rivers..  302 


INDEX. 


401 


Carrington,  Edward,  continued  — 
commissioner  to  exchange  pris 
oners  318 

CARROLL,  CHARLES  —  last  survivor 
of  the  signers  of  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence ; b. 1737, 
d.  1832 ;  commissioner  to 

Canada 88 

CARROLL,  Rev.  JOHN  —  sub.  Arch 
bishop  of  Maryland ;  visits 
Canada  and  reports  a  terrible 

condition  of  affairs 88 

CATHARINE  II.  OF  RUSSIA  —  b.  1729, 
d.  1796;  is  hostile  to  British 
commerce,  but  favors  Amer 
ican  interests 296 

Charleston,  S.C.,  captured  by  Clin 
ton  275 

Charlestown  Heights,  neglected  by 

British 34 

occupied  by  Americans 34 

occupied  by  British 35 

abandoned 61 

Charlottesville,  Va.,  a  Hessian 
prison-camp,  visited  by  Tarle- 

ton 340 

CHASE,  SAMUEL — Md. ;  b.  1741, 
d.  1811;  appointed  commis 
sioner  to  Canada 88 

CHASTELLUX,       FRANCOIS       JEAN, 
Marquis  DE  —  maj. -general ; 
b.  1734,  d.  1789. 
accompanies     Rochambeau     to 

America 286 

a  relative  of  Lafayette 286 

marches  from  Newport  to  Ridge- 
bury,  Conn 333 

in   conference   at   Wethers- 
field  333 

commands  a  division 337 

CHATHAM,  Lord  (WILLIAM  PITT) 
—  orator  and  statesman ;  b. 
1756,  d.  1835. 

Pittsburg  named  in  his  honor,  10 
describes  the  First  Continental 

Congress 17 

his  conciliatory  bill  defeated,  18 
as  to  making  slaves  of  American 

Englishmen 20 

as  to  Battle  of  Guilf ord 320 

Chatterton  Hill,  battle  near  White 

Plains i 129 

Chemung,  Battle  of,  noticed. .  .260 
Chesapeake    Bay     memorable     in 

naval  warfare 354 

"  Chimney-corner  patriots  "  disgust 
Washington 328 


China  stimulated  by  American  ex 
ample  370 

Civil  liberty  requires  right  execu 
tion  of  military  power  . .  .304 
CLINTON,    JAMES  —  brig. -general ; 

b.  1736,  d.  1812. 
gallantry  at  Fort  Clinton  ...  1 79 

in  Indian  expedition 260 

CLINTON,    GEORGE  —  gov0,    brig.- 
gen. ;  sub.  vice-pres.;  b.  1736. 
d.  1812. 
commands  in  the  Highlands,  166 

his  services  noted 178,  190 

CLINTON,    Sir      HENRY  —  lieut.- 
gen. ;  b.  1758,  d.  1795. 

arrives  in  America 3*5 

urges  attack  upon  Cambridge,  35 

overruled  by  Howe 35 

expects   an    independent    com 
mand  70 

anticipated  by  Washington . .  70 
visits  Tryon  in  New  York. .  .85 
ordered  to  destroy  Southern 

cities 85 

in  attack   upon   Fort  Sullivan, 

S.C 85 

returns  to  New  York 89 

in  battle  of  Long  Island 107 

expects  large  success 110 

at  Newport,  R.I 15O 

in  expedition  up  the  Hudson,  178 

outgenerals  Putnam 178 

captures      Forts     Clinton     and 

Montgomery 179 

did    not    intend    to    join    Bur- 

goyne 180 

returns  to  New  York 182 

relieves  Howe  in  command,  215 

gives  a  fete  to  Howe 215 

attempts   capture   of    Lafay 
ette    216 

fails  to  capture  Lafayette  .  .217 

his  policy  outlined 221 

evacuates  Philadelphia 222 

moves  toward  Monmouth,  223-4 

followed  by  Lafayette 225 

prepares  for  battle 229 

abandons  position  at  night  .234 

regains  New  York 234 

escapes  the  French  fleet. . .  .238 
tries  to  reenforce  Newport. 245 
reports  to  Lord  Germaine.  .249 

inactive  at  New  York 252 

captures  Stony  Point 253 

reoccupies    Stony   Point,  when 

Washington  abandoned  it,  259 

declines  to  attack  West  Point, 2(51 


402 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


Clinton,  Sir  Henry,  continued  — 
abandons    Newport    and     New 

England 262 

sails  for  Charleston 208 

reports  his  force 270 

reports  as  to  Provincials. .  .272 
expedition  suffers  from 

storm 274 

captures  Charleston 275 

issues  absurd  proclamation. 275 

reenforced  by  Rawdon 276 

returns  to  New  York 282 

plans  a  new  expedition  ....  283 

invades  New  Jersey 283 

Battle  of  Springfield 283-4 

burns  Springfield 285 

"needs  rest  for  his  army ".285 
plans  descent  upon  Newport,  286 
writes  Lord  Germaine  as  to 

West  Point 288 

corresponds  with  Arnold. .  .289 
again  writes  Lord  Germaine .  289 
closes  bargain  with  Arnold. 290 
cannot  exchange  Arnold  for 

Andre 291 

watches     the     American      mu 
tiny  309 

advises  with  Lord  Germaine .  309 
sends  Arnold  to  Virginia.  ..310 
doubts  Arnold's  discretion.  .310 
sends  good  officers  Avith  him,  310 
equally  powerless  Avith  Corn- 

wallis 324 

learns     of     effort     to     capture 

Arnold 325 

sends    Phillips   to    support  Ar 
nold  326 

orders  Arnold  to  New  York,  331 
disturbed     by    Arnold's    corre 
spondence  with  London  offi 
cials  332 

receives    Washington's      decoy 

letters 335 

"  in  a  state  of  siege  " 335 

other     decoy     letters     reach 

him 336 

orders  Cornwallis    to   report  to 

him 337 

calls  for  reenforcements  . .  .338 
intercepts  other  decoy  letters 

with  plans  enclosed 346 

outgeneraled        by       Washing 
ton  347-8 

writes    Cornwallis  —  promising 

help 350 

advises     Cornwallis     to     strike 
Philadelphia 352 


|  Clinton,  Sir  Henry,  continued  — 
does    not  understand  Washing 
ton  352 

hears  from  Cornwallis 358 

sails  for  Yorktown  too  late  .358 
contemporaneous    surrender  of 

Cornwallis 359-60 

is  relieved  of  command  in  New 

York 361 

succeeded   by    Sir    Guy    Carle- 
ton  361 

COLLIER,  Sir  GEORGE  —  Br.  com 
modore, 
convoys  Clinton  and  his  troops 

up  the  Hudson 253 

his  fleet  visits  NCAV  Haven  .256 
relieved     by   Admiral    Arbuth- 

not 261 

Colonial  Congress    at    NCAV   York, 

1765 11 

nine       Colonies      represented ; 

others  ratify  action   11 

names  of  Colonies  that  Avere  not 

represented 11 

the  Declaration  of  Rights  . .  .11 
denounces   Stamp  Act,  Oct.  7, 

1755 13 

Colonial  expeditions,  1755 10 

additional,  1758 10 

Colonial    governments     and    their 

forms  described 16 

Columbian       Exposition,         1892, 

noticed 372-3 

Commissioners  sent  to  Canada.. 88 
General     and     Admiral    Howe 
meet   American    commission 
ers  in  New  York 98 

arrange  terms  betAveen  CornAval- 

lis  and  Washington 359 

Committee  of   Congress  visits  Bos 
ton  60 

Committee     of       Correspondence, 

1773,  and  their  purpose  . .  .15 

Connecticut   Farms,   N.J.,   burned 

by  General  Knyphausen.  .279 

Connecticut    sends    2,000    men    to 

Boston,  April  26,  1775 23 

assigns    Putnam,  Wooster,   and 

Spencer  to  command 23 

sends  volunteers  to  NCAV  York 

with  Lee 71 

her  militia  greatly  reduced. .  116 
responds    to    Washington's    ap 
peal 116 

tAvice  invaded  by  Tryon,  166, 256 

invaded  by  Arnold. .    351 

Continental  Army  organized. . .  .32 


INDEX. 


403 


Continental  Congress  adopts  militia 
about    Boston    as  the    Amer 
ican  Continental  Army ....  32 
forms  Light  Infantry  corps . .  32 
appoints      Washington       Com- 

mander-in-Chief 32 

accompanies    commission     with 

pledge  of  support 32 

sends  committee  to  Washington 

at  Cambridge 52 

disclaims    purpose    to     operate 

against  Canada 54 

but  initiated  and  pressed  every 

expedition   54 

sends    a   second    committee    to 

Cambridge 60 

authorizes  a  navy 00 

urges  attack  upon  Boston.  .  .61 

sends  committee  to  N.Y 85 

orders  additional  troops  to  Can 
ada  88 

proposes  to  hire  Indian  allies,  88 
appoints  commissioners  to  Can- 

-,  no 

ada oo 

authorizes  abandonment  of  New 

York 117 

confers     large      powers      upon 

Washington 140 

imparts  dictatorial  powers  . .  148 
makes  promotions  without  con 
sulting  Washington 165 

adjourns    to    Lancaster    and   to 

York 194 

honors   the   defenders    of   Fort 

Mifflin 202 

places  enemies  of   Washington 

in  responsible  commands,  205 

sends    a    committee    to    Valley 

Forge 212 

Continental   money    worth  3  cents 

on  the  dollar 252 

CONWAY,  THOMAS  —  Irish  advent 
urer,;  brig. -gen.  at  Battle  of 

Germantown 195 

promoted  major-general  and  in 
spector-general  205 

resigns  his  commission 207 

responsible    for   the     "  Conway 

cabal" 212 

departs  for  France 212 

CORNWALLIS,  CHARLES,  Lord  — 
sub.  lieut-gen.  India;  b.  1738, 
d.  1805. 

sails  for  America 97 

lands  at  Wilmington,  N.C.  .  .97 
accompanies  Clinton  to  Charles 
ton,  S.C 97 


Cornwallis,  Charles,  continued  — 

returns  to  New  York 99 

in  Battle  of  Long  Island  . .  .  107 
enforces  the  surrender  of  Sulli 

van  and  Stirling 108 

assaults  Fort  Washington  . .  132 

invades  New  Jersey 136 

halts  at  Brunswick 137 

on   eve   of  departure  for  Eng 
land  150 

ordered  back  to  New  Jersey,  150 
advances  upon  Trenton  ....  152 
threatens     Washington's     posi 
tion 154 

strengthens  his  own  position,  154 
outgeneraled  by  Washing- 

ton 156 

retires  to  Brunswick 156 

again  on  the  aggressive  ....  167 
attempts  to  gain  Washington's 

defences  169 

retires  to  Staten  Island 169 

in    skirmish   upon   invasion    of 

Pennsylvania 185 

moves  up  the  Brandywine. .  188 
leads  the  advance  of  Howe's 

army 188 

surprises  Sullivan's  d  i  v  i  - 

sion 187-9 

moves  to  Chester 192 

enters  Philadelphia 194 

lands  in  New  Jersey 203 

compels   Americans   to   destroy 

their  galleys 203 

threatens  Washington  at  Chest 
nut  Hill 204 

skirmishes  with  Morgan. . .  .204 
makes  incursion  into  N  e  AV 

Jersey  . 248 

in  command  at  the  South.  .  .275 
suspends  invasion  of  North  Car 
olina .293 

fails  to  subjugate  the  people, 293 
sore  over  Tarleton's  defeat  at 

Cowpens 315 

presses  closely  upon  Greene, 315 
informs  Clinton    of   his    condi 
tion 317 

abandons  Charleston 317 

expects    no     aid     from     V  i  r  - 

ginia 318 

his  proclamation  to  rebels  .  .318 
arranges  for  exchange  of  pris 
oners  318 

parols  militia  as  prisoners  .  .318 
seeks  to  control  upper  fords, 318 
is  outgeneraled  by  Greene.  .319 


404 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


Cornwallis,  Charles,  continued  — 

in  need  of  all  supplies 319 

at  Guilford  Court-House  .  .  .319 
cannot  improve  success  . . .  .320 
practically  a  defeat,  so  judged 

by  contemporaries 320 

retires  to   Wilmington,  leaving 
his  wounded,  closely  pursued 

by  Greene 321 

his  position,  and  that  of  Clinton, 

noticed 324   | 

reminiscence    of    earlier    cam 
paign   325 

his  effective  force  reduced  .329 
arrives  at  Yorktown  from  Wil 
mington  333 

sustained      by     British     minis 
try 337 

Clinton  wants  his  troops  . .  .338 
promises  to  expel  Lafayette 

from  Virginia 338 

in  pursuit  of  Lafayette  .  .338-9 
his  course  described  by  Lafay 
ette    339 

abandons  the  pursuit 339 

is  followed  by  Lafayette  . .  .340 
returns  to  headquarters  . . .  .341 
finds  old  despatches  from  Clin 
ton  341 

takes  boats  for  Yorktown  .  .341 
his  movements  reported  to 

Washington 342 

is    warned  by  Clinton    of    dan 
ger  350 

relations     to    Clinton      no 
ticed  352-3 

must  destroy  Lafayette's  army 

to  hold  Virginia 353 

attempts    escape    by     Glouces 
ter  358 

the  movement  abandoned  .  .358 
graphic  report  to  Clinton.  .  .358 
terms  of  surrender  fixed. .  .359 

surrender  completed 3GO 

courtesies    between    officers    of 

the  three  armies 3G1 

his  interview  Avith  Lafayette, 3d 
CORNWALLIS,     FREDERICK  —  acts 
as  Br.  commissioner   to    ex 
change  prisoners 318 

COUDRAY,  Monsieur  DE  —  ordered 
to  complete  defensive  works 

along  the  Delaware 192 

Court-martial  of  Arnold 274 

Court-martial   of    Lee    (Appendix 

G) 389 

Cowpens,  Battle  of 312 


COXE,  DANIEL  —  urges  union  of 
Colonies,  1722 12 

Crimean  War  noticed 313 

CROMWELL,  OLIVER  —  Lord  Pro 
tector  of  England;  b.  1599, 
d.  1659. 

cited  by  Washington's  officers 
as  a  precedent  for  assuming 
permanent  command 364 

Crown    Point,    expedition    against, 

1755 10 

visited  by  Allen  and  Arnold.  .30 
captured  by  Seth  Warner. . .  .51 

CUSTIS,  Mrs.  MARTHA  —  I.  1732, 
d.  1802;  her  marriage  to 
Washington  . . 8 

Danbury,     Conn.,    invaded     (with 

Kidgefield)  by  Tryon 166 

DARTMOUTH,  GEORGE,  Lord  —  Br. 

statesman;  b.  1748,  d.  1791. 
comments  upon   Lexington  and 

Concord 20 

opposed  military  occupation  of 

Boston 33 

advised  Howe  to  attack  South 
ern  cities 69 

regarded  New  York  as  the  true 

British  base   69 

DAYTON,    ELIAS  —  col. ;     b.    1735, 

d.  -1807. 

his  regiment  in  battle. . .  .278-9 
DEANE,  SILAS—  b.  1737,  d.  1834. 

on  naval  committee 60 

commissioner  to  France. .  .  .209 

returns  to  Philadelphia 238 

DEBORRE,  PRUDIIOMME  —  brig.- 
gen. ;  disgraced  at  Brandy- 
wine  189 

Declaration  of  Independence,  July 

4,  1776 91 

D'ESTAING,     CHARLES    HECTOR, 
Count  —  Fr.    lieut.-general ; 
b.  1729,  d.  1794. 
reaches     the      Delaware      with 

French  fleet 238 

sails  at  once  for  New  York,  239 

unable  to  cross  the  bar 240 

arrives  at  Newport,  K.I.  . .  .240 
consults      Sullivan      as      to 

attack 242 

not  affronted  by  Sullivan's  land 
ing  first 243 

is    confronted     by     British 

fleet 243 

both  fleets  dispersed 243 

returns  to  Newport 243 


INDEX. 


405 


D'Estaing,  Charles  Hector,  Count, 

continued  — 
sails  for  Boston  to  refit;  notices 

Sullivan's  protest 243 

his  manly  course  vindicated,  244 
sails  for  the  West  Indies.  .  .245 

off  the  coast  of  Georgia 261 

his  siege  of  Savannah,  urged  by 

Lafayette 267 

twice  wounded 268 

DE  FLEURY,  Louis  —  Fr.  lieuten't, 

sub.  col. 
at  defence  of  Fort  Mercer.  .202 

planned  Fort  Mifflin 202 

wounded  in  its  defence 203 

DE  GRASSE,  FRANCOIS  JOSEPH  PAUL 

—  Fr.;  b.  1723,  d.  1788. 
arrives  in  the  Chesapeake  .  .342 
limited    in    period     of     opera 
tions  342 

urges     assault     upon     York- 

town 342 

yields      to      Lafayette's      judg 
ment 343 

is  visited  by  Washington  .  .  .354 
has    naval    fight   with  Admiral 

Graves  (see  map) 355 

suggests  a  plan  of  action. .  .356 

opposed  by  Lafayette 356 

sails  for  the  West  Indies. .  .361 
his    trophies     at    Yorktown 

(Appendix  F) 388 

DE   HEISTER  —  //.  lieut.-gen. ; 
lands  at  Gravesend,  Aug.  25, 

1776 106 

captures  Sullivan  and  Stirling, 
and    parts     of     their    c  o  m  - 

mands 108 

advances  to  support  Howe  . .  126 
DE  KALB,  JOHN,   Baron  —  maj.- 

gen.;  b.  1732,  d.  1780. 
comes  to  America  with  Lafay- 
ette.       Note    to    Chap. 

XVIII 191 

reports  as  to  the  army 205 

appointed  inspector-general,  207 
commands  Maryland  and  Dela 
ware  troops 277 

Southern  campaign 291 

k.  in  Battle  of  Camden 292 

Delaware    troops     always     effi 
cient 277 

gallantry  at  Camden 292 

Denmark   and   Sweden   hostile    to 

England 296 

DESTOUCHES,  Chevalier  •  —  succeeds 
De  Ternay,  deceased 298 


Destouches,  Chevalier,  confd  — 

supports  Washington 323 

indorsed  by  Washington ...  826 

DE  TERNAY,    Chevalier  —  convoys 

Rochambeau's    army     from 

France 286 

blockaded    by  British    at   New 
port 298 

dies  at  Newport 298 

is  succeeded  by  Destouches,  298 
DICKENSON,  JOHN  —  in  first  Conti 
nental  Congress 17 

DINWIDDIE,  ROBERT  —  gov.  of  Vir 
ginia;  b.  1690,  d.  1770;  sent 
Washington  as  commissioner 

to   French  frontier 6 

DONOP —  If.  col. ;   in  the  storming 

of  Chatterton  Hill .129 

abandons  Bordentown 146 

k.  in  storming  Fort  Mercer,  201 

is  buried  by  the  Americans,  202 

Dorchester    Heights    occupied    by 

the  Americans 76-80 

DRAYTON,  WILLIAM  H. — b.  1742, 
d.  1779;  chief-justice,  South 

Carolina,  1776 86 

DUMAS,  MATHIEU,  Count  DE  —  Fr. 

col. ;    sub.     marshal-de-camp 

and  historian ;  b.  1753.  d.  1837; 

gallantry   at    Yorktown . .  357 

Note.  —  He    was    wounded 

in  storming  redoubt. 
DUNDAS,  FRANCIS — Br.  lieut.-col. ; 
b.  1750,  d.  1824;  goes  to  Vir 
ginia  with  Arnold 310 

DUNMORE,  JOHN  MURRAY,  Lord  — 
Br.  gov.  Virginia;  b.  1732, 
d.  1818. 

seizes  colonial  powder 28 

opposed  by  Patrick  Henry ...  28 
takes  refuge  on  board  the  man- 
of-war  Foivey 28 

bombards  Norfolk,  New  Year's 

day,  1776 68 

is  visited  by  Gen.  Clinton  . .  .85 
Du  PORTAIL,  LEBEGUE —  Fr.  brig.- 
gen. ;  d.  1802. 

captured  at  Charleston 300 

succeeded  as  engineer  by  Kos- 

ciusko 300 

reconnoitres    w  i  t  h     Washing 
ton  336 

visits  the  Count  de  Grasse  with 
Washington  353 

EFFINGHAM,  Lord  —  Br.  ;  resigns 
when  ordered  to  America  . .  21 


406 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


Elizabethtown,    N.J.,    visited     by 

Knyphausen 227 

Engineering     defined,     with    note 

(Preface) xi 

ERSKINE,  Sir  WILLIAM  —  Br. 
brig.-gen. ;  captured  by  Am. 

privateer  at  sea 98,  99 

warns  Cornwallis  at  Trenton,  1 55 
attempts      to     capture      Lafay 
ette  216 

Eutaw  Springs  —  the  last  battle  at 

the  South 321 

Evacuation  of  Boston  (-fir.)  ...  .80 

Brooklyn  (Am.} 113 

New  York  (Am.}  127 

Philadelphia  (.fir.) 222 

Charleston  (Am.} 207 

Yorktown  (.fir.) 301 

New  York  (Br. ) 303 

EWING,  JAMES  —  brig. -general ; 
failed  to  cross  at  Trenton, 
1776,  on  Christmas  night.  162 

FAIRFAX,  BRYAN,  Lord  —  b.  1730, 
d.  1802  ;  friend  of  Washing 
ton  5 

Fair  field,  Conn.,  raided  by  Gov 
ernor  Tryon 255 

FEBIGER,  CHRISTIAN  —  colonel  at 
Stony  Point 257 

First  Continental  Congress,  at 
Philadelphia,  Sept.  5, 

1774 16 

its  officers  and  members  no 
ticed 16 

Washington  a  member 17 

honored  by  Lord  Chatham.  ..17 
supports  Massachusetts 17 

FLEURY,  Louis  DE.  SeeDe 
Fleury. 

FORM  AN  —  brig.-gen.,  at  Battle  of 
Germantown 195 

Forrest's  battery  (Am.}  at  Tren 
ton  145 

Forts  Clinton  and  Montgomery 
captured  (see  map) 179 

Fort  I) u  Quesne,  became  Fort  Pitt 
(now  Pittsburgh)  10 

Fort  Mercer  and  its  gallant  de 
fence  , 201 

Fort  Mifflin,  planned  by  De  Fleury 
(Fr.} 202 

France  retains  certain  American 
possessions  by  Treaty  of 

Paris,  1763 11 

makes  a  formal  alliance  with 
America..  ..213 


France,  continued  — 

sends  an  ambassador  to  Amer 
ica  238 

sends  a  fleet  to  America. .  .  .238 
sends   a   second  fleet  to  Amer 
ica 201 

sends  an  army  to  America.  .286 
sends  a  third  fleet  and  troops  to 

America 342 

sends  money  to  America  . .  .348 
shares  in  the  trophies  of  York- 
town    388 

Franco-Prussian  war  cited  in  com 
parison  (Preface) vii 

FRANKLIN,     BENJAMIN  —  philoso 
pher,    diplomat,    and    states- 
.    man;   6.   1710,  d.  1790. 
urges  a  union  of  the  Colonies, 

1754 12 

the  convention  of  July  4,  1754, 

the  result 12 

reasons  for  its  failure 12 

on  passage  of  Stamp  Act,  writ 
ing  to  Charles  Thompson . .  13 
Thompson's  reply  quoted. ...  13 
describes  the  servile  attitude  of 

the  English  people 18 

chairman   Penn.    Committee  of 

Safety 28 

his   opinion  of  fight  at  Breed's 

Hill 34 

commissioner  to  Canada 88 

commissioner     to     meet     Gen. 

and  Admiral  Howe 110 

secures  French  support  . .  .  .209 
writes  as  to  AVashington's  stand 
ing  abroad 308 

influence    with      Holland      and 

Spain  noticed 309 

secures  a  loan  from  Holland, 348 
FREDERICK  II.  —  third  king  of 
Prussia  (called  "the  Great")  ; 
son  of  Frederick  William  I. ; 
5.  1712,  d.  1786;  like  Wash 
ington  in  reticence 44 

French  army  at  Newport,  R.I.,'286 
marches    through   Connecti 
cut 335 

joins  Washington 335 

threatens  New  York 330 

supports  Lafayette 342 

parades  in  Philadelphia ....  349 
reviewed  by  the    president    of 

Congress 349 

in  siege  of  Yorktown 357 

competes    with    Americans,    in 
action  . .  . .  358 


INDEX. 


407 


French  fleet  off  the  Delaware,  with 

French  Ambassador 238 

unable  to  enter  New  York.  .240 

sails  for  Newport,  B.I 240 

engages  fleet  of  Howe 243 

repairs  at  Boston 243 

at  Savannah,  Ga 261 

blockaded  at  Newport 295 

off  the  Chesapeake 350 

engages  with  British  fleet. .  .354 

leaves  America 361 

Frigate  La  Sensible  (Fr.)  brings 

French  treaty  to  America,  213 
La  Chinier  (Fr.)  brings  French 

minister  to  America 238 

Frigates  built  during  the  war,  and 

their  fate   (Appendix  B)T378 

GAGE,    THOMAS  —  Br.   lieut.-gen. ; 

b.  1721,  d.  1787. 
appointed    gov.    Massachusetts 
and  Commander-in-Chief .  .16 
his  fatal  movement  upon  Con 
cord  20 

succeeded  by  Howe 58 

GATES,  HORATIO — maj. -general, 
sub.  adj. -general ;  b.  1728, 
d.  1806. 

his  antecedents 36 

succeeds      Sullivan      in      Can 
ada  88 

the  confidant  of  Charles  Lee,  127 
confidential  letter  from  Lee,  127 

another  letter  from  Lee 138 

reports  for  duty 139 

absent  without  leave 141 

dodges  Battle  of  Trenton . .  142 
insolent  letter  to  Burgoyne,  173 

its  lofty  rebuke ". ...  173 

relieves  Schuyler,  and  himself 

relieved 173 

declines  command  of  Ticonder- 

oga 173 

insulting    letter     to    Washing 
ton  173-4 

Washington's  reply 174 

appeals  to  congressmen 174 

on  leave  of  absence 174 

supersedes  Schuyler 176 

captures  Burgoyne's  army.  .  176 
congratulated       by      Washing 
ton  179 

reports  direct  to  Congress  . .  179 
president  of  Board  of  War,  205 
still  corresponds  with  Lee  .  .205 

commands  at  Peekskill 212 

on  Council  of  AVar..          ..217 


Ij  Gates,  Horatio,  continued  — 

letters  to  Lee  known  to  Wash 
ington 220 

declines  to  fight  Indians  ....  259 
"  unequal  to  the  command,"  260 
spends  winter  in  Virginia.  .  .281 
Congress  gives  him  the  South 
ern  Department 281 

sarcastic    letter    from     Charles 

Lee 281 

in  command  at  the  South.  .  .291 

criticised  by  Irving 291 

routed  at  Camden 292 

his  disgraceful  flight 292 

his  abject  apology 292 

could  have  saved  the  battle,  292 
attempts  to  gather  his  army,  293 
the    tidings    reaches   Washing 
ton  295 

is  succeeded  by  Greene  ....  300 
turns    command      over    to 

Greene 302 

retires  to  his  farm 302 

GEORGE  III.  —  King  of  Great  Brit 
ain,  France,  and  Ireland,  De 
fender  of  the  Faith;  b.  1738, 
d.  1820. 

does    not   understand    English 
men  in  America 20 

hears     of     Burgoyne's     sur 
render  208 

unwisely     adjourns    Parlia 
ment    208 

GERARD  (DE  RAYVENAL),  Monsieur 

CONRAD  A. ;  d.  1790. 
pledges  to  Franklin  and  Deane 

French  support 209 

first  Fr.  ambassador  to  Amer 
ica 238 

GERMAINE,       GEORGE       ( Viscount 
SACKVILLE)  ,  Lord — Br.  Prime 
Minister;  b.  1716,  d.  1785. 
correspondence  with  Howe ...  98 

with  Clinton 249,  289 

Germantown,    Battle    of,    Chapter 

XIX 192-7 

GIMAT,  —  Fr.  col.  on  Washing 
ton's  staff. 

at  Monmouth 233 

witness  on  Lee's  trial 233 

at  siege  of  Yorktown 357 

GIST,  MORDECAI  —  brig.-gen.,  sub. 

gov.  Del. ;  b.  1743,  d.  1792. 
skirmishes  with  Cornwallis  .204 
recruits  for  Greene's  army  .301 
GLOVER,  JOHN  —  col.;    sub.   brig.- 
gen.  ;   b.  1732,  d.  1797. 


408 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


Glover,  John,  continued  — 

at  Battle  of  Long  Island ...  108 

covers  the  retreat Ill 

resists    British     landing     at 

Throgg's  Neck 125 

at  Battle  of  Trenton 142 

GORDON,     Rev.     WILLIAM,    as    to 

Battle  of  Monmouth 234 

Grand   tactics    defined,    with   note 

(Preface) x 

GRANT,    JAMES  —  Br.    maj.-gen.; 

b.  1720,  d.  1806. 
at  Battle  of  Long  Island  ...  107 
watches     Washington     from 

Brunswick,  N. J 143 

compliments  Washington's  sa 
gacity  143 

put  Hessians  off  their  guard.  143 
GRANT,    ULYSSES  SIMPSON  —  Gen. 
U.S.A.,   sub.  pres.  twice;   b. 
1822,  d.  1885. 

his  example  cited 66 

GRAVES,  THOMAS,  Baron —  Br.  ad 
miral  ;  b.  about  1725,  d.  1802. 
ordered  to  burn  coast  towns. 59 
counter-  action  of  Washing 
ton  59 

attempts  to  capture  Lafay 
ette  216 

sails  for  the  Chesapeake  . .  .355 
misses  Count  de  Barras  .  .  .  .355 
engages  a  superior  French 

fleet 355 

returns  to  New  York 355 

GRAY  —  Br.  maj.-gen. 

surprises  Wayne  at  Paoli.  . .  193 
in  attack  upon  Washington  at 

Chestnut  Hill 204 

attempts  to  capture  Lafay 
ette  216 

surprises  Light  Horse,  at  Tap- 
pan  248 

Great      Britain     sublimely     faces 

world-wide  antagonisms .  .296 

unjust     to     her      Provincial 

troops 362 

Washington    aids    Carleton    in 

their  behalf 363 

GREENE,  ASHBEL — chaplain  at  Mon 
mouth;  sub.  pres.  Princeton 
College,  N.J. ;  b.  1762,  d. 
1848 ;  as  to  Washington's  in 
terview  with  Lee  at  Mon 
mouth 236 

See  also  Washington's  letter 
as  to  the  language  used  by 
him  . .  ..391 


GREENE,    CHRISTOPHER  —  colonel; 

b.  1737,  d.  1781. 
in  Arnold's  expedition   to    Can 
ada 55,  200 

commands  Fort  Mercer. . .  .200 
GREENE,  NATHANIEL  —  maj.-gen. ; 

b.  1740,  d.  1786. 
commands     Rhode    Island 

troops 24 

a  Quaker     youth     and      black 
smith's  apprentice 25 

studied     by     forge-light,    after 

work  hours 25 

announces    principles    essential 

to   success 25 

thorough   work    as   member   of 

•  the  Kentish  Guards 26 

antecedents    and    studies ....  26 
likened  to  Grant  and  Lee ....  26 
outline     of    his    career     antici 
pated  39 

his  brigade  noticed   69 

in  charge    of    Brooklyn 

Heights 87 

completes  the  defences ....  102 

prostrated  by  fever 104 

succeeded  by  Putnam 104 

advises  retreat 115 

describes  Washington  at  Kipp's 

Bay 119 

assumes      command      in    New 

Jersey 122 

describes   corrupt   practices    of 

surgeons 123 

joins  for  duty 127 

prepares    for  campaign  in  New 

Jersey 130 

regards     Fort    Washington    as 

defensible 132 

at  Battle    of  Trenton 142 

commands  advance  posts  before 

Trenton 151 

leads     the      advance,      Jan.   2, 

1777 155 

visits  Congress 166 

advances  to  meet  Howe ....  168 

his  plan  vindicated 169 

selects  position  on  the  Brandy- 
wine  185 

commands  the  reserve 186 

with    Washington,     covers    the 

retreat 189 

at  Battle  of  Germantown. .  195 

enters  New  Jersey 203 

assigns  Lafayette  to  duty  .  .203 

at  Council  of  War 217 

at  Monmouth 230,  233 


INDEX. 


409 


Greene,  Nathaniel,  continued  — 
at  Boston,  as  quartermaster- 
general  246 

describes  the  winter,  1780  .  .271 
in  Battle  of  Springfield  ...  .283 
manoeuvres  for  position  . . .  .284 
scientific  movementsnoticed,285 
succeeds  Arnold  at  West 

Point 291 

submits  plan  for  Southern  cam 
paign  300 

succeeds    Gates     and    goes 

South 300 

relieves  Gates 302 

his  reports  and  letters 302 

graphic  letter  to  Marion ....  303 
"  spies  are  the  eyes  of  an 

army" 303 

acts    as    if    under   the    eyes    of 

Washington '...303 

initiates  his  campaign 313 

his  army  without  clothing.  .315 
uses  blankets,  "Indian 

style" 315 

rides     125    miles    to    see    Mor 
gan  315 

joined  by  Harry  Lee 316 

provides    for   Morgan's    prison 
ers  316 

his  wise  strategic  methods  . .  .317 
expects  no  aid  from  Virginia  .318 
decides  to  fight  Cornwallis .  .318 
battle  of  Guilford  Court- 
House  319 

drives  Cornwallis  into  Wilming 
ton  320 

his  report  to  Washington.  .  .320 
fights  Rawdon,  at  Hobkirk 

Hill 321 

the  casualties  stated 321 

fights      Stewart,     at     Eutaw 
Springs,  "  the  final   battle  at 

the  South" 321 

redeems   Georgia  and  the  Car- 

olinas 322 

welcomes      Lafayette      to     the 

South 326 

regards   capture    of    Cornwallis 

as  settled 327 

his  army  reenforced  by  Lafay 
ette's  self-denial ....  .330 

Greenfield,   Conn.,  raided  by 

Tryon 256 

Green  Mountain  Boys,  Vt.,  regu 
larly  organized 51 

resist  Carleton's  advance  from 
Canada..  ...62 


Green  Mountain  Boys,  continued — • 

decline  to  reenlist  after  capture 

of  Montreal 63 

GRENVILLE,  GEORGE  —  Br.  Prime 
Minister ;  I.  1712,  d.  1770  ;  or 
dains  a  revenue  system, 
1764 12 

GRIDLEY,  RICHARD  —  col.;  ~b.  1711, 

d.  1796. 
Engineer-in-Chief     at    Bunker 

Hill 23 

resigns,  and  succeeded  by 
Knox 61 

GRIFFITHS  —  Am.  col.;  skirmishes 
with  Donop  (//.) 146 

HALE,  EDWARD  EVERETT  —  clergy 
man,  journalist,  and  author; 
b.  Boston,  Mass.,  1822. 

his  tribute  to  Nathan 

Hale 120,  121 

HALE,  NATHAN  —  Am.  captain;  b. 
1755;  d.  1776. 

confidential  messenger  of  Wash 
ington  120 

executed  as  a  spy,  Sept.  22, 
1776 121 

his  memorable  last  words  . .  121 

his  career  sketched  by  the  Rev. 
E.  E.  Hale 120-121 

place  of  his  execution  identified 

by  Lossing 131 

HAMILTON,  ALEXANDER — col.,  sub. 
eminent  financier;  b.  1757,  d. 
1804. 

occupies  Chatterton  Hill,  with 
two  guns 128 

is  sent  to  Gates  for  troops.  .204 

w  i  t  h  Lafayette  at  Mon- 
mouth 226 

reports  New  York  Harbor  too 
shallow  for  French  fleet.  .240 

gallantry  at  Yorktown 357 

HAMMOND,  Sir  ANDREW  —  Br. 
commodore ;  arrives  with 

troops 261 

HAMPTON,  WADE  —  col. ;  b.  1754., 
d.  1835;  honored  by  Wash 
ington 312 

HANCOCK,  JOHN  —  statesman  and 
maj.-gen.;  b.  1737,  d.  1793. 

pres.  Mass.  Provincial  Con 
gress  17 

advises  Washington  of  Howe's 
movements 183 

at  siege  of  Newport  opposes  de 
parture  of  D'Estaing 243 


410 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


HAND,  EDWARD  —  col. ;   b.  in  Ire 
land,  1744,  d.  1802. 
in  skirmish  on  Long  Island.  104 
falls  back  to  Prospect  Hill . .  105 
delays     British     landing     at 

Throgg's  Neck 125 

skirmishes     with    the    Hessian 

Yagers 126 

in  front  of  Trenton,  1776-7,  151 
in  Sullivan's  expedition  . .  .  .200 
becomes  adjt.-gen.,  vice  Scam- 

mon,  resigned 300 

HANNIBAL  —  Carthaginian  prince 
and  general;  b.  229  B.C., 

d.  183  B.C.  (Preface) iv 

HARRISON,  BENJAMIN  —  signer  of 
Declaration  of  Independence ; 
b.  1740,  d.  1791;  visits  Bos 
ton  on  naval  affairs 60 

HARRISON,  ROBERT  H.  —  col. 

secretary  to  Washington  . .  .300 

becomes  C.J.  of  Maryland  .300 

HARRISON,    THOMAS  —  speaker    of 

Virginia  House  of  Burgesses  ; 

addressed  by  Washington. 250 

HASLET  —  col.  Delaware  reg't ;  b.  in 

Ireland,  d.  1777. 

joins  army  at  Brooklyn 105 

makes  a  gallant  fight 107 

attacks    the    Queen's     Rangers 

successfully 126 

k.  at  Battle  of  Princeton. .  .154 
HAZELWOOD,    JOHN  —  Am.    naval 
officer;  b.  1726,  d.  1800;  gal 
lantry  on  the  Delaware  . .  202 
HAZEN,   MOSES  —  col.,  sub.    brig.- 
gen. ;  b.  1733,  d.  1802  ;  threat 
ens  Staten  Island 347 

HEATH,  WILLIAM  —  maj. -general ; 
6.  1735,  d.  1814. 

appointed  brig. -gen 36 

his  antecedents 36 

subsequent  career  outlined  . .  39 
describes    occupation    of    Dor 
chester  as   "  never    so   much 
done  in  so  short  a  space  " . .  77 

ordered  to  New  York 82 

efficient  at  New  York 104 

aids  in  the  retreat 110 

makes  a  night  march 128 

commands  in  the  Highlands .  131 

at  Fishkill 135 

advised      of     Washington's 

plans 141 

ordered     to     take     the     offen 
sive    147 

special  assignment  to  duty . .  156 


Heath,  AVilliam,  continued  — 

reprimanded  for  mismanage 
ment  157-8 

ordered  to  Boston 254 

again  in  the  Highlands 268 

commands     camp    in    New 

Jersey 346 

Hebrew    military    and    civil    ante 
cedents   (Preface)  . .  .  .viii,  ix 
HENRY,     PATRICK  —  orator        and 
statesman;   b.  1736,  d.  1799. 

charged  with  treason 13 

denounces  British  Stamp  Act .  1& 

in  first  Continental  Congress,  17 

Hessian  prisoners  taken  at  Saratoga 

remain  in  America 248 

quartered  in  Virginia 248 

Hessian  soldiers  misunderstood,  363- 
HILDRETH,    RICHARD  —  historian ;. 

b.  1807,  d.  1865. 
criticises  Samuel  Adams ....  29& 
Mr.    Adams'   position    sound  in 

principle 299- 

HILLHOUSE,  JAMES  —  captain,  sub. 
eminent  lawyer  and  senator ; 
b.  1754,  d.  1832. 
resists  Tryon's  invasion  of  New 

Haven  ". 256 

Hobkirk  Hill  noticed 321 

HOOD,  Sir  SAMUEL — Br.  admiral; 
b.  1724,  d.  1816. 

arrives   in  America 354 

looks  into    Delaware  Bay.. 354 

proceeds  to  New  York 354 

reports  to  Admiral  Graves . .  354 

HORNBLOWER,    JOSEPH  C.  —  Chief 

Justice    of    New   Jersey ;     b. 

1777,  d.  1864 ;  misreported  as 

to   Washington's  language  at 

Monmouth 235 

HOWE,  Lord  RICHARD  —  admiral ; 

b.  1725,  d.  1799. 
reaches  N.Y.  July  12,  1776  .  .98 
joint  commissioner  with  General 

Howe 98 

refuses  to  recognize  Washing 
ton's  military  title 99 

does     so     in     order    to    secure 

Erskine's   exchange 99 

returns  to  New  York 245 

sails  for  Boston 245 

HOWE,  Sir  WILLIAM  —  lieut.-gen. ; 
b.  1730,  d.  1814. 

declares  martial  law 32 

offers  pardon  to  all  but  Sam 
uel  Adams  and  John  Han 
cock  ..  . .32 


INDEX. 


411 


Howe,  Sir  William,  continued  — 

established  in  America 33 

overrules  Clinton's  advice  to  at 
tack  Cambridge 35 

his  martinet  discipline 48 

ordered  to  succeed  Gage  ....  58 
issues      an      unwise    proclama 
tion 58 

Washington's  counter-proclama 
tion  , 58 

orders  coast  towns  to  be  devas 
tated  59 

instructed   by    Lord   Dart 
mouth  69 

"  New  York  is  the  proper  Brit 
ish  base  " 70 

overruled  by  Gage ...  70 

Dorchester  Heights  seized.  .  .77 
his  report  to  Lord  Dartmouth .  77 
fails  to  recapture  the  Heights  .80 

evacuates  Boston.  .v 80 

embarks  for  Halifax 80 

sails    from     Halifax     for    New 

York 97 

lands     troops     on     Staten     Isl 
and  98 

confers  with  Governor  Tryon,  98 
writes  Lord  Germaine  as  to 

plans 98 

addresses    George  Washington, 

Esq 98 

changes   the  address  to  secure 

a  militar}^    exchange 99 

"  dispensing   pardon   to  repent 
ant  sinners,"  as  Washington 

styles  Howe's  mission 99 

brilliant  landing  of  his  army,  106 

the  battle  outlined 107-9 

negotiations      Avith      American 

commissioners 108 

advance  of  his  army 117 

makes  enormous  requisitions  for 

troops 118 

movements  anticipated  byAVash- 

ington 120 

writes   Lord  Germaine  as  to   a 

long  campaign 124 

will    not   attack    Harlem 

Heights 125 

lands  at  Throgg's  Neck 126 

orders  storming  of   Chatterton 

Hill 126 

awaits  reinforcements 126 

outgeneraled    by    Washing- 

ton 129 

crosses  to  the  Hudson 129 

anticipated  by  Washington . .  130 


Howe,  Sir  William,  continued  — 

tries  to  deter  American  enlist 
ments 130 

guarantees  "  liberties  and  prop 
erties  " 130 

captures  Eort  Washington. .  132 

knew  of  Adjutant  Dumont's 
treason 133 

excuse  for  not  following  Wash 
ington  133 

specific  instructions  given   .  133 

sends  Cornwallis  into  New  Jer 
sey  137 

"weather  too  severe  for  field 
service  " 137 

returns  to  New  York 139 

winter  quarters  specified.  .  .139 

surprised  by  neAvs  from  Tren 
ton  150 

calls  for  20, 000  more  troops,  150 

hurries  Cornwallis  to  New  Jer 
sey  150 

withdraws  troops  from  New 
port 163 

plans  anticipated  by  Washing 
ton  " 165 

marches  again  into  New  Jersey, 
with  17,000  men  167 

details  of  the  campaign,  168-170 

will  invade  Pennsylvania.  . .  177 

writes  a  decoy  letter,  which 
Washington  detects 177 

no  doubts  of  Burgoyne's  suc 
cess  181 

sails  for  the  Chesapeake,  182-183 

skirmishes  with  American  ad 
vance  185 

masterly  strategy  in  the  Battle 
of  Brandywine 187-190 

cares  for  the  wounded  of  both 
armies 192 

his  rear  threatened  by  Washing 
ton  194 

his  headquarters  at  German- 
town  195 

repels  Washington's  attack,  but 
does  not  attack  in  turn  . .  .  195 

after  battle  returns  to  Phila 
delphia  196 

threatens  American  army  at 
Chestnut  Hill 204 

explains  <the  failure  of  iris 
movement 204 

succeeded  in  command  by  Clin 
ton • 215 

his  army  in  detail  (Appendix 
D-2) 384 


412 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


Huntington,  L.I.,  raided  by  Try- 
on's  expedition ....  256 

Hyde  Park,  Mass.,  where  fascine 
rods  were  made  available.  .78 

Independence,  National,  proclaim 
ed  at  Philadelphia,  July  4, 

177G 91 

Independence  proclaimed  at  Char 
lotte,  N.C.,  May  20, 1774    .29 
Indian  atrocities  during  the  Revolu 
tion    249 

summarily  avenged. . .  .252,  260 
Indian    auxiliaries     advocated     by 

Great  Britain 172 

advocated  by  Congress 88 

denounced  by  Burgoyne  .  172-3 

ridiculed  by  Schuyler 88 

IRVING,  WASHINGTON  —  diplomat, 
historian,  scholar;  b.  1783, 
d.  1859. 

his    personal  aid  acknowledged 

by  the  author  (Preface) . .xiv 

his    sketcli     of      Washington's 

youth 1 

his  tribute  to  Mary  Washington, 5 

Japan     honors   the     example    and 

teachings  of  Washington. 370 

JAY,  JOHN  —  statesman  and  jurist; 

b.  1745,  d.  1829. 
in  first  Continental  Congress,  17 
suggests  to  burn  New  York.  108 
commissioner  to  France. .  .  .309 

his  services  recognized 309 

JEFFERSON*  THOMAS —  patriot  and 
statesman,  governor  Va.,  sub. 
pres.  twice ;  b,  1743,  d.  July  4, 
1826. 

sees  basis  for  a  constitution  in 
government  of  Iroquois  In 
dian  Confederacy 12 

protects  the  western  frontier,  253 

advised  by  Washington 300 

defies  Arnold's  threats 311 

narrowly    escapes    capture    by 

Tarleton   340 

is  vindicated  by  Lafayette . .  343 

JOMINI,  HENRI,  Baron  DE  —  gen. ; 

chief  of    staff   to    Napoleon ; 

aide-de-camp    Emperor    of 

Kussia;    military   writer;    b. 

1799,  d.  1869. 

gives    grounds    of     Napoleon's 

success  (Preface) xiii 

as  applied  to  Washington. ... 44 
as  to  retreats . .  .  . 73 


JONES,  JOHN  PAUL  —  lieut.,  cap 
tain  in  the  navy,  sub.  admiral 
in  the  Russian  navy;  b.  1747, 
d.  1792. 

appointed  in  the  navy 59 

history  of  his  name 379 

his  naval  success 379 

JOSHUA — the  Hebrew  captain,  an 

antetype  of  Washington  upon 

completion  of  his  mission. 373 

Jubilee,  Am.,  at  Valley  Forge,  213 

French  alliance  honored  . .  .213 

Br.  at  Philadelphia 215 

General  Howe  honored   . .  .  .215 
noted  participants 215 

KENT,  JAMES  —  chief  justice, 
jurist,  and  author,  N.Y. ; 
b.  1763,  d.  1847;  his  opinion 

of  General  Schuyler 37 

Kentish    Guards,     R.I.,    identified 

with  Greene 26 

their  prompt  start  for  Boston,  27 
their  subsequent  promotions  in 

the  service 26 

KEPPLE,  AUGUSTUS  —  Br.  admiral ; 
6.  1725,  d.  1786;  gives  an 

opinion  of  the  war 21 

King's  Mountain,  Battle  of,  men 
tioned 293 

Kingston,    N.Y.,  burned   by    Gen. 

Vaughn 179 

KNOWLTON,  THOMAS — capt..  sub. 
col.;  b.  1740,  d.  1776. 

at  Bunker  Hill 122 

k.  at  Harlem  Heights 122 

KNOX,  HENRY — chief  of  artillery, 
sub.   maj.-gen.;  sub.    Sec.  of 
War;    b.  1750,  d.  1806. 
succeeds  Gridley,  resigned.. 61 
efficient     in    ordnance    depart 
ment 71 

mounts  Ticonderoga  cannon  at 

Cambridge 71 

reports  his  artillery  force  . .  102 
efficient  at  Trenton   with   For 
rest's   battery 145 

recruits  artillery  in  Mass. . .  163 
establishes    gun    factory    at 

Springfield 163 

visits    Count    de    Grasse,    with 

Washington 353 

KNYPHAUSEN,  WILHELM,  Baron 
VON  —  If.  lieut. -general ;  b. 
1730,  d.  1789. 

arrives    in   America   and    joins 
Howe  . .  . .  126 


INDEX. 


413 


Knyphausen,  Wilhelm,  Baron  von, 

continued  — 

in  attack  upon    Fort  Washing 
ton  132 

at  Brandy  wine 186-7 

conducts      Clinton's       baggage 
train  from  Philadelphia  . .  224 

pushes  for  Monmouth 224 

reaches  New  York 229 

invades  New  Jersey 271 

in  Battle  of  Springfield 279 

acts   the   part   of   Pharaoh,  in 
stead  of  that  of  Moses  . .  .280 

KOSCIUSKO,      TlIADDEUS Polish 

maj. -general;  b.  1750,  d.  1817. 
perfects  fortifications  at  West 

Point 212 

appointed  chief  engineer,  vice 

Du  Portail,  captured 300 

ordered  to  the  South 302 

his  efficiency 302 

his  antecedents 305 

locates  earthworks 317 

LAFAYETTE,  or  LA  FAYETTE, 
MARIE-JOSEPH-PAUL  -  YVES- 
ROCK-GILBERT  DUMOTIER, 
Marquis  DE  —  maj. -general ; 
b.  1757,  d.  1835. 

arrives  in  America 191 

reaches  Philadelphia 191 

joins     Washington,     in     coun 
cil  191 

his  first  scout 185 

commands  a  division 203 

visits    Albany   as    to    Canadian 

movement 211 

rejoins  Washington 212 

concurs  with  his  chief 213 

skilful  at  Barren  Hill 215 

amusing    incident  of    the  bat 
tle  216 

outmanoeuvres  Clinton 216 

attends   a  Council  of  War,  217 

pursues  Clinton 225 

reports  progress 226 

his  relations  to  Lee 228 

skirmishes  with    Queen's  Rang 
ers  229 

protests  against  retreat 229 

commands   second  line  at  Mon 
mouth   231 

conduct  during  the  battle . .  .235 
alleged  statement  as  to  Wash 
ington     at     Monmouth     dis 
proved  235 

a  letter  to  his  wife .  .  . .  236 


Lafayette,  continued  — • 

on  duty  at  Newport 241 

corresponds  with  D'Estaing,  244 
makes  quick  trip  to  Boston,  244 
covers  retreat  to  Newport  .  .245 

occupies  Bristol 245 

sails  for  France 253 

returns  to  America 276 

joins  Washington 276 

reports  to  Congress 276 

his  proclamation  as  to  Can 
ada  288 

his  sympathy  with  Mrs.  Ar 
nold  ." 291 

his  estimate  of  Washington,  305 
extols  the  American  army.  .306 
intrusted     with    arrest    of     Ar 
nold 312,  323 

starts  on  his  expedition  ....  324 
an  interesting  reminiscence,  325 

letters  to  his  wif e 325 

wounded  at  Brandy  wine. .  .  .325 

his  active  movements 325 

orders  from  Washington . .  .  326 
has  confidence  of  Greene . .  .327 
how  he  treated  deserters  . .  .327 

harasses  the  enemy 329 

his  letter  to  Washington 330 

headquarters  established!  . .  .331 
ignores  Arnold's  letters  . . .  .331 
complimented      by      Washing 
ton  " 332 

marches  to  meet  Wayne ....  338 

reports  his  movements 339 

takes  the  offensive 339 

joined   by    Wayne    and    unites 

Avith  Steuben 340 

intercepts  Tarleton's  corre 
spondence  340 

in  sharp  action  at  Williams- 
burg  341 

gallantry  noticed 341 

writes  Washington  in  full.  .342 
reports  landing  of  French 

troops 342 

declines  grave  risks   342 

outgenerals  Cornwallis 343 

ready  for  Washington's  ar 
rival  343 

has  Cornwallis  inclosed  . . .  .343 
complains  of  "rusty 

wheels  " 343 

vindicates  Gov.  Jefferson  ..343 

confident  of  victory 343 

receives  special  orders  from 
Washington  not  to  let  Corn 
wallis  escape 345 


414 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


Lafayette,  continued  — 

sends   despatches    to    Washing 
ton  349 

his  twenty-fourth  birthday,  and 

incidents 350 

writes    to   his    wife    as    to    his 
"  thrilling    adventures "     and 

"  enviable  lot " 350 

welcomes    Washington    at    his 

headquarters 351 

hastens    Washington's     a  r  ra  y 

from  Baltimore 353 

relations  to  the  French  court, 356 
overrules      plans      of      De 

Grasse 356 

storms  a  redoubt 357 

pleasantry     with     Baron     Vio- 

menil 358 

relations  to  Cornwallis 361 

their  mutual  appreciation  . .  362 
expedition  to    Charleston  aban 
doned  362 

sails     from     Boston     for 

France 362 

bids  farewell  to  Washington,  362 
LAURENS,   HENRY  —  statesman;  b. 

1724;  d.  1792. 

vice-president   of    South   Caro 
lina* 86 

reports  New  York   Harbor  too 
shallow  for  French  fleet.  .240 
in  the  siege  of  Savannah  . .  .268 
sent      commissioner     to      Hol 
land  296 

taken  prisoner  in  London  .  .296 
in  London  Tower  for  high  trea 
son  296 

sent   on    special    mission   to 

France 296 

arrives  in  Paris 309 

speaks  plain  words  at  Paris,  309 
returns  to  America  with  funds 
and   pledges   of  French  sup 
port 348 

LAUZUN,  ARMAND  Louis  DE  Gou- 
TANT,  Duke  DE  —  b.  1747, 
d.  1793. 

with  Rochambeau 333 

threatens  Morrisania 334 

in    concert   with   General    Lin 
coln   335 

his  lancers  in  action 337 

tendered  a  banquet  at  Philadel 
phia  350 

despatches  from  Lafayette 

read 350 

at  Yorktown  . .  .  .357 


LEDYARD,  WILLIAM — col. ;  b.  1750, 
d.  1781 ;  massacred  at  Fort 

Griswold 351 

LEE,  CHARLES  —  retired  Br. 
officer,  maj. -general;  b.  1731, 
d.  1782. 

first  noticed 36 

his  characteristics 37 

how  regarded    by  Washing- 

ton 45 

distrusts  American  troops. .  .56 
opposes  Washington's  plans,  56 

is  sent  to  Connecticut 70 

advises     occupation     of     New 

York 70 

writes    about   "  crushing    s  e  r  - 

pents  " 70 

ordered  to  New  York 71 

fortifies  Brooklyn  Heights  . .  85 
arrogates  authority,  and  is  repri 
manded  85 

ordered  to  South  Carolina.  .  .85 
his  conduct  at  Charleston  . .  .86 

returns  north  for  duty 127 

abuses  Congress 127 

curious  letter  to  Gates 127 

finally  joins  Washington. .  .128 
in  charge  of  reserve  camp.  .131 
his  grand  division  noticed . .  135 
withholds  troops  required  by 

Washington 135 

finally  enters  New  Jersey  . .  137 

is  taken  prisoner 137 

writes    Gates,   insulting   Wash 
ington  138 

writes   Heath,   insulting  Wash 
ington 138 

writes    James    Bowdoin    as    to 

Washington 139 

mistakes    the    man    addressed, 
139 

his    capture   noticed   by  Wash 
ington   139 

effect   of   his   independent 

action    141 

his  risks  as  prisoner  of  war,  164 
Washington's  firmness  in  the 

matter 164 

unsoldierly  conduct 174 

placed  on  parol 217 

reports  for  duty 217 

compared  with  Arnold 218 

letters  to  Congress 218 

letters  to  Washington 218 

Washington's  stinging  reply,  218 

conferences  with  HOAVC  brought 

to  lisrht  in  1872. .  .  ,219 


INDEX. 


415 


Lee,  Charles,  continued  — 

joins  army  at  Valley  Forge,  220 
opposes  Washington's  plans,  225 

his  theory  noticed 225 

relations  to  Lafayette 227 

declines  a  special  command,  227 
his   contemptuous  reference  to 

Washington's  plans 227 

begs  for  it,  afterwards 227 

writes    Lafayette,  in  grbat  dis 
tress  228 

pretends  to  be  satisfied 228 

commands        the        advance 

troops 228 

orders    retreat   against    Lafay 
ette's  protest 229 

never  handled  a  command  be 
fore  230 

never   under    fire   during    the 

war    230 

is  rebuked  by  Washington.  .232 

the  incident  described 232 

his  conduct  during  the  day,  233 
his  trial,  suspension,  and 

death 234 

vindication  of  Washington  from 
traditions  as  to  language  upon 

meeting  Lee 235 

Notes    of    Lee's    Court-martial 

(Appendix  G) 389-392 

LEE,  HENRY  —  colonel,  sub.  brig.- 

gen. ;  b.  1756,  d.  1818. 
at  storming  of  Stony  Point,  257 

captures  Paulus  Hook 259 

joins  General  Greene 303 

opinion  as    to    Battle    of    Guil- 

ford 319 

LEE,    RICHARD    HENRY  —  states 
man ;  b.  1732,  d.  1794. 
in  first  Continental  Congress,  17 
in  March,  1775,  urges  Virginia 

to  arm 26 

LEE,  ROBERT  EDWARD  —  eminent 
confederate  general,  1861-5 ; 
b.  1810,  d.  1870;  shared  pe 
culiarities  of  Washington  and 

Grant 44 

LEE,  THOMAS  S. — gov.  Md. ;   ad 
dressed  by  Washington. .  .300 
LESLIE,    ALEXANDER  —  Br.    maj.- 

general ;  b.  1740,  d.  1794. 
commands  the  assault  at  Chat- 

terton  Hill 129 

joins  Cornwallis 298 

fortifies  Norfolk 301 

at  battle  of  Guilford 320 

in  the  Virginia  campaign. .  .331 


LINCOLN,     BENJAMIN  —  maj.-gen. ; 

b.  1733,  d.  1810. 
joins     the     army    with     Mass. 

troops 122 

reaches  Peekskill,  with  four 
thousand  New  England  mil 
itia  157 

threatens    Fort     Independ- 

ence 157 

at  Charleston,  S.C 253 

has  a  fresh  command  ....  334-5 

commands  a  division 337 

receives  sword  of  Cornwallis  at 

Yorktown 360 

LIVINGSTON,  HENRY  B.  —  col. ; 
b.  1757,  d.  1823 ;  saves  Fort 

Edward 295 

LIVINGSTON,  PHILIP  —  signer  of 
Declaration  of  Independence ; 
b.  1716,  d.  1778;  in  first  Con 
tinental  Congress 17 

Logistics  defined,  with  note  (Pref 
ace)  x,  xi 

LOSSING,  BENSON  J. — historian, 
b.  1813,  d.  1891;  gratefully 
noticed  by  the  author  (Pref 
ace)  xiv 

Louis    XVI.  —  king    of    France ; 

b.  1754,  d.  1793. 
officially  supports  America.  .213 

his  purpose  anti-British 302 

opposed     occupation     of     New 

York 352-3 

LYNCH,  THOMAS — patriot;  b.  1720, 

d.  1776. 

in  first  Continental  Congress,  17 
at  Cambridge . 60 

MAGAW  —  col. ;  at  Fort  Washing 
ton  130-2 

betrayed  by  his  adjutant  . .  .133 

casualties  of  the  assault  .  .  .133 

MANLY,     JOHN   —   Am.     captain ; 

makes    valuable    captures    at 

sea 60 

MARIE  ANTOINETTE  —  queen  of 
France;  b.  1755,  d.  1793; 
friend  of  Lafayette  and  of 

America 356 

MARION,  FRANCIS  —  brig. -general; 
b.  1732,  d.  1795. 

addressed  by  Greene 303 

esteemed  by  Washington. .  .312 
MARLBOROUGH,   JOHN  CHURCHILL, 
Duke  of — gen.,si^6.  field  mar 
shal ;  6.   1650,   d.  1722;  cited 
in  comparison  (Preface)  . .  viii 


416 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


MARSHALL,    JOHN  —  chief   justice 
U.S.,   jurist    and     historian; 
b.  1755,  d.  1836. 
as  to  Asst.    Quartermaster-Gen 
eral  Carrington 301 

as  to  American  mutiny 307 

as  to  troops  sent  South 327 

Maryland  troops  always  effi 
cient  277 

gallantry  at  Camden 292 

at  Battle  of  Guilford 320 

Massachusetts    leads    resistance  to 

Stamp  Act 13 

resolves    its    Assembly    into    a 

Provincial  Congress 17 

elects  John  Hancock  as  its  first 

president 17 

organizes    a  force    of  "  Minute 

Men  " 17 

organizes    a    C  o  m  m  i  1 1  e  e    of 

Safety 17 

summons  30,000  men  to  instant 

duty 22 

drafts    one-fifth    of    her    able- 
bodied  men 11G 

orders  a   monument  to    Cheva 
lier  de  Saint  Sauveur. .  .  .247 
liberal  to  troops    during  a  mu 
tiny 308 

MATTHEWS — Br.  maj.-gen.  in  at 
tack  upon  Fort  Washing 
ton  132 

lays  waste  Portsmouth  and  Nor- 

'folk 253 

in  Battle  of  Springfield  . .  .  .278 
MATTHEWS,  JOHN  —  jurist;  b.  1774, 
d.  1802;  on  special  War  Com 
mittee    73 

MAXWELL,    WILLIAM  —  brig.-gen. ; 

b.  in  Ireland,  d.  1798. 
in  command  at  Morristown.141 

on  special  duty 147 

stationed  at  Elizabethtown . .  164 

moves  against  Howe 168 

at  Red  Clay  Creek 185 

accompanied  by  Lafayette. .  185 
gallantry  at  Chadd's  Ford.  .186 

active  in  New  Jersey 222 

obstructs  Clinton's  retreat.  .224 

in  Battle  of  Springfield 279 

associated  with  Lafayette . . .  324 

MCCLELLAN,    GEORGE    BRINTON  — 

maj.-gen.    U.S.A.;    b.     1826, 

d.  1885  ;   his  qualities  cited  in 

comparison 162 

McCREA,  JANE — her  murder  not 
chargeable  to  Burgoyne. .  173 


McDouGAL,     ALEXANDER  — brig.- 
gen.  ;  b.  1750,  d.  1786. 
occupies  Chatterton  Hill ....  128 
fights      the     battle     known     as 

"  White  Plains  " 129 

on     special     duty     at     Morris- 
town  ". 147 

succeeds    Heath    at    Peekskill, 

166 

in  Battle  of  Germantown. .  .195 

established  at  Peekskill 206 

accompanies  Kosciusko  to  West 

Point 212 

again  in  the  Highlands 248 

MCDOWELL,  CHARLES  —  colonel; 
b.  1743,  d.  1815;  at  King's 
Mountain,  his  descendants 

honored 293 

Mecklenburg  Declaration  of  In 
dependence  29 

County,   North    Carolina,     emi 
nently  patriotic 293 

MEIGS  —  Am.    col. ;     attacks     Sag 

Harbor    167 

at     storming     of     Stony 

Point 257 

MERCER,  HUGH  —  brig. -general ; 
6.  1721,  Ar.  at  Battle  of  Prince 
ton,  1777 154 

MIFFLIN,  THOMAS  —  brig. -general ; 
b.  1744,  d.  1800. 

efficient  before  Boston 72 

provides      barracks      in       New 

York 83 

in  battle  of  Long  Island 106 

skilful    in    the    retreat,    acting 
under  confidential  orders,  of 

Washington 110 

absence     from     Valley     Forge 

disastrous 206 

rejoins  camp 217 

criticised  by  Washington  in  let 
ter  to  Gouverneur  Morris, 217 
Milton,   Mass.,  where  Rufus  Put 
nam  found  fascine  rods  .  .  .78 
MINNIGERODE  —  77.  col. ;  k.  in  at 
tack  upon  Fort  Mercer.  .  .201 
MONCKTON,    HENRY  —  Br.    lieut.- 
col. ;  b.  1740,  k.  1778,  atMon- 

mouth 233 

Monmouth,    Battle    of,    described 

(see  map) 229-237 

MONROE,  JAMES  —  lieutenant,  sub. 
pres. ;  b.  1758,  d.  1831. 

at  battle  of  Trenton 142 

helps  capture  two  guns 145 

wounded  in  battle  . .  . .  145 


INDEX. 


41 


MONTGOMERY,    RICHARD  —  Am. 

brig.-gen. ;  b.  1737,  k.  before 
Quebec,  1775. 

bis  military  antecedents 36 

subsequent  career  outlined  .  .38 
a   comrade    of    Carleton    when 

Wolfe  fell 38 

in  despair  at  condition    of   the 

troops 38 

starts  for  Canada 55 

reaches  Ticonderoga 61 

receives  imperative  orders  from 

Washington 61 

sympathetically     sustained      by 

Washington 63 

bis  Orderly  Book 63 

occupies  Montreal 63 

tries  a  forlorn  hope  assault  upon 

Quebec 63 

goes  to  Arnold's  relief 65 

is  killed  in  battle 65 

buried  with  honors  of  war. .  .66 
Montreal     captured    by      British, 

1760 " 10 

captured       by        Montgomery, 

1775 63 

MOORE,  GEORGE  H.  —  sec.  N.Y. 

His.     Soc. ;    brings    to    light 

Charles   Lee's  papers. ..  .219 

MORGAN,  DANIEL  —  brig. -general ; 

b.  1737,  d.  1802. 

captured  at  Quebec 65 

attacks  Hessians  in  New  Jer 
sey  169 

skirmishes  with  Cornwallis.204 
supports  Maxwell  in  N.J...225 

serves  under  Lafayette 225 

reports  to  Gen,  Greene  . . .  .303 
fights  Battle  of  Cowpens. .  .314 

is  visited  by  Greene 315 

retires  from  the  army 315 

MORRIS,  GOUVERNEUR — statesman ; 
b.    1752,    d.    1816;    his   letter 
from  Washington,  1778.. 217 
MORRIS,    ROBERT  —  financier  and 
statesman;  b.   1734,  d.  1806; 
friend  of  Washington. .  . .  164 
Morristown        headquarters        de 
scribed  265 

MOSES  —  Hebrew  deliverer  of  his 
people ;  model  legislator  ; 
founder  of  modern  civil  codes  ; 
b.  about  1570  B.C.,  d.  about 
1450  B.C. 

the  Hebrew  Commonwealth 
and  its  military  system  no 
ticed  (Preface) viii 


Moses,  continued  — 

his  decimal  army  organization 
(Preface) viii 

his  sanitary  and  police  regula 
tions  (Preface)  viii 

patriotic  instruction  of  Hebrew 
youth  imperative  by  his  laws 
(Preface) viii 

his  general  order,  "  Forward," 
when  he  led  his  people  to 
national  independence  , 
quoted,  as  Washington 
marched  through  Philadelphia 

for  Brandywine 184 

MUHLENBURG,  PETER —  maj.-gen.; 
b.  1746,  d.  1807. 

at  Battle  of  Brandywine  (see 
map) 186 

active  in  Virginia 301 

MURPHY  —  maj. ;  leads  N.C.  troops 

at  Stony  Point 257 

MURRAY,  LINDLEY  —  grammarian  ; 
b.  1745,  d.  1826;  friend  of 

Greene  25 

Mutiny  of  Connecticut  troops.  .277 

of  Pennsylvania  troops  ..306-7 

a  natural  outbreak 308 

NAPOLEON  I.  —  Bonaparte   (Buon 
aparte),  Emperor  of  France ; 
b.  1769,  d.  1821. 
his     military    maxims     noticed 

(Preface)    viii 

his  Italian  campaign  compared 
with  the  First  New  Jersey 
campaign  in  the  Am.  Revo 
lution  (Preface) xiii 

the  basis  of  his  success  given  by 

Jomini  (Preface) xiii 

NASH,  ABNER  — gov.  N.C. ;  b.  1716, 
d.  1786;  addressed  by  Wash 
ington  300 

NASH,  FRANCIS  —  brig. -general ; 
b.  1720,  k.  at  Battle  of  Ger- 

mantown,  1777 195-6 

New  England  discriminated  against 

by  Great  Britain 18 

experience  in  earlier  wars.  .  .21 

her     governors    in    conference 

with     committee     of     C  o  n  - 

gress 60 

finally    relieved     from    British 

hostilities 262 

New    Hampshire    liberality  during 

the  American  mutiny  ....  308 

New    Haven,    Conn.,    invaded    by 

Tryon 256 


418 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


New  Jersey  seizes  the  Provincial 
treasury  and  raises  troops,  28 

the  chief  battleground 161 

more  than  meets  her  quota,  272 

her  noble  women 272,  285 

a  continuous  battlefield  and  the 

strategic  center 285 

Newport,   R.I. ;    Howe's    strategic 

objective,  1776 118 

occupied  by  the  British  ....  150 
besieged  by  Franco-American 

forces../. 241 

abandoned  by  the  British.  .   262 

occupied  by  Rochambeau  ,  .286 

New  York  city  as  a  British  base. 94 

New    York    Committee    of    Vublic 

Safety  aroused 27 

its  assembly  becomes  a  Provin 
cial  Congress 27 

Nook's    Hill    fortified,    March    10, 

1775 60 

evacuation    of     city    a     neces 
sity  60 

Norfolk.  Va.,  laid  waste  by  Mat 
thews...,  253 

North  Carolina  "  will  resist  Stamp 

Act  to  the  death" 13 

defies  its  Provincial  governor, 28 
adopts  the  cause  of  Boston . .  28 
a  convention  meets  at  Charlotte, 

May  20,  1775 29 

the  Mecklenburg  Declaration  of 

Independence 29 

sends    Gen.    Moore     with    two 

battalions  to  New  York  . .  115 

two  companies  in  storming  of 

Stony  Point 257 

NORTH,  FREDERICK,  Lord  —  Earl  of 

Guilford;  b.  1733,  d.  1792. 
British  Prime  Minister,  1769, 15 
abolishes    all   duties    except  on 

tea 15 

the  consequences  noted 15 

Norwalk,  Conn.,  raided  by 
Tryon 256 

OGDEN  —  Am.  col. ;  as  to  panic  at 
Monmouth 231 

O'HARA,  CHARLES  —  Br. maj.-gen. ; 

b.  1756,  d.  1791. 
makes    the  surrender    of    army 
of  Cornwallis 360 

Onondaga  Indians  near  Syracuse, 
N.Y.,  punished ." 252 

"  On  to  Philadelphia,"  like  the  "  On 
to  Richmond"  of  1861,  ill- 
judged  198 


Panic    at   Brooklyn    controlled   by 

Washington   112 

at  Kipp's  Bay,  noticed, 119,  237 

at  Toulon,  compared   120 

at     Princeton,     controlled      by 

Washington 154 

at  Monmouth,  turned  by  Wash 
ington  into  victory    231 

at  Camden 292 

Paoli,  birthplace    of  Wayne,    vis 
ited  by  British 193 

Paris,    Treaty    of,     1763,    and    its 

terms 11 

PARKER,  Sir  PETER  —  Br.  admiral ; 
b.  1716,  d.  1811. 

sails  from  Ireland 97 

repulsed  by  Moultrie 97 

joins  Howe  in  New  York. . .  .99 
Parliament   of   Nations,   1892,  no 
ticed  372 

PARSONS,  SAMUEL  H.  —  brig. -gen. ; 

b.  1737,  d.  1789. 
his  brigade  at  Kipp's  Bay. .  .119 
were      trusted      by      Washing 
ton  ". 119 

redeemed  their  good  name  ..119 
a  parallel  case  cited  under  Na 
poleon  120 

before  Fort  Independence. . 157 
on  duty  in  Connecticut. ...  .163 

joins  Washington 168 

in  the  Highlands ....  1 79 

PEABODV,  NATHANIEL — statesman ; 
b.  1741,  d.    1823;    on   special 

War  Commission 273 

PENN,  WILLIAM  —  b.  1644,  d.  1718 ; 
urged  a  Colonial  Union,  1697,  12 
PENNINGTON,  WILLIAM — gov.  N.J., 
and      speaker     U.S.    House; 
b.  1717,  d.  1791;  as  to  Wash 
ington's    language     at    Mon 
mouth,  on  meeting  Lee.  ..236 
Pennsylvania   appropriates    money 

for  troops 28 

her  Assembly  corresponds  with 

Washington 207 

Penobscot,  Me.,  a  British  post.  .270 
PERCY,  HUGH,    Earl — Br.    lieut.- 
gen.,  Duke    of   Northumber 
land;  6.  1742,  d.  1817. 
his  soldierly  qualities  noticed,  35 
fails    to    recapture    Dorchester 

Heights 80 

at  Battle  of  Long  Island  (see 

map) 105 

joins      Howe      before      White 
Plains 128 


INDEX. 


419 


Percy,  Hugh,  continued  — 

in  the  attack  upon  Fort  Wash 
ington 132 

Philadelphia  takes  action,  April  24, 

1775 28 

her  citizens  overawe  the  oppos 
ing  element 28 

visited      by      Washington's 

army 183,  192 

mighty     ovation     to     the     sol 
diers 184 

supplies  the  suffering  army.  194 

is  occupied  by  Howe 196 

its  winter  experiences,  1778,210 
the  Howe  carnival  and  its  mag 
nificence   215 

evacuated  by  Clinton. .  .221-222 

occupied  by  Arnold 222 

visited  by  Washington  and  Ro- 

chambeau 348—9 

PHILLIPS,  WILLIAM  —  Br.  maj.- 
gen.;  6,  1731,  d.  1781. 

sent  to  Virginia 320 

destroys  much  property ....  329 

his  relations  to  Arnold 331 

his  death  and  its  effects 331 

PIGOT,  Sir  ROBERT  —  maj.-gen. ; 
4.  1720,  d.  1790;  at  Newport, 

R.I 241 

POMEROY,     SETII —  brig. -general ; 

b.  1706,  d.  1777. 
his  military  antecedents  ...  .,24 

appointed  brig. -gen 36 

declines  further  service 38 

Portsmouth,    Va.,     laid    waste    by 

Matthews 253 

POWNALL,  THOMAS  E.  —  Br.  gov. 
Mass.;  b.  1722,  d.  1805;  his 

prediction 368 

PRESCOTT,  RICHARD  —  Br.  maj.- 
general;  b.  1725,  d.  1788; 
taken  prisoner,  and  exchanged 

for  Lee 217 

at  Savannah 267 

PRESCOTT,  WILLIAM  —  colonel  ; 

b.  1726,  d.  1795. 
conducts    the   Bunker    Hill 

(Breed's  Hill)  fight 34 

Governor's  Island,  N.Y 102 

safely  removes  all  stores  ...  112 
repels     Howe's    advance     at 

Throgg's  Neck 125 

PREVOST,  Sir  AUGUSTINE  —  Br. 
maj.-gen.;  b.  1725,  d.  1786; 
outgenerals  Lincoln  but  with 
out  substantial  results  on 
either  hand . .  . .  253 


PROCTOR,    THOMAS  —  Am.     capt. 
of    artillery ;    b.    in     Ireland, 
1739,  d.   1806. 
with    battery   at   Chadd's    Ford 

Brandy  wine 186 

in  Indian  expedition 260 

PULASKI,  CASIMIR,  Count  —  Polish 
maj.-gen.;  b.  1747,  k.  1779, 
in  siege  of  Savannah  ....  268 

dear  to  Washington 305 

PUTNAM,  ISRAEL  —  maj. -general ; 
b.  1718,  d.  1790. 

his  military  antecedents 23 

conspicuous  at  Bunker  Hill.  .38 
subsequent  career  outlined  .  .38 

commands  at  New  York 87 

succeeds  Sullivan  at  Brook 
lyn  104 

instructed  by  Washington,  104-5 
succeeded    by    Washington     in 

person 107 

fortifies  Hudson  River  shore,  115 
favors       retreat      from       New 

York 115 

his  laconic  utterance 115 

commands  New  York  city  . .  115 
a  division  at  White  Plains . .  129 

at  Philadelphia 153 

located  at  Peekskill 178 

grants  unwise  furloughs ...    178 
outgeneraled  by  Clinton.  . .  .  179 

regains  position 180 

on  the  Long  Island  shore.  .  .206 

returns  to  Peekskill 206 

at  Danbury,  Conn, 248 

in  command  on  the  Hudson, 254 

PUTNAM,    RUFUS — col.;    b.    1738, 

d.  1824 ;  his  efficiency  as  civil 

engineer  at  Boston 75 

Quebec,  captured  in  1759 10 

assaulted    by    Montgomery  and 

Arnold,  1776 66 

magnanimity  of  General  Carle- 
ton  at  death  of  Montgomery, 66 
Queen's   Rangers  (Provincial),  no 
ticed 204,  255,  279 

Washington's  magnanimity  tow 
ard  them,  reciprocating 
Carleton's  action  at  Que 
bec  363 

RAHL  (RALL),  JOHN   GOTTLIEB  — 
H.  col. ;  b.  1720,  d.  1776. 

storms  Chatterton  Hill 129 

commands  at  Trenton 139 

k.  in  battle  . .  . .  146 


420 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


RAWDON,    FRANCIS,    Lord  —  Mar 
quis  of    Hastings,    earl,    sub. 

gov.-gen.   India;   b.    1754,  d. 

1825. 

gallantry  at  Bunker  Hill  ...  .35 
reenforces       Clinton      at      the 

South 276 

in  battle  of  Hobkirk  Hill.  .  .321 
REED,  JOSEPH  —  adjt. -general,  sub. 

gov.  Penn. ;  b.  1741,  d.  1785. 
in  Washington's  confidence   be 
fore  Boston 71 

describes  the    army    at  Harlem 

Heights 123 

in  the    secret   of    Washington's 

attack  upon  Trenton 141 

Religious    distinctions    among   the 

colonies  harmonized 266 

Rhode  Island  sends    1,500   men  to 

Boston,  April  25,  1775 22 

her     troops     under     Nathaniel 

Greene 25 

seizes  British  stores 27 

calls     for     protection     of     her 

ports 87 

two    regiments    in    Continental 

pay 87 

sends  additional  troops  to   New 

York    115 

RICHMOND,  CHARLES  LENNOX,  Duke 

—  Br.  Sec.  of  State;   b.  1735, 

d.  1806. 
denounces      hire      of     Hessian 

troops 96 

his  prediction  verified 209 

Ridgefield,    Conn.,    invaded    by 

Tryon 166 

RIEDESEL,     FRIEDRICH       ADOLPH, 

Baron  —  //.     maj. -general ; 

b.  1730,  d.  1800. 
reaches  Canada  with  troops  .  .89 
in  Burgoyne's  command. . .  .387 
ROBERTS,   CHARLES   G.    D.  —  prof. 

King's    College,     N.S. ;      his 

history  of  Canada  cited. .  .63 

ROCHAMBEAU,  JEAN  BAPTISTE  Do- 
NATIEN    DE   VlMEUR   DE Fr, 

marshal;  b.  1725,  d.  1807. 

arrives  in  America 286 

appreciates  Washington ....  287 
writes    as   to    American    condi 
tions  287 

confers    with     Washington     at 

Hartford 297 

sends  his  son  to  France  . . .  .298 
again  in  conference  at  Wethers- 
field  .  ..333 


Rochambeau,  continued  — 

asks   cooperation    of  Count   de 

Grasse 333 

at    West   Point    with  Washing- 

ton 347 

moves  southward 347 

advances    $20,000    in    gold    to 

American  army 347 

parades  in  Philadelphia  ....  349 
receives  despatches  from  Wash 
ington 350 

entertained  at  Baltimore  .  .  .351 
guest    of    Washington    at    Mt. 

Vernon 351 

opposed     occupation     of     New 

York 353 

visits    Count    de    Grasse     with 

Washington 353 

signs      articles    of    Cornwallis' 

surrender 360 

honored  by  Congress 361 

remains  with  Washington  .  .361 

visits  New  England 361 

sails  for  the  West  Indies  . .  .361 
Rowan     county,    N.C.,    eminently 

patriotic 293 

RUTLEDGE,  EDWARD  —  statesman, 
signer  of  Declaration  of  In 
dependence ;  b.  1749,  d.  1800; 
commissioner  with  Adams  and 
Franklin  to  meet  Gen.  and 

Admiral  Howe,  1776 118 

RUTLEDGE,  JOHN  —  sub.  gov.  and 
chief  justice,  S.C. ;  b.  1739, 
d.  1800. 

pres.  Republic  of   South  Caro 
lina    86 

controls  the  conduct  of  Charles 

Lee 86 

his  characteristics 86 

aids  in  siege  of  Savannah  .  .267 

SAINT  (ST.)  CLAIR,  ARTHUR — 
maj. -gen;  b.  1734,  d.  1818. 

at  Battle  of  Princeton 154 

writes  a  boastful  letter 175 

abandons  Ticonderoga 175 

Saint  (St.)  John,  N.B.,  founded 
by  British  Provincials  . .  .363 

May  17th  its  natal  day 363 

honors  Washington 363 

Saint   (St.)  John's,   captured  Nov. 

3,  1775 62 

Andre  among  the  prisoners  .  .62 

SAINT  (Sr.)  LEDGER,  BARRY  —  Br. 

col. ;  b.  1737,  d.  1789  ;  invades 

the  Mohawk  valley 171 


INDEX. 


421 


SAINT  (ST.")  Luc,  LA  CORNE  DE  — 
b.  1712,  d.  1784. 

as  to  hiring  Indians 173 

is  rebuked  by  Burgoyne ....  173 
SAINT  (ST.)  MEMIN,  CHARLES  BAL 
THAZAR  JULIEN  FAVRE  DE  — 
Fr.  artist;  b.  1770,  d.  1852; 
his  profile  of  Washington,  by 
a  crayon  process  of  his  own, 
the  last  portrait  of  Washing 
ton  taken frontispiece 

SAINT    (ST.)    SAUVEUR,    Chevalier 
DE  —  Fr.  :  k.  at  Boston .  .247 
a  monument  to  his  memory  or 
dered  247 

SAINT  (Srr.)  SIMON,  CLAUDE  HENRI, 
Cov.nt  DE  — Fr.;  b.  1760, 
d.  1825. 

arrives  with  De  Grasse 342 

lands  3,000  French  troops.  .342 
reports  to  Lafayette  for  duty, 342 
waves  seniority  of  rank ....  343 
urges  immediate  assault ....  343 
yields  to  Lafayette's  judg 
ment 343 

sails  for  the  West  Indies. .  .362 
Salem,  Mass.,  declines  benefits  of 

Boston  Port  Bill 16 

Savannah,    Ga.,    responds    to   call 

from  Lexington 29 

intercepts  royal  letters  to  gov 
ernors 30 

Committee     of      Safety,      acts 

promptly 30 

besieged  without  success. 267-8 
SCIIOVALHOFF,      Count  —  Russian 
statesman  ;    his  prediction  at 
the  Berlin   Conference    veri 
fied  in  1898 370 

SCHUYLER,  PHILIP  —  maj. -general ; 
sub.  U.S.  senator;  b.  1733, 
d.  1804. 

appointed  maj. -gen 36 

his  antecedents 36 

his  career  outlined 37 

honored     by    Kent    and  Web 
ster    37-8 

ordered  to  Canada 55 

among  the  Six  Nations 61 

urged     forward    by     Washing 
ton  and  joins  Montgomery,  61 
advised  as  to  Allen's  misadvent- 


suspends  resignation   at  Wash 
ington's  request 63 

his  Orderly  Book 63 

again  advised  by  Washington,  64 


Schuyler,  Philip,  continued  — 
is  to  expect  a  bloody  summer,  87 

ridicules  hiring  Indians 88 

to  resist  Carleton's  advance.  163 

is  relieved  by  Gates 173 

is  promptly  restored 173 

offers  Gates  a  command. .  . .  173 
it  is  sneeringly  declined. .  . .  173 

his  energetic  action.    174 

is  absent,  sick,  without  fault,  175 
has    a     prophetic    letter     from 

Washington 175 

organizes  a  large  army 176 

is  superseded  by  Gates 176 

returns  to  Congress 273 

on  committee  to  visit  Washing 
ton  273 

is     urged     to    be    Secretary    of 

War '.328 

gives  reasons  for  declining,  328 
Second  Continental  Congress,  May 

10,  1775, 31 

provides  money  and  muni 
tions  \ 31 

delegates    from    Georgia   make 

action  unanimous 31 

rules       and      articles     of     Avar 

adopted 31 

denounces  acts  of  Parliament 
as  "  unconstitutional,  oppres 
sive,  and  cruel " 31 

Second  New  Jersey  campaign,  and 

its  results 167 

SEVIER,  JOHN  — Am.  col. ;  b.  1745, 
d.  1815;  at  King's  Mountain, 
his  descendants  honored.  .293 
SHARPE,  GRANVILLE  —  Br.  phil 
anthropist;  b.  1734,  d.  1813; 
resigns  rather  than  aid  the 

war    21 

SHELBY,    ISAAC —  col.,    sub.    gov. 

Kentucky;   I.  1750,  d.  1826. 
at  King's  Alountain,  his  descend 
ants  honored 293 

summoned  to  Virginia,  1780,  314 
SHELDON,  ELISHA  —  col.;  attacked 

by  Tarleton    255 

on  expedition  with  Lauzun,  334 
supports  Washington  ..334-5-6 

has  a  spirited  scout 337 

SHERIDAN,  PHILIP  HENRY — gen 
eral  U.S. A.;  6.1831,^.1888; 

his  example  cited 162 

SHERMAN,  WILLIAM  TECUMSEH  — 
general;  b.  1820,  d.  1891;  his 
march  to  the  sea  cited  by  way 
of  comparison 162 


422 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


SHIPPEN,  Miss,  belle  of  the  Phila 
delphia  fStes 216 

becomes  the  wife  of  Arnold,  289 
had  no  knowledge  of  Arnold's 

treason 291 

.highly    esteemed    by    Washing 
ton  and  Lafayette 291 

SHULDHAM — Br.  admiral;  relieves 

Graves  at  Boston G8 

comments    on   seizure  of    Dor 
chester  Heights 77 

Siege  of  Quebec  closed 66 

Boston    80 

Newport 245 

Savannah   268 

Yorktown 268 

Charleston 275 

New  York 347 

Signal-fires  in  New  Jersey   . .  .  .280 

SIMCOE,    J.   GRAVES — Br.    lieut.- 

col.,    Queen's    Rangers;   sub. 

gov.  Canada;  b.  1752,  d.  1806. 

active  in  forays 248 

in  the  Battle  of  Springfield,  279 
in  Virginia  with  Arnold. . .  .310 

raids  Virginia 320 

popular    misconceptions    of  his 

character 363 

"Six  Nations"  (Iroquois)  a  model 
for  Jefferson's  constitution,  12 

as  a  confederacy 13 

invaded  by  Sullivan 260 

devastated  by  Sullivan 260 

their      estimate    of      Washing 
ton  1 260-1 

SMALLWOOD,  WILLIAM — brig-gen. ; 
sub.    governor  Md. ;  b.  1732, 
d.  1792. 
with  Maryland  troops    at   Long 

Island 105 

makes  a  gallant  fight 107 

deplores    ignorance    of   offi 
cers  123 

in  Pennsylvania,  later 193 

in  battle  of  Germantown .  . .  195 
on  duty  near  Philadelphia . .  206 
as  governor, recruits  for  Greene's 

army    301 

SMITH,  SAMUEL  —  lieut. -colonel ; 
b.  1752,  d.  1839 ;  with  Mary 
land  troops  at  Fort  Mifflin,200 

Sons  of  Liberty  organized 14 

South     Carolina     denounces     the 

Stamp   Act 13 

seizes     the    colonial   magazine, 

April  21,  1775 29 

first  news  from  Lexington . .  .29 


South  Carolina,  continued  — 

intercepts  royal  packages 29 

declares  a  Republic,  with  offi 
cers,  congress,  army,  navy, 
and  all  the  accessories  of  an 

independent  state 86 

Spain  joins  France  against  Great 

Britain,  1761 11 

SPENCER,  JOSEPH  N.  —  brig.-gen. ; 
b.  1714,  d.  1789. 

his  military  antecedents 36 

his  subsequent  career 39 

attempts  capture  of  Newport  by 

Washington's  order 163 

"  Spies,"  says  Greene,  "  are  the  eyes 

of  an  army  " 303 

Springfield,     Mass.,     selected     by 

Knox  for  a  gun- factory  . .  163 

Springfield,  N.J.,  Battle  of.  .278-9 

its  lesson  emphasized 283 

its  casualties  noticed 285 

tested  the  Continental  troops, 286 

Stamp  Act  of   1755  noticed 13 

repealed  in  1766 14 

STARK,  JOHN  —  maj.-gen.;  b.  1728, 

d.  1822. 
in  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill . .  32 

at  the  Battle  of  Trenton 142 

at  the  Battle  of  Springfield,283 
Statesmanship  in  war  defined,  with 

note  (Preface) xii 

as  stated  by  Jesus  (Preface)  .  xii 

STEDMAN,     CHARLES  —   Br.    staff 

officer  and  historian  ;  b.  1745, 

d.  1812. 

as  to   Burgoyne  campaign  and 

Clinton 180 

as  to  loose  Br.  discipline  .  .  .210 
as  to   Battles   of    Guilford  and 

HobkirkHill 321 

as  to  Br.  and  Am.  forces  in  1776 
and  1777  (Appendix  D)  .  .386 
STEPHEN,  ADAM  —  Am.  maj.-gen. ; 
b.  1730,  d.  1791. 

service  at  Brandywine 189 

at  Battle  of  Germantown .  . .  195 
dismissed  for  drunkenness . .  196 
STEPHENS,    EDWARD   —  brig.-gen- 
eral;  b.    1745,   d.   1820;  con 
ducted     prisoners,    taken    at 

Cowpens,  northward 316 

STERLING  —  Br.  col.,  sub,  maj.- 
general.  [Should  not  be  con 
fused  with  Lord  Stirling,  in 
the  Am.  service,  see  beloV.] 

along  the  Delaware 194 

k.  in  Battle  of  Springfield.  .278 


INDEX. 


423 


STEPHEN,  FREDERICK  WILLIAM  AU 
GUSTUS,  Baron  —  maj.-gcn. ; 
b.  1730,  d.  1794. 
instructor  at  Valley  Forge.  .210 

promoted  raaj  .-gen 212 

acts  in  harmony  with  Washing 
ton  and  Lafayette 213 

at  Battle  of  Monmouth 233 

ordered  to  the  South 300 

in  charge  of  powder   and  lead 

supplies 302 

in  concert  with  Lafayette.  .  .327 
his    depot    at    Elk    Island    at 
tacked 340 

joins    Lafayette's  division.  .340 

in  the  siege  of  Yorktown.  .  .357 

STEWART  —  Br.  col. ;  succeeds 

Rawdon  at  the  South 321 

fights     Green      at     Eutaw 

Springs   321 

STILES,  EZRA  —  pres.Yale  College ; 
6.    1727,  d.    1795;    friend  of 

Greene's  youth 25 

STIRLING,    WILLIAM     ALEXANDER, 
Lord  [his  claim  to  Br.  title 
and   estates  had   been  in  dis 
pute]  —  Am.  col.,  sub.  maj.- 
gen. ;  b.  1726,  d.  1783. 
in  Battle  of  Long  Island. . .  105 
his    brigade     of     picked     regi 
ments  105 

fights    both   Grant    and    Corn- 

wallis 107 

taken    prisoner    by    superior 

numbers 108 

is    exchanged    and    returns    to 

duty 122 

reaches  White  Plains 128 

established  at  Princeton. . . .  136 

in  Battle  of  Princeton 154 

engages  Cornwallis 169 

in  Battle  of  Brandy  wine 186 

his  good  conduct 189 

in  Battle  of  Germantown.  . .  195 

at  a  Council  of  War 217 

in  Battle  of  Monmouth  . . .   233 
threatens  Staten  Island. ...  271 
president  at  Charles  Lee's  court- 
martial  (Appendix  G) ...   389 
Stony     Point     stormed    by 

Wayne  .......    257-8 

abandoned  by  Washington.  .259 
Strategy  defined,  with  note  (Pref 
ace)  x 

SULLIVAN,     JOHN  —  maj. -general; 

b.  1740,  d.    1795. 
personal  notice 36 


Sullivan,  John,  continued  — 

his  career  outlined 39 

sent  to  Canada 87 

succeeded  by  Gates 88 

ambitious  letter  to  Washing 
ton  89 

Washington's  discreet  reply .  .89 

his  attitude  defined 89 

succeeds  Greene  on  Long  Isl 
and  104 

succeeded  by  Putnam 104 

a  peculiar  letter 104 

his  specious  report 107 

taken  prisoner 108 

on  exchange,  takes  Lee's  divi 
sion 139 

accompanies      Washington      to 

Trenton 142 

incident  of  the  march. .....  144 

enters  the  lower  town 145 

frets  about  appointments ...  166 
Washington's  rejoinder  ....  166 

again  in  New  Jersey ...  167 

fails  in  the  attack  upon  Staten 

Island 184 

joins   Washington  in   time   for 

Brandywine 184-5 

his  position   at  Brandywine  (as 

per  map) ..186 

ordered  to  attack  Cornwallis,  187 

flanked  by  Cornwallis 187 

ordered  to  change  position. .  187 
movement    beyond    his    capac 
ity  188 

difficult  under  best  condi 
tions  188 

loses  control  of  his  division,  188 
personal  valor  undoubted  . .  189 
treated      justly     by     Washing 
ton  190 

surprised  by  Howe 191 

in  Battle  of  Germantown.  .  .195 

his  gallantry  noticed 196 

urges  attack  upon  Philadel 
phia  207 

attempts  siege  of  Newport.  .241 
relations  to  the  Count  d'Esta- 

ing 242-3 

issues  an  intemperate  order,  243 
prudently  modifies  the  same,  243 
advised  by  Washington  to  fe- 

treat 244 

manly  course  of  D'Estaing.  .244 

retires  to  Providence 245 

devastates  the  Six  Nation  re 
gion  with  unsparing  desola 
tion  ..260 


424 


WASHINGTON     THE    SOLDIER. 


Sullivan,  John,  continued  — 

comments     upon  ,  that      inva 
sion 2GO-2G1 

resigns  and  enters  Congress,  297 
laconic  appeal  to  him  by  Wash 
ington .297 

SUMTER,  THOMAS  —  col.;  b.  1734, 
d.  1882;  honored  by  Wash 
ington 312 

SYMONDS,     THOMAS  —  Br.     royal 

navy, 
led   attack  upon  Fort  Sullivan 

(Moultrie)  in  1776 359 

signs    terms   of  capitulation   of 
Yorktown 359 

TARLETON,  BANESTRE  —  Br.  lieut.- 

col.;   b.  1754,  d.  1833. 
attacks  Sheldon's  cavalry  quar 
ters  255 

raids       Westchester       County, 

N.Y 259 

Washington's  counter-stroke, 259 
makes  no  progress  at  the 

South 293 

pursues  Morgan 314 

completely     routed      at      Cow- 
pens  314 

acknowledges      the      American 

success    321 

makes     a      raid      upon     Char 
lotte  340 

fails  to  capture  Jefferson.  .  .340 
compliments  Lafayette  . .  .  .340 
covers  the  retreat  of  Cornwal- 

lis  . 341 

joins  him  at  Yorktown 341 

skirmishes  with  Lafayette.  .341 
TERNAY.    (See  De  Ternay.) 
Thanksgiving      Proclamations      of 
Washington  — 

at  Valley  Forge 214 

at  White  Plains 246 

at  Yorktown 360 

at  New  York 365 

THAYER — Am.    maj.;    in   defence 

of  Fort  Mifflin 203 

THOMAS,  GEORGE  HENRY  —  maj.- 
gen.  U.S.A.;*.  1815,  d.  1870; 

his  example  cited 26 

THOMAS,  JOHN  —  major-general 
(Mass.),  Continental  brig.- 
gen.;  b.  1725,  d.  1776. 

military  antecedents 23,  36 

subsequent  career  noticed  . .  .39 
efficient  in    the    siege   of   Bos 
ton  .  . .  78 


Thomas,  John,  continued  — 

sent  to  Canada 84,  86 

a  victim  to  small-pox  in  camp,  88 

THOMPSON,    CHARLES  —  Secretary 

of  first  Continental  Congress, 

and  his  correspondence  with 

Franklin  noticed 13,  16 

Ticonderoga  taken  by  Ethan 
Allen 30 

retaken  by  Burgoyne 182 

TOWERS,  ROBERT,  of  Philadel 
phia,  to  receive  and  pay  for 

arms  141 

TRUMBULL,  JONATHAN  —  gov. 
Conn. ;  statesman  ;  the  origi 
nal  Brother  Jonathan  ;  b.  1710, 
d.  1788. 

anxious  about  sea-coast  expos 
ure  56 

his  correspondence  with  AVash- 
ington 56 

always  Washington's  fast 
friend  56 

furnishes  troops  for  New  York 
city 83 

sends  nine  more  regiments  to 

Washington  102 

TRUMBULL,  JONATHAN,  JR. — col., 
statesman;  b.  1740,  d.  1804. 

commissary  at  Long  Island . .  110 

becomes  secretary  to  Wash 
ington 300 

TRYON,  \VILLIAM  —  gov.  N.C. ;  b. 
1725,  d.  1788. 

his  relation  to  the  British  Stamp 
Act ^ 13 

his  career  in  North  Carolina, 
New  York,  and  Connecti 
cut  84 

holds  a  conference  with  Gen. 
Howe 98 

invades  Connecticut 166 

fights  Worcester  and  Arnold  at 
Ridgefield 166 

again  invades  Conn 256 

resisted  by  Yale  College  stu 
dents  at  New  Haven 256 

in  the  Battle  of  Springfield . .  278 

TULLY,  Monsieur  DE  —  sails  for  the 

Chesapeake 323 

is  obliged  to  return 323 

his  reasons  satisfactory  to 
Washington  326 

Union  of  the  Colonies  advocated  in 
1697,  1722,  1754  by  Penn, 
Coxe,  and  Franklin 12 


INDEX. 


425 


United  States  of  America,  a  "  stu 
pendous  fabric  of  freedom 
and  empire,"  as  predicted  by 
Washington,  and  the  fulfil 
ment 365,  366,368 

"  asylum  for  the  poor  and  op 
pressed  of  all  nations,"  as 
predicted  by  Washington,  and 
comments 365,  368 

respect  for  law  and  religion  the 
basis  of  Washington's  charac 
ter,  and  of  the  confidence  he 
inspired  in  the  American 
people  367-8 

shares  with  Great  Britain 
bequests  under  M  a  g  n  a 
Charta 371 

harmony  in  that  fruition,  the 
possible  future 371 

three  hundred  millions  of  treas 
ure,  her  free-will  offering  to 
man 374 

her  alms,  recorded  in  the  census 
of  1890,  the  gauge  of  her 
maturing  sympathy  with  hu 
manity  374 

Valley  Forge  established  as  head 
quarters  206 

special  Council  of  War  noticed, 
respecting  u  On  to  Philadel 
phia!"  212 

French  alliance  announced  in 
camp 213 

a  grand  parade  ordered. .. .214 

a  Thanksgiving  proclamation 
made 214 

special  Council  of  War,  April 
20,  1777 217 

its  ordeal  made  soldiers ....  231 
VARNUM,  JAMES  MITCHELL — brig.- 
gen. ;  b.  1749,  d.  1789. 

his  brigade  reports  for  duty, 203 

in  Battle  of  Monmouth 233 

enters  Congress 315 

VAUGHAN,  Sir  JOHN —  Br.  maj.- 
gen. ;  b.  1738,  d.  1795;  burns 

Kingston,  N.Y 179 

VERGENNES,  CHARLES  GRAVIER, 
Count  DE  —  Fr.  minister  of 
foreign  affairs ;  b.  1717, 
d.  1787. 

comments  on  the  Battle  of  Ger- 
mantown  197 

proclaims  the  French  alliance 
and  the  active  support  of 
American  Independence  . .  209 


Vergennes,  Charles  Gravier,  con 
tinued — 

is  advised  by  Rochambeau  of 
American  conditions 287 

regards  the  American  Congress 
as  too  exacting 308 

guarantees  a  loan  from  Hol 
land  348 

"  Victory  or  Death  "  the  counter 
sign  and  alternative  pro 
claimed  by  Washington. .  149 
ViOMisxiL,  Baron  A  N  T  o  i  N  E 
CHARLES  I>E  Houx — Fr.  gen. ; 
b.  1728,  d.  1792, 

storms  a  redoubt  at  York- 
town  357 

pleasantry  of  Lafayette  no 
ticed 358 

Virginia  aroused  by  the  Stamp 
Act 13 

responds  to  Patrick  Henry's  ap 
peal 14 

includes  Washington  in  her 
delegation  to  First  Continen 
tal  Congress 17 

catches  the  news  from  Lexing 
ton  28 

excited  conflict  with  Lord  Dun- 
more  28 

called  upon  for  more  troops, 
115 

her  troops  at  Middlebrook.  .247 

receives  Greene  and  other  offi 
cers  gladly 301 

invaded  by  Arnold 310,  311 

Lafayette  in  command,  326,  330 

Cornwallis   arrives 331 

adjournment  of  Assembly  to 
Charlotte 338 

liberal  in  its  enactments ....  338 

Lafayette's  gallantry  at  Will- 
iamsburg 341 

Jefferson  sustained  by  Lafay 
ette 343 

arrival  of   Washington  ...  .351 

WARD,    ARTEMAS —  maj. -general; 

b.  1727,  d.  1800. 

his  antecedents 23 

appointed  senior  maj. -gen  . .  .35 

his  brief  career  noticed 37 

occupies     Boston,     March    17, 

1776 80 

WARNER,  SETH  —  colonel ;  b.  1744, 

d.  1785. 
a  volunteer   at  Bunker  Hill  as 

well  as  at  Ticonderoga. .  .  .35 


426 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


Warner,  Seth,  continued  — 

accompanies  Allen  to  Ticonder- 

oga 35 

his  subsequent  career 35 

WASHINGTON,  AUGUSTINE  —  father 

of  the  Soldier;  b.  1694,  d.,  in 

his  son's  eleventh  year,  1743.4 

WASHINGTON,  GEORGE  —  gen.,  sub. 

pres.  t\vice;  b.  1732,  d.  1799. 

his  boyhood,  tastes,  and  training 

as  described  by  Irving 1 

physical  appearance  as  described 

by  Mercer 2 

physical  accomplishments 3 

personal  characteristics 4 

choice  of  a  profession 4 

parentage,    and   mother's   influ 
ence  4 

first  victory  won 4 

surveyor,     inspector,    adjutant- 
general  5 

commissioner  to  the  French.  .  .6 

frontier  service 6 

with  Braddock 7 

military  studies  and  maxims  . .  8 
marriage,  and  in  House  of  Bur 
gesses    8 

anticipates  revolution 14 

in    the   First   Continental  Con 
gress  17 

predicts  a  bloody  future 18 

appointed        Commander-in- 

Chief 32 

his  associates  in  command  .  .  .35 

starts  for  Cambridge 40 

assumes  command 41 

his  army  noticed 41 

withholds  some  commissions,  44 
his  reticence  compared  with  that 

of  other  generals 44 

his  trust  in  Providence 44 

method  of  assignments 44 

his  estimate  of  Arnold 45 

rebukes  profanity 46 

enjoins      observance     of     the 

Sabbath 47 

institutes      courts-martial     for 
"  swearing,  gambling,"  etc.,  47 

skilled  in  logistics 48 

regard  for  private  soldiers. .  .49 

deserters  rebuked 49 

games  of  chance  prohibited.  .49 
invasion  of   Canada   forced  by 

Congress 50 

visited  by   Committee  of   Con 
gress  52 

risks  of  Canadian  invasion.  .  .53 


Washington,  George,  continued  — 
denounces  religious  bigotry.  .53 
after  Boston,  then  New  York,  54 
expeditions  to  Canada  urged  by 

Congress 55 

attitude  of  Gen.  Charles  Lee,  56 

ignores  sea-coast  raids 56 

writes  Gov.  Trumbull 57 

would  burn  Boston 57 

policy  as  to  holding  cities  . .  .57 

straggling  rebuked 58 

appeals  to  Congress 58 

privateering  regulated 59 

visited  by  Congressmen  and  se 
cures  a  navy 60 

laconic  letter  to  Congress  . .  .61 
writes  Schuyler  as  to  Northern 

expeditions 63 

writes  Congress  as  to  same  .  .68 
begs  Schuyler  not  to  resign  — 
for  sake  of  "God  and  Coun 
try"  63 

writes    Schuyler    as    to    British 

action 64 

plans    operations    against   New 

York 69 

sends  Lee  to  New  York 70 

would  cross   to   Boston   on  the 

ice,  but  opposed  by  Council, 71 

laconic  letter  to  Joseph  Reed,  72 

preparations  for  assault 72 

his  inflexibility  of  purpose.  .  .72 
preparations     for     future    ser 
vice  72-3 

experimental  bombardment.  .74 
enforced  silence  in  camp ....  75 

his  confidential  staff 75 

secret  plan  near  execution.  . .  76 

second  bombardment 76 

third  bombardment  and  occupa 
tion  of  Dorchester  Heights,  77 

British  criticism 77 

contingency   of    failure    antici 
pated  79 

a  general  bombardment 80 

Nook's  hill  fortified 80 

Boston  evacuated 80 

his    mission    to    Boston     com 
pleted  81 

reorganization  of  the  army.. 82 
movement    to    New    York    be 
gun  82 

advises  Congress  and  Governor 

Trumbull  of  his  plans 83 

disciplines  delinquent  officers,  83 
establishes  a  regular  Pay  Sys 
tem  . .  83 


INDEX. 


427 


Washington,  George,  continued  — 

visits  Connecticut  to  hasten 
troops  forward 84 

reaches  New  York 84 

rebukes  Lee  and  sends  him 
South 85 

forced  by  Congress  to  send 
more  troops  to  Canada  ....  86 

details  more  troops  to  Canada 
under  order  of  Congress  .  .86 

compels  citizens  to  choose  be 
tween  Britain  and  America. 86 

deprecates  detachment  of  troops 
to  Canada 87 

predicts  danger  to  both  the 
armies 87 

warns  soldiers  not  to  right  their 
own  wrongs 87 

learns  of  British  contracts  for 
Hessians 87 

notes  change  in  Canadian  senti 
ment 87 

writes  Schuyler  predicting  a 
bloody  summer 87 

describes  Sullivan's  character 
istics  89 

apology  of  Congress  for  Cana 
dian  disaster 90 

strategic  conditions  at  New 
York 91 

Declaration  of  Independence 
and  its  effect 91 

British  plans  noticed 93 

correspondence  with  Howe  . .  98 

describes  British  commission 
ers,  as  dispensing  pardon  to 
repenting  sinners 99 

spreads  Howe's  proclamation 
broadcast 99 

denounces  gossip-mongers  . .  100 

informs  Gov.  Trumbull  that  to 
trust  Providence  without  effort 
is  to  tempt  Providence  .  . .  102 

issues  stringent  orders  as  to  dis 
cipline  103 

reenforces  garrison  at  Brook 
lyn  104 

details  Sullivan,  vice  Greene, 
sick 104 

a  remarkable  letter  from  Sul 
livan  104 

Putnam  supersedes  Sullivan .  104 

issues  orders  to  Putnam  as  to 
wasteful  firing 105 

skulkers  must  be  shot  down  on 
the  spot 105 

an  "  army  "  not  a  "  mob  "...  105 


Washington,  George,  continued  — 

will  make  battle  costly  to 
enemy 108 

omnipresent  in  tent  or 
trench  108 

plans  to  withdraw  to  New 
York 109 

consummate  ruse  to  prevent 
demoralization  of  troops  . .  110 

withdrawal  consummated.  .  .112 

its  incidents  and  success  ...  112 

comment  of  historian  Botta.  113 

labors  without  sleep  for  forty- 
eight  hours  while  assembling 
the  untrained  army 114 

laconic  notice  of  bad  habits  in 
officers  and  men 114 

describes  the  militia  as  "  dis 
mayed,  intractable,  and  im 
patient  to  return  home  ". .  114 

notices  periodical  home-sick 
ness  115 

its  contagious  virulence  before 
battle „ 115 

again  demands  a  sufficient  regu 
lar  army .115 

denounces  robbing  orchards  and 
gardens 115 

orders  three  daily  roll-calls,  to 
stop  straggling 115 

writes  Congress  as  to  vacating 
the  city 115 

advises  Gov.  Trumbull  to  deal 
with  deserters 116 

generous  response  of  Mass,  and 
Conn 116 

describes  the  situation 117 

initiates  retirement  from  the 
city  119 

denounces  a  panic  at  Kipp's 
Bay 119 

his  personal  exposure  to  rally 
fugitives 1 19 

a  mournful  letter  to  Con 
gress 120 

Edward  Everett  Hale's  account 
of  the  execution  of  Nathan 
Hale  as  a  spy  serving  under 
Washington's  orders 120 

embezzlement  by  regimental 
surgeons 123 

offers  reward  for  Hessian 
troopers  and  their  horses . .  126 

his  skirmishers  successful   .  126 

outgenerals  Howe  and  gains 
White  Plains 127 

is  joined  by  Greene  and  Lee .  127 


428 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


Washington,  George,  continued  — 
letter  of  Lee  to  Gates,  censur 
ing  Washington 127 

operations  at  White  Plains,   128 
battle    of  Chatterton  hill.  .  .129 
British     preparations     for     at 
tack  129 

retires   to   North  Castle 

Heights 129 

advises    Congress     of     Howe's 

plans   129 

advises  with  Greene  as  to  Fort 

Washington 131 

crosses  into  New  Jersey. .  . .  131 

orders  Lee  to  follow 131 

so  advises  Gov.  Trunibull  .  .131 
writes  forcibly  to  Congress  .131 
judicious  order  in  logistics  .131 
boys  or  old  men  enlisted  at  of 
ficers'  risk 131 

warns   Congress  of   certain  in 
vasion    of    New    Jersey    by 

Howe '..132 

abandons  Fort  Lee 133 

enters  upon  his  first  New  Jer 
sey  campaign 133 

a  misnomer  to  call  it  simply  a 

"  masterly  retreat  " 135 

musters  his  army 130 

skirmishes  with  Cornwallis.  136 
controls  the  Delaware  river,  136 
plans  Dec.  5,  to  take  the  offen 
sive 137 

notes  the  capture  of  Lee .  . .  139 
Sullivan  takes  Lee's  division,  139 

other  letters  of  Lee 138-9 

his    powers    enlarged    by    Con 
gress 140 

places  Philadelphia  under  mili 
tary  rule 140 

takes  the  aggressive 143 

battle  of  Trenton,  with  map,  144 
"  will    drive    the    enemy    from 

New  Jersey  " 147 

is    clothed  with   dictatorial  au 
thority  148 

his  response  to  Congress  .  . .  148 
his  motto,  "  Victory    or  death," 

retained 149 

reoccupies  Trenton    152 

awaits  arrival  of  Cornwallis,  152 
fights   battle  of  Princeton  (see 

map)   152 

instructs    officers    having   inde 
pendent  commands 157 

headquarters  established  at  Mor- 
ristown  .  . .  157 


'  Washington,  George,  continued  — 
exercises    with   energy  his   en 
larged  powers 157 

his  capacity  for  reprimand  .157 

sternly  rebukes  Heath 158 

issues  counter-proclamation   to 

one  by  Howe 1 158 

review    of     his      career     by 

Botta 160 

base    of     operations     e  s  t  a  b  - 

lished  (see  map)   161 

appreciates  Howe's  plans.  . .  164 
the    second    New   Jersey    cam 
paign  167 

outgenerals  Cornwallis   ....  169 
learns    of    Burgoyne'.s    inva 
sion 171 

replies  to  his  proclamation  .  172 
tart       correspondence       with 

Gates 174 

prophetic  letter  to  Sclmyler,  175 
detects  Howe's  modified  plan  177 

readies  Philadelphia 183 

triumphant  march  through  the 

city    , 184 

takes   position    on  the  Brandy- 
wine  185 

battle  of  Brandywine 187 

its  lesson 191 

reaches  Philadelphia 192 

resumes  the  offensive 194 

attacks  Germantown 195 

lesson  from  that  battle. 197 

operations      along      the      Dela 
ware  200 

sends  Lafayette  into  New  Jer 
sey  ." 203 

hostile  attitude  of  Gates 204 

experience  at  Valley  Forge,  206 

pleads  with  Congress 206 

clock-work  and  army  discipline 

similar 206 

sharply  rebukes  the  Pennsylva 
nia  Assembly 207 

the  Conway  cabal 207 

French  alliance  proclaimed,  213 
gives  Lafayette  an  independent 

command 215 

a  sharp  letter  to  Lee 217 

follows  Clinton 224 

increases      Lafayette's      c  o  rn  - 

mand 225 

advises  Lafayette  as  to  Lee,  228 
advances  to  his  support  ....  230 
rallies  the  retreating  army  .  .231 
rebukes  Lee  on  the  field  and 
takes  command  . .  . .  232 


INDEX. 


Washington,  George,  continued  — 
^•fights     the    battle    of     Mon- 

mouth 233 

European  comments  noticed,  234 
Clinton  escapes  him  to  New 

York 234 

trial  and  sentence  of  Lee. .  .234 

end  of  Lee's  career 234 

tradition  as  to  profanity  at  Mon- 

mouth  disproved 235-7 

at  White  Plains  again 237 

watches  D'Estaing 240 

''George    Washington,    Esqr.," 

and  Howe 241 

writes  Sullivan  at  Newport,  242 
warns  him  against  Clinton . .  244 
suggests  a  timely  retreat. . .  .  244 
officially  recognizes  the  hand  of 

Providence 246 

removes  to  Fishkill 247 

assigns  army  divisions.  .  .247-8 
opinion  of  Bancroft  cited.. 250 

visits  Philadelphia 250 

writes    Speaker  Harrison  as  to 

corruption  of  the  times  .250-1 

social  excesses  of  congressmen 

deplored   251 

opposes  another    expedition    to 

Canada 252 

sacrifices  his  private  fortune,  252 

at  New  Windsor 254 

watches       hostile       demonstra 
tions  256 

»  plans       attack       upon       Stony 

Point 257 

•  its  success  as  planned 258 

capture  of  Paulus  Hook. . .  .259 
sends    Sullivan   to    punish    In 
dians  259 

honored  by  the  Six  Nations,  260-1 

strengthens  West  Point 261 

his  sublime  faith 264 

his  trials  at  Morristown. . .  .265 
postpones  attack  upon  New 

York 265 

reorganization  of  the  army  im 
peratively  necessary 269 

praises     New    Jersey     prompt 
ness  272 

again  appeals  to  Congress,  272-3 
watches   Clinton  closely ....  274 
visited   by   Lafayette,    just    re 
turned  from  France 276 

gives   him  a  letter  to  President 

of  Congress 276 

sends  Southern    troops    south 
ward  . ,  . .  277 


Washington,  George,  continued  — 
the  mutiny  of  troops  gives  him 

"  infinite  concern  " 277 

outgenerals  Knyphausen  . .  .280 
describes  British  movements,  280 

new  trials  at  hand 281 

outgenerals  Clinton 282 

-  Battle  of  Springfield 28(5 

adroit   appeal   to    governors    at 

the  North 286 

again  threatens  New  York.  .286 
appreciated  by  Rochambeau,  287 
assigns  Arnold  to  West 

Point 288 

-Arnold's  treason  and  the  execu 
tion  of  Andre 290 

vindicates  Mrs.  Arnold   . . .  .291 

takes  post  at  Brakeness 291 

assigns      Greene     to      West 

Point 291 

his  outlook  over  the  field  .  .294 
his  sympathy  with  the  rank  and 

file 295 

writes    about   American    specu 
lators  in  food 296 

appeals    to    Sullivan,    then    in 

Congress 297 

compares  rolling  small  and  large 

snowballs 297 

confers  with  Rochambeau.  .297 
writes  Franklin  of  approaching 

victory    298 

reenforces  Southern  army.  .299 
temporary     expedients     de 
nounced  299 

designates  winter  quarters  . .  300 
addresses      Southern      gov 
ernors  301 

places  Greene  in  Gates' place, 301 
sends  his  best  officers  south,  303 
his  powers  again  enlarged  .  .304 

as  judged  abroad 305 

"  stay-at-homes"  derided. .  .305 
his  "  superhuman  regard  for 

man,  as  man  " 305 

his    relations    to    foreign    offi 
cers 305 

treatment  of  Pennsylvania  mu 
tiny 307 

is  judged  by  French   generals, 

says  Franklin 308 

individuality  of  the  States,  no 
ticed  308 

keeps  away  from  scene  of  mu 
tiny  309 

elements   of    success    in    sight, 
and  all  plans  matured 313 


430 


WASHINGTON    THE    SOLDIER. 


Washington,  George,  continued  — 

his  specific   instructions  to 
Greene 3ia 

his  use  of  "  pick  and  spade,"  313 

writes      Greene     as     to     Cow- 
pens  31G 

is  advised   of    Greene's   move 
ments  320 

plans  for  capture  of  Arnold,  323 

the  war  approaches  its  crisis,  324 

writes  Lafayette  as  to  French 
support ' 326 

modifies  Lafayette's  orders,  326 

"  never  judges  the  past  by  after 
events" 326 

urges  Schuyh-r  to  be  Secretary 
of  War   328 

startling     extracts      from      his 
diary   328 

"  chimney-corner    patriots  "  de 
nounced  328 

"  venality,  corruption  and  abuse 
of  trust  universal  " 329 

indorses    Lafayette's    strat 
egy  330 

approves   his   action  respecting 
Arnold 332 

confers  again  with  Kochambeau  \ 
at  Wethersfield 333   \ 

advances  toward  New  York,  334: 

joined  by  French  army  . . .  .335   ! 

sends    out    decoy    letters    and  j 
plans   335   ! 

builds  brick  ovens  in  New  Jer-  j 
sey 336  ! 

reconnoitres       Clinton's       out-  ! 
posts 336-7  ; 

challenges  Clinton  to  battle,  337 

hears   good   news  from  Lafay 
ette  339 

second     report      from     Lafay 
ette    341 

Lafayette    ready    for    his     ar 
rival  343 

good    news     from     Count     de 
Grasse 344 

urges    Northern    governors    to 
action 345 

swift    messengers    sent   every 
where   345 

his  finesse  outwits  Clinton.. 346 

visits  West  Point  with  Rocham- 
beau .347 

abandons  fixed  headquarters, 347 

allied  armies    in  motion  not 
missed  by  Clinton 347 

grand  tidings  from  France.  .348 


Washington,  George,  continued  — 
enters  Philadelphia,  not  yet 

missed  by  Clinton 348 

despatches   from   Lafayette  re 
ceived 349 

starts  for  Chesapeake  Bay,  349 
meets      courier     from     Lafay 
ette  350 

another  courier  arrives  ....  350 
welcomed  with  Rochambeau  at 

Baltimore 351 

visits  Mt.  Vernon   with  French 

officers  as  guests 351 

arrives     at     Lafayette's     head 
quarters  351 

his  strategy  noticed 352-3 

studies  the  position  with  care, 354 

visits  Count  de  Grasse 356 

fires  the  first  gun  before   York- 
town  357 

siege  pushed  with  vigor  . . .  .357 
terms  of  surrender  settled  „  .359 
surrender  consummated. ..  .360 
issues  proclamation  for  Public 

Thanksgiving 360 

a  grand   parade    of    the    entire 

army 360 

assigns  Lafayette  to  a  Southern 

expedition 361 

the  expedition  abandoned. .  .361 
parts    with  Lafayette   who   re 
turns  to  France 361 

retains  Rochambeau  in  America 

until  1782 361 

his  magnanimous    treatment  of 

the  Queen's  Rangers 362 

still   honored    in    Nova    Scotia 

and  New  Brunswick. .  .362-3 

triumphant      entry     into      New 

York 363 

formally  closes  the  war  ....  364 
another    Thanksgiving     procla 
mation  364 

predicts     a     grand    future    for 

America 365 

his  trust  in  Divine  Providence 

emphasized 366 

tested  by  military  art 367 

grounds  of  his  faith  in   Ameri 
can  destiny 371 

lessons  from  his  career  . . .  .373 
founds  West  Point  Military 

Academy 373 

donates  sites  for  National  Uni 
versity  374 

his  closing  appeal  to  the  Ameri 
can  conscience ..  ..374 


INDEX. 


431 


WASHINGTON,  LAWRENCE  — brother 
of  the  Soldier;  b.  17 18, d.  1752. 

educated  in  England *1 

in  the  British  army 1 

his  example  and  influence. .  1,  4 

WASHINGTON,    MARTHA  —  wife   of 

the  Soldier;  b.  1732,  d.  1802; 

her   marriage  (see  also  Cus- 

tis)  8 

WASHINGTON,    MARY  —  mother  of 
the  Soldier;  6..  1706,  d.  1789. 

her  will-power 4 

her  moral  training 5 

their   permanent   effect   in   her 

son's  character 5 

WASHINGTON,  WILLIAM — colonel; 
b.  1752,  d.  1810. 

at  Battle  of  Trenton 142 

captures    two     guns    at     Tren 
ton 145 

wounded  in  the  attempt  ....  145 

at  Cowpens 314 

Washington's  "  Invincibles  " . . ,  105 

WAYNE,       ANTHONY  —  maj.-gen. ; 

b.  Paoli,  Pennsylvania,   1745, 

d.  1796. 

attacks   Hessian   rear-guard    in 

N.J 169 

at  Battle  of  Brandywine,  186,189 

surprised  at  Paoli 193 

at  Battle  of  Germantown . . .  195 
with    Lafayette   at    Mon- 

mouth 226 

powerless     at     time     of     mu 
tiny  307 

joins  Lafayette  in  Virginia,  341 
makes    a    brilliant    charge     at 

Williamsburg 341 

WEBSTER,  DANIEL  —  statesman 

and  orator;  b.  1782,  d.  1852. 

his    opinion   of  General  Schuy- 

ler 37 

his  sublime  ideal,  "  Union,"  in 

prospect 266 

WELLINGTON,  ARTHUR  WELLESLEY 
—  Br.  gen.,  sub.  field  marshal ; 
ft.  1769,  d.  1852;  cited  for 
comparison  (Preface)  ...viii 
WESLEY,  JOHN  —  eminent  divine ; 
b.  1703,  d.  1791 ;  had  visited 
America  .  ..21 


WHIPPLE,  ABRAHAM  —  Am.  naval 
officer;  b.  1731,  d.  1819,  cited 

as  to  Charleston 274 

WILKINSON,     JAMES  —  maj.-gen.; 

b.  1757,  d.  1825. 
with  Lee  at  his  capture ....  138 

at  Battle  of  Trenton 142 

his-  interview    with     Washing 
ton 142 

WILLETT,  MARINCS  —  col. ;  b.  1744, 
d.  1826 ;  operates  against  the 
Onondagas'near  Syracuse. 252 
WILLIAMS,  JAMES  —  Am.  col. ;  at 
King's  Mountain,  and  de 
scendants  honored 293 

Wilmington,  N.C.,  visited  by  Sir 
Peter  Parker,  Cornwallis  and 
Clinton,  May  3,  1776.... 97 
WINTHROP,  ROBERT  CHARLES  — 
scholar,  historian,  statesman; 
ft.  1809,  d.  1894;  gratefully 
remembered  by  the  author 

(Preface) xi-v 

Note.  —  Mr.  Winthrop  de 
livered  the  oration  at  lay 
ing  the  corner-stone  of 
the  national  Washington 
monument,  at  Washing 
ton,  D.C.,  and  also  at  its 
dedication. 

Woman's  heroism  in   the   Revolu 
tion  285 

WOOSTER,     DANIEL —  maj.-gen.; 

6.    1711,  d.   1777. 
his    military   antecedents ....  23 
his  subsequent  career  outlined,  38 
in  movement  against  Fort  Inde 
pendence  ._. 157 

at   home   with   the  Connecticut 

militia 165 

resigns  his   commission. ..  .165 

is    mortally   wounded 166 

WRIGHT,  Sir  JAMES  —  royal   gov 
ernor   of  Georgia;    b.    1714, 

d.  1785,  noticed 29,  30 

Wyoming      Valley      invaded      by 

Indians   249 

summarily  avenged  . .  .252,  260 

Yale  College  students  resist  Tryon's 
invasion  of  New  Haven.. 256 


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